Academic literature on the topic 'Impero napoleonico'

Il saggio illustra, la storia dell’Orto di Brera e della sua funzione come strumento didattico per la cattedra di botanica del Ginnasio, dal 1802 Liceo, di Brera nel periodo compreso tra la fine della dominazione asburgica e l’intero periodo napoleonico. Esso si fonda su una documentazione per la massima parte inedita conservata nelle seguenti istituzioni: Biblioteca Braidense di Milano, Archivio di Stato di Milano, Biblioteca del Museo di Storia Naturale di Milano, Archivio di Stato di Pavia, Accademia delle Scienze di Torino; Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Biblioteca dell’Orto botanico dell’Università di Padova, Bibliothèque Centrale du Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle di Parigi.<br />La prima parte del lavoro è dedicata al periodo che va dall’entrata in attività dell’Orto (1777) alla conduzione di Ciro Pollini (1805-1807) e si incentra in particolare sul legame tra la scelta delle piante dell’Orto, per lo più officinali, e l’insegnamento ai medici e ai farmacisti.<br />Si passa quindi alla ricostruzione del lavoro svolto dal custode Filippo Armano che diede all’Orto una nuova fisionomia, introducendo piante ornamentali, esotiche e rare, e che redasse il primo Catalogo (1812) di cui si presenta una lista degli aggiornamenti nomenclaturali.<br />Viene infine illustrata la figura del direttore Paolo Sangiorgio che resse l’Orto per tutto il periodo napoleonico, opponendosi alla concezione di Armano e applicandosi con forte impegno alla didattica.

ABSTRACT Throughout Brazil’s Independence process, its central elites and the Crown planned what was to become of their new nation. Arguments over political systems and the continuation of slavery were at the heart of the debate, which drew in rich, poor, and the enslaved alike. As the empires of the Old World were rent at the seams by wars and conflicts, Brazil was rethinking its role in the world. In this article, inspired by the dialogue between micro-history and global history, and by the trans-imperial trajectory of the Bavarian doctor Georg von Schaeffer, I examine the political ideas that informed the consolidation of the Brazilian Empire as a de facto empire. I also situate the ideas and proposals put forth by Schaeffer, a representative of the Brazilian government in Europe, within the crisis of legitimacy sparked by the Napoleonic invasions, the subsequent independence of Portuguese America, and the array of political projects that were able to emerge as a result. Through an analysis of the diplomatic documentation produced by the Brazilian Empire’s main posts in Europe, I reveal a complex web from which the Brazilian government drew information, and the channels that carried news of alliances, clashes, and political repertoires that would go into the making of a tropical empire.

El papel de filosofía y humanidades en forjar un “ideal de humanidad” se refiere no sólo a las difíciles relaciones que éstas tradicionalmente han tenido con los poderes mundanos, sino, sobre todo, a su papel protagónico como guías de un ideal de humanidad y valores espirituales en tiempos de crisis. Kant defendió el papel de los ideales racionales de la “facultad de filosofía” a fines del s. XVIII, ante la teología, el derecho y la medicina. La reflexión de Fichte cuando la nación alemana luchaba por su existencia luego de su derrota por los ejércitos napoleónicos a inicios del s. XIX, da un impulso decisivo a los valores del idealismo alemán. Un siglo después, ante la misma nación alemana, nuevamente derrotada en la primera guerra mundial y sin hallar respuestas a su aflicción en las ciencias exactas ni en su cultura determinada por la técnica, Husserl ve en “el ideal de Humanidad de Fichte” la respuesta a aquello que puede darle su ultima satisfacción: la producción teleológica de un mundo humano, en el que pueda realizarse un orden mundial moral, único fin, fundamento y valor absoluto de la humanidad. Hoy nos hallamos en otro momento de peligro: no sólo el del positivismo naturalista desplazando desde el s. XIX a la formación humanística. El mayor de los peligros es ahora la alianza de ese naturalismo con el mundo globalizado del presente, bajo el imperio de la estan-darización burocrática y corporativa al servicio de la producción desenfrenada de dinero.The role of philosophy and the human sciences in forging an “ideal of humanity” concerns not only the tensions that they traditionally have had with worldly powers. It mostly deals with their primal role as guides of an ideal of humanity and spiritual values in times of crisis. Kant defended the central role of the “Faculty of Philosophy”’s rational ideals by the end of the 18th century, as opposed to Theology, Jurisprudence and Medicine. Fichte’s reflection when the German nation was fighting for its survival after its defeat by the Napoleonic armies at the beginning of the 19th century, gives a decisive impulse to the values brandished by German Idealism. A century later, facing the same German nation newly defeated at World War I, and without any answers to its affliction either in exact sciences nor in its culture determined by technology, Husserl finds in “Fichte’s Ideal of Humanity“ the answer to that which can give it its lasting satisfaction: the teleological production of a human world, in which a world moral order may arise, as humanity’s sole goal, foundation, and absolute value. Today we find ourselves in another moment of danger: not only that of a naturalistic positivism displacing a humanistic education. The greatest of all dangers is currently the alliance of this naturalism with the Golden calf installed in the globalized world of today, under the empire of the bureaucratic and corporative standardization at the service of the frenzied production of money.

Abstract: The Congress of Vienna is often discussed primarily in terms of the concerns and ambition of European nations regarding issues in Europe per se. Comparatively, primarily because of their preoccupation with the containment of Napoleonic France, the agenda of these nations with respect to the wider world has been the focus of far less and, more importantly, inadequate scholarly attention. The Caribbean remains, for example, one those areas discussed in very limited terms and treated mainly to historiographical silence. This paper attempts to part with that tradition, in an effort to place the Congress into greater historical perspective. Britain”™s emergence as the most powerful and influential European nation following the Congress makes the country a prime target to such investigation. Against the background of an understanding of Britain”™s imperial agenda in the wider international context, this paper explores the country”™s long-standing interest in the southern Caribbean and the implications for the evolution of the Congress and the development of the British colonial empire in the West Indies.Keywords: Congress of Vienna. Napoleonic Wars. Coalition Wars, Southern Caribbean. Circum- Caribbean. Britain”™s imperial agenda. DESTINO MANIFIESTO O PROGRAMA DE CONTINUIDAD: contextualizar la polá­tica imperial británica en el Caribe sur de antes y después de Viena Resumen: El Congreso de Viena se discute principalmente cuanto a las preocupaciones y la ambición de las naciones europeas con respecto a los problemas en Europa. Comparativamente, debido a su preocupación con la contención de Francia napoleónica, la agenda de estas naciones con respecto al resto del mundo ha sido el foco insuficiente de atención académica . El Caribe sigue siendo, por ejemplo, discutido limitadamente y tratado principalmente al silencio historiográfico. Este trabajo intenta desprenderse de esa tradición, en un esfuerzo para poner el Congreso en una mayor perspectiva histórica. El surgimiento de Gran-Bretanha como la nación europea más poderosa e influyente de Europa tras el Congreso haber sido el paá­s objetivo de esta investigación. En un contexto de comprensión de la agenda imperial de Gra-Bretanha en el contexto internacional más amplio, este documento aborda interés del paá­s en sur del Caribe y las implicaciones para el desarrollo del Congreso y del Imperio Colonial Británico en las Indias Occidentales.Palabras clave: Congreso de Viena. Coalición de Guerras. Guerras Napoleónicas. Caribe Sur. Circum ”“ Caribe. Agenda imperial de Británico. DESTINO MANIFESTO OU PROGRAMA DE CONTINUIDADE: contextualizando a polá­tica imperial britá¢nica no sul do Caribe antes e depois de VienaResumo: O Congresso de Viena é muitas vezes discutido principalmente em termos de preocupações e ambições das nações europeias em relação a problemas na Europa. Comparativamente, principalmente por causa da preocupação do Congresso com a contenção da França Napoleônica, a agenda dessas nações em relação ao resto do mundo tem sido o foco de menos e, mais importante ainda, insuficiente atenção acadêmica. O Caribe, por exemplo, continua a ser discutido em termos muito limitados, e tratado especialmente com silêncio historiográfico. Este artigo tenta romper com essa tradição, em um esforço para colocar o Congresso em maior perspectiva histórica. O surgimento da Grã-Bretanha como a nação mais poderosa e influente da Europa após o Congresso torna o paá­s alvo dessa investigação. No contexto de um entendimento da agenda imperial da Grã-Bretanha no contexto internacional mais amplo, este documento explora interesse de longa data do paá­s no sul do Caribe e as implicações para a evolução do Congresso e o desenvolvimento do Império colonial britá¢nico nas ándias Ocidentais.Palavras-chave: Congresso de Viena. Guerras napoleônicas. Guerras de coalizão. Sul do Caribe. Circum-Caribe. Agenda imperial de Grã-Bretanha.

Durante la dominazione francese della penisola italiana, l'esercito e l'amministrazione napoleonica portarono grandi cambiamenti in molti settori, tra cui la lingua. Il contatto diretto tra francesi e italiani nella società civile e negli uffici amministrativi e giudiziari e le politiche di francesizzazione della società cambiarono la cultura italiana in generale e la lingua e la letteratura in particolare.

L’esercito italiano e la conquista della Catalogna (1808-1811) Uno studio di Military Effectiveness nell’Europa napoleonica Settori scientifico-disciplinari SPS/03 – M-STO/02 La ricerca ha lo scopo di ricostruire e valutare l’effettività militare dell’esercito italiano al servizio di Napoleone I. In primo luogo attraverso un’analisi statistica e strategica della costruzione, e del successivo impiego, dell’istituzione militare del Regno d’Italia durante gli anni della sua esistenza (1805-14); successivamente, è stato scelto un caso di studi particolarmente significativo, come la campagna di Catalogna (1808-11, nel contesto della guerra di Indipendenza spagnola), per poter valutare il contributo operazionale e tattico dei corpi inviati dal governo di Milano e la loro integrazione con l’apparato militare complessivo del Primo Impero. La tesi ha voluto rispondere alla mancanza di studi sul comportamento in guerra dell’esercito italiano e, allo stesso tempo, introdurre nella storiografia militare italiana la metodologia di studi, d’origine anglosassone e ormai di tradizione trentennale, di Military Effectiveness. La ricerca si è primariamente basata, oltre che sulla copiosa memorialistica a stampa italiana e francese, sulla documentazione d’archivio della Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Parigi), del Ministère de la Guerre francese (Service historique de la Défence, di Vincennes, Parigi) e del Ministero della Guerra del Regno d’Italia (Archivio di Stato di Milano). Dal punto di vista dei risultati è stato possibile verificare come l’esercito italiano abbia rappresentato, per Bonaparte, uno strumento duttile e di facile impiego, pur in un contesto di sostanziale marginalità numerica complessiva di fronte alle altre (e cospicue) forze messe in campo da parte dell’Impero e dei suoi altri Stati satellite e alleati. Per quanto riguarda la campagna di conquista della Catalogna è stato invece possibile appurare il fondamentale contributo dato dal contingente italiano, sotto i punti di vista operazionale e tattico, per la buona riuscita dell’invasione; questo primariamente grazie alle elevate caratteristiche generali mostrate dallo stesso, ma anche per peculiarità disciplinari e organizzative che resero i corpi italiani adatti a operazioni particolarmente aggressive.
The Italian Army and the Conquest of Catalonia (1808-1811) A Study of Military Effectiveness in Napoleonic Europe Academic Fields and Disciplines SPS/03 – M-STO/02 The research has the purpose of reconstruct and evaluate the military effectiveness of the Italian Army existed under the reign of Napoleon I. Firstly through a statistic and strategic analysis of the development, and the following deployment, of the military institution of the Kingdom of Italy in the years of its existence (1805-14). Afterwards, a particularly significant case study was chosen, as the campaign of Catalonia (1808-11, in the context of the Peninsular War), in order to assess the operational and tactical contribution of the regiments sent by the Government of Milan and their integration in the overall military apparatus of the First Empire. The thesis wanted to respond to the lack of studies on the Italian army’s behavior in war and, at the same time, to introduce the methodology of the Military Effectiveness Studies (of British and American origin and, by now, enriched by a thirty-year old tradition) in the Italian historiography. The research is primarily based, besides the numerous memoirs of the Italian and French veterans, on the archive documentation of the Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Paris), of the French Ministère de la Guerre (Service historique de la Défence, of Vincennes, Paris) and of the Italian Ministero della Guerra (Archivio di Stato di Milano). About the results, it has been verified how the Italian army has become a flexible and suitable instrument for Bonaparte, albeit in a context of substantial overall numerical marginality in comparison to the heterogeneous forces available to the Empire and its others satellites and allied states. Regarding the campaign of Catalonia, instead, it was possible to ascertain the fundamental contribution of the Italian regiments, in an operational and tactical perspective, for the success of the invasion. This was primarily due to the excellent general characteristics shown by the expeditionary force, but also to disciplinary and organizational peculiarities that have made the Italian corps suitable for particularly aggressive operations.

This master thesis deals in general with the effects of liberal revolutions in France, Spain, and Portugal at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century, to explain the changes in political systems in the Iberian Peninsula. For this, the definitions of streams of thought, ideas and concepts according to their historicity are being considered, in order to understand the meaning ascribed to them at the time. For that reason, the first chapter is about the change from absolutism to liberalism. The two concepts and streams of thought are explained and compared and the theoretical part of the thesis is started with this. At the end of this part a small amount of information on constitutional monarchism is given with this special form of monarchy being the following system of government after the absolute monarchism. In this connection, the following chapter deals with the concept definitions at around 1780 – 1815 as to be named the concept of (nation) “state”, the concept of “empire”, and the concepts of “peace” and “war”. In this stage, the historicity of each idea was analyzed, from the origin to the time of this study. In a third part of the thesis a case study is made showing the situation in and the political relations between France, Spain, and Portugal in these times. The first subchapter deals with France and the precursors of the French Revolution, the second one with the absolute monarchy of Spain, and the third describes the circumstances in Portugal. The fourth chapter of the thesis is the most important one as it is describing and analyzing the turning point, meaning the switch, to new governmental forms with the help of liberal revolutions. The reasons why it came to the French Revolution are covered in this part, too, with this event being the starting signal for a number of revolutions all over the continent. The questions of What changed?, How did it affect France?, How did it affect Spain?, and How did it affect Portugal? are answered and similarities and differences are shown at the end. In the conclusion, the remnants of the ‘new’ ideas that can still be found today are discussed and a parallel is drawn that even nowadays revolutions or even wars are taking place to change existing political systems as seen in the Arabic world, for example. To come to an end of the thesis, this is combined with a profound personal opinion on the topic in which the subjective opinion of the author is evaluating the processes in the three discussed countries.
Esta dissertação tem por objeto a contextualização e análise dos efeitos das revoluções liberais na França, Espanha e Portugal, nos finais do século XVIII e inícios do século XIX, visando explicar as mudanças nos sistemas políticos da Península Ibérica. Para isso, consideramos muito importante apoiar o nosso estudo na definição preliminar dos conceitos base e das correntes de pensamento político de acordo com sua historicidade, com o fim de compreender o significado que lhes é atribuído no momento. Por essa razão, o primeiro capítulo é dedicado à distinção entre o regime do absolutismo e do liberalismo. Os dois conceitos e correntes de pensamento são explicados e comparados, sendo iniciada a tese com esta abordagem teórica. No final desta parte, são realçadas as principais caraterísticas da monarquia constitucional enquanto uma forma especial de monarquia que sucedeu ao sistema de governo da monarquia absoluta. Neste alinhamento, o capítulo seguinte debruça-se sobre definições conceituais relevantes, no período de 1780-1815, como o conceito de (nação) "Estado", de "império", e os conceitos de "paz" e de "guerra". Neste capótulo, foi realçada a historicidade de cada um destes conceitos, desde a origem até ao tempo do nosso estudo. No terceiro capítulo da tese é executado o estudo de caso mostrando a evolução das relações políticas entre França, Espanha e Portugal no período histórico definido. O primeiro subcapítulos é dedicado à França e aos antecedentes directos da Revolução Francesa, o segundo reporta-se à caraterização da monarquia absoluta em Espanha, e a terceira descreve as vicissitudes políticas de Portugal. O quarto capítulo da tese é o mais importante, sendo dedicado à descrição e análise do ponto de viragem, ou seja, a mudança e a rutura consumadas, com a emergência de novas formas de governo, por efeito das revoluções liberais. As principais razões pelas quais ocorreu esta mudança das estruturas políticas no período subsequente à Revolução Francesa são abordadas nesta parte, considerando que este evento foi o ponto de partida para uma série de revoluções em todo o continente europeu. Procuramos responder a algumas questões: O que mudou?, Como isso afetou a França? , Como isso afetou a Espanha? e Como isso afetou Portugal? As respostas às questões, bem como as semelhanças e as diferenças são apresentadas no final. Na conclusão, o remanescente das «novas» ideias revolucionárias que podem ainda hoje ser descortinadas são discutidas, considerando que num plano paralelo as revoluções dos nossos dias, ou mesmo guerras, ocorrem igualmente com o intuito de mudar os sistemas políticos existentes, como se tem observado mais recentemente no mundo árabe, por exemplo. No fecho deste estudo é apresentada uma opinião pessoal sustentada sobre o tema, na qual a opinião subjetiva do autor perspetiva uma avaliação dos processos políticos nos três países abordados.

Moscow and St. Petersburg have repeatedly become the subject of comparative characterization in Russian literature. Leo Tolstoy in his novels also tried to outline and compare the characters of two Russian megacities, traditionally competing with each other. In “War and Peace”, Moscow is depicted in detail and with love, while St. Petersburg is shown schematically and aloof. The comparison of two capitals is extremely contrasting here — “de salon” Petersburg and “people’s” Moscow are presented as antipodes and remain so during the Napoleonic invasion. The article clarifies ideological and psychological roots of this mythologeme. It is shown that it is based on both objective historical reasons (the vigorous development of St. Petersburg in the 19th century and the lag of Moscow, which then had the appearance of a “provincial” city), and Tolstoy’s deeply personal sympathies and antipathies, to which he strove to impart a universal character.

This chapter discusses the children’s books written by political philosopher and literary figure William Godwin, which he produced for his London-based publishing-cum-bookselling enterprise “Juvenile Library” (1805–1825). According to Godwin, he used to “consult” his own five children in the process of producing these books—a claim whose import has been overlooked in the growing body of critical studies of these books. The “Juvenile Library” books earned State surveillance and public attention in a historical era marked by State repression of free speech during the Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815). Criticism has, justifiably, appreciated these books as a development of Godwin’s radical political thought and liberal pedagogies in the 1790s. However, by analyzing Godwin’s children’s biography Life of Lady Jane Grey (1806), this chapter asserts that the provocative nature of these books derives from Godwin’s pioneering initiation of processes of intergenerational dialogue. The chapter shows that Godwin initiates such dialogue by demonstrating to child readers that texts can be read productively in multiple and dissonant ways.

The English poet of empire Rudyard Kipling penned the much quoted lines, ‘East is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet’. Even if, by the early twentieth century, European observers had become overwhelmed by what they saw as fundamental differences between attitudes and styles of life in East and West, this was not true of the nineteenth century. Then, the ideal became the joining of East and West: a physical joining, through the Suez Canal, but also a cultural joining, as western Europeans relished the cultures of the Near East, and as the rulers of Near Eastern lands – the Ottoman sultans and their highly autonomous viceroys in Egypt – looked towards France and Great Britain in search of models they could follow in reviving the languishing economy of their dominions. This was, then, a reciprocal relationship: despite the claims of those who see ‘orientalism’ as the cultural expression of western imperialism, the masters of the eastern Mediterranean actively sought cultural contact with the West, and saw themselves as members of a community of monarchs that embraced Europe and the Mediterranean. Ismail Pasha, viceroy of Egypt between 1863 and 1879, always dressed in European clothes, though he would occasionally top his frock-coat and epaulettes with a fez; he spoke Turkish, not Arabic. Equally, the Ottoman sultans, and more particularly their courtiers (like Ismail, frequently Albanian), often sported western dress. They would, of course, be selective in their use of western ideas. The Egyptian viceroys were happy to send clever subjects to study at the École Polytechnique in Paris, a Napoleonic foundation; at the same time they discouraged excessive mixing in the French salons: they wished to import radical ideas, but about technology, not government. What had almost entirely disappeared by the early nineteenth century was the idea of the Ottoman realms as the seat of conquering warriors of the faith. Having lost their military and naval superiority in the East, the Ottomans were no longer the subject of fear but of fascination. Traditional ways of life caught the attention of western artists such as Delacroix, but other westerners, notably Ferdinand de Lesseps, the builder of the Suez Canal, were keen to promote modernization.