Journal articles: 'Imperialism – Germany – History'

1

Peters, Edward. "More Trouble With Henry: The Historiography of Medieval Germany in the Angloliterate World, 1888–1995." Central European History 28, no. 1 (March 1995): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011249.

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HorstFuhrmann's recent survey of medieval hostility toward Germans and their political structures, chiefly the Empire, has a subtitle (Origins of German Imperialism), that might very well be applied to the fate of the historiography of medieval Germany in the English-speaking world from its considerable prominence up to the eve of the First World War to its low point in the aftermath of the second.

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Poiger, Uta G. "Imperialism and Empire in Twentieth-Century Germany." History & Memory 17, no. 1 (2005): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ham.2005.0019.

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Poiger. "Imperialism and Empire in Twentieth-Century Germany." History and Memory 17, no. 1-2 (2005): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/his.2005.17.1-2.117.

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Harris, W. V. "The German Landscape and Julio-Claudian Imperialism." Klio 103, no. 2 (November 9, 2021): 658–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2021-0001.

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Summary New scientific work on the ancient landscapes of Germany and Britain makes it very likely that the Roman decision to abandon attempts to conquer Germany as far as the Elbe, most clearly expressed by Tiberius in 16 AD, was strongly influenced by perceptions of the heavily wooded landscape of that region. There were other reasons too: the concern of emperors to hinder potential rivals; the sheer difficulty of advancing to the Elbe; and the increasing concern of the emperor and his advisers for the fiscal effects of this and other potential conquests. But what is new is that the evidence of arboreal and non-arboreal pollen shows that Germany was a less attractive target than agrarian England.

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Hofmann, Reto. "The fascist new–old order." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 166–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000031.

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AbstractContemporaries and historians alike have explained the imperialism of interwar Japan, Italy, and Germany through the paradigm of a ‘new world order’. This article critically revisits this received assumption by analysing the place of the Axis in the longer history of imperialism from the late nineteenth century to the Second World War. If we cast Axis empires – a blend of fascism and imperialism – in the larger framework constituted by the relationship between the nation and capital, it becomes clear that they were not so much the result of the peculiar national histories of Japan, Italy, and Germany, but products of larger, global forces. Through an examination of recent scholarship, this article offers a new conceptual interpretation of the link between imperialism and fascism. In so doing, it adds to our understanding of the interwar period by breaking down the neat boundaries between liberal and fascist world orders.

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Asmussen, Jan. "‘A mere sandbank of no possible use for the Empire?’ Heligoland under British Rule." Britain and the World 14, no. 1 (March 2021): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2021.0361.

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Heligoland (Helgoland) was one of the smallest possessions of the British Empire. Occupied during the Napoleonic Wars in 1807, it remained under British rule for 83 years. In 1890, the island became part of a deal that lead to German acceptance of British sovereignty over Uganda, Kenya and Zanzibar. In exchange, Germany received Heligoland. This article sheds light on the developments that transformed the island from a bustling base for smugglers and blockade runners/breakers, through a period of economic decay, to a burgeoning/booming bathing resort that hosted central Europe's haute voleé. Finally, the reasons and rationales behind the developments that led to the islands secession to Germany are explored against the backdrop of British imperialism.

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Schmidt, Gustav. "Great Britain and Germany in the Age of Imperialism." War & Society 4, no. 1 (May 1986): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/106980486790303907.

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8

Davis, C. S. "Liberal Imperialism in Germany: Expansionism and Nationalism, 1848-1884." German History 28, no. 4 (August 19, 2010): 587–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq079.

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Euraque, Dario A. "Germany in Central America: Competitive Imperialism, 1821-1929." Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 2 (May 1, 2000): 404–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-80-2-404.

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O'Brien, Thomas F., and Thomas Schoonover. "Germany in Central America: Competitive Imperialism, 1821-1929." American Historical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1999): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650534.

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Fitzpatrick, Matthew P. "Colonialism, Postcolonialism, and Decolonization." Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000092.

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In the past two decades, colonial studies, the postcolonial turn, the new imperial history, as well as world and global history have made serious strides toward revising key elements of German history. Instead of insisting that German modernity was a fundamentally unique, insular affair that incubated authoritarian social tendencies, scholars working in these fields have done much to reinsert Germany into the broader logic of nineteenth-century global history, in which the thalassocratic empires of Europe pursued the project of globalizing their economies, populations, and politics. During this period, settler colonies, including German South West Africa, were established and consolidated by European states at the expense of displaced, helotized, or murdered indigenous populations. Complementing these settler colonies were mercantile entrepôts and plantation colonies, which sprouted up as part of a systematic, global attempt to reorient non-European economies, work patterns, and epistemological frameworks along European lines. Although more modestly than some of its European collaborators and competitors, Germany joined Britain, France, the Netherlands, and the United States in a largely liberal project of global maritime imperialism.

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Pelz, William A. "Poking Holes in the Western Wall: East Germany’s Attempts to Create Counter-Hegemony during the Cold War." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 14, no. 1-2 (January 5, 2015): 170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341339.

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During its brief existence, East Germany attempted to present an alternative global vision that was sharply in contrast to that of West Germany and her capitalist allies. Although only partially successful, these campaigns nonetheless point to a quest for a different globalization based on non-capitalist international solidarity. Among the issues the ddr championed were the following: a) an alternative narrative of German, and world, history, b) anti-fascism as a model for national development, c) support for anti-colonial and liberation movements against imperialism, and in fits and starts d) a policy of gender equality.

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13

Johnson, Jason. "Struggles in "the Stronghold of World Imperialism"." German Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370202.

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This article centers on the League of People’s Friendship of the German Democratic Republic. The League, composed of a main organization in East Berlin and national partner societies scattered around the globe, served as a tool of nontraditional diplomacy for East Germany’s ruling communist party across much of the Cold War. This article sketches out the activities of the League’s partner organizations in the U.S.—the first analysis to do so—arguing first that given the variety of challenges and problems the League and its partner organizations faced, the limited success of these groups in the U.S. is, in the end, rather remarkable. Second, this essay argues that these organizations offer further evidence that East Germany was not exactly a puppet state.

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Rietzler, Katharina. "Counter-imperial orientalism: Friedrich Berber and the politics of international law in Germany and India, 1920s–1960s." Journal of Global History 11, no. 1 (February 8, 2016): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022815000376.

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AbstractThe most trenchant critiques of Western international law are framed around the legacy of its historic complicity in the imperial project of governing non-European peoples. International law organized Europe and its ‘others’ into a hierarchy of civilizational difference that was only ever reconfigured but never overturned. But when analysing the complex relationship between international law and imperialism the differences within Europe – as opposed to a dyadic opposition of Europe versus the ‘rest’ – also matter. Within the historical and political constellations of the early and mid twentieth century, German difference produced a set of arguments that challenged dominant discourses of international law by posturing as anti-imperialist critique. This article focuses on the global career of Friedrich Berber (1898–1984), who, as a legal adviser in Nazi Germany and Nehru’s India, was at the forefront of state-led challenges to liberal international law. Berber fused notions of German civilizational superiority with an appropriation of Indian colonial victimhood, and pursued a shared politics of opposition. He embodied a version of German–Indian entanglement which did not abate after the Second World War, emphasizing the long continuities of empire, power differentials, civilizational hierarchies, and developmental logics under the umbrella of international law.

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15

Eley, Geoff, and Roger Fletcher. "Revisionism and Empire: Socialist Imperialism in Germany, 1897-1914." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852749.

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16

Kettler, Mark T. "What did Paul Rohrbach Actually Learn in Africa? The Influence of Colonial Experience on a Publicist’s Imperial Fantasies in Eastern Europe*." German History 38, no. 2 (March 10, 2020): 240–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa013.

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Abstract Paul Rohrbach was an influential publicist in Wilhelmine Germany. He also routinely used racial justifications to defend brutal policies for managing the indigenous populations of Germany’s African colonies. In recent years, scholars have interpreted Rohrbach’s promotion of colonialism as evidence that colonial ideas increasingly saturated German political and imperial discourse before and during the First World War. His work has thus been cited to support an emerging narrative of pathological continuity, which contends that Wilhelmine German imperialists reflexively drew upon colonial ideologies, experiences and models to inform increasingly repressive and violent plans to rule ethnically diverse space in Eastern Europe. This article argues that Paul Rohrbach has been misinterpreted. His career represents not the ease with which colonial ideas infiltrated German imperial discourse, but rather the severe reluctance of an ardent colonialist to employ colonial methods in European space. Drawing upon his writings on Africa and his discussions of German war aims in Eastern Europe during the First World War, this article demonstrates Rohrbach’s profound unwillingness to structure German imperial expansion in Russia’s Baltic provinces and Congress Poland according to colonial precedents. Differences in the perceived cultural and political sophistication of African, Baltic and Polish societies convinced Rohrbach that repressive and brutal colonial models of rule would be inefficient or counterproductive for achieving German objectives in Eastern Europe. Indeed, Rohrbach’s studies of colonialism actually reinforced his commitment to decentralization and respect for national diversity as essential instruments for governing politically sophisticated European societies. His experiences in Africa, in other words, steeled his confidence in multinational imperialism.

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ENGLUND, STEVEN. "MONSTRE SACRÉ:THE QUESTION OF CULTURAL IMPERIALISM AND THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE." Historical Journal 51, no. 1 (March 2008): 215–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006656.

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ABSTRACTThis review considers, first, current work on the Napoleonic Empire dealing with Switzerland, the three parts of ‘Germany’ (the Rhineland, the ‘Third Germany’, Prussia), Spain, and the so-called ‘national’ question(s) in these countries and regions. It next focuses on recent work on the three parts of ‘Italy’ (the Kingdom of Italy, the départements réunis, and the Kingdom of Naples). But the main body of the review concentrates on the work of Michael Broers: not only his new and remarkable conceptualization of the Empire as containing ‘inner’, ‘outer’, and ‘intermediate’ zones, but also his creative if controversial application of post-modern colonial theory to an analysis of the French in Italy. The review suggests that Broers, for all his brilliance and mastery, has perhaps pressed his arguments and conclusion beyond his evidence base. The latter, while extensive, is too limited to just French perceptions of Italians before 1815, and does not extensively consider Italian reactions to the French presence; nor does it provide significant evidence to buttress Broers's far-reaching conclusions about nineteenth- and twentieth-century Italy.

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Fuhrmann, Malte. "Anatolia as a site of German colonial desire and national re-awakenings." New Perspectives on Turkey 41 (2009): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005392.

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AbstractAnatolia played an important role in German nineteenth-century colonial aspirations that was subsequently blacked out in both the Federal Republic of Germany and the Turkish Republic, due to their political re-orientation. To recreate the important role that Anatolia played in German colonialism, classic approaches to the studies of imperialism, such as tracing government actions through official documentation, are insufficient. This approach must be combined with a close reading of consular archives, travelogues, propaganda leaflets, and personal letters, in order to ascertain correctly the dissemination of motives underlying the Germans' actions in nineteenth-century Anatolia. Based on this approach, one can differentiate between three different roles that Anatolia played in German colonial thoughts and deeds: as an untouched land destined for agricultural settlement; as a source of inspiration for the German Empire to reshape itself in the image of ancient Pergamon; and as a site where German colonialism and Turkish nationalism could cooperate to their mutual benefit.

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19

Kuitenbrouwer, Maarten. "Capitalism and Imperialism: Britain and the Netherlands." Itinerario 18, no. 1 (March 1994): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530002235x.

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In their impressive new study on British imperialism, Cain and Hopkins mention ‘the desultory negotiations sharing out the Dutch and Portuguese empires should they collapse’ between Britain and Germany at the turn of the century. In the corresponding note, however, they substantiate only the well known negotiations on the Portuguese empire and not those mysterious talks on the Dutch empire. It is one of only a few instances where Cain's and Hopkins’ 2,500 well-documented footnotes do not fully explain their 850 pages of thick description and analysis. Their suggestion of an Anglo-German understanding to divide the Dutch East Indies if necessary, however, does strike some raw nerves among Dutch contemporaries. In the official and unofficial minds of Dutch imperialism, there was a strong fear that die Netherlands could lose their large colonial empire to the great powers. In that case the Netherlands would be reduced to the ‘rank of Denmark’, to a ‘farm at the North Sea’. But this imperial fear was connected with the high hopes that the Netherlands could indeed become the ‘first among the nations of the second rank’, a real middle power, because of its vast colonial empire.

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Kettler, Mark T. "“Incurable Megalomania” and “Fantasies of Expansion”: The German Army Reimagines Empire in Occupied Poland, 1915–1918." Central European History 54, no. 4 (December 2021): 621–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921000017.

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AbstractPlans for a Polish “border strip” are frequently cited to argue that the German army entered the First World War committed to pacifying conquered space through Germanization. This article contends that, in 1914, the German officer corps did not understand national homogeneity as essential for imperial security. Many influential officers insisted that Polish identity was compatible with German imperial loyalty. They supported a multinational imperial model, proposing to trade Poland its cultural and political autonomy for the acceptance of German suzerainty in foreign policy and military command. The army's preference for Germanizing space developed during the occupation of Russian Poland, as officers learned to conflate diversity with imperial fragility. Only a series of political crises after 1916 shifted military opinion against multinational imperialism. Increasingly convinced that Poland would betray the German Empire, some officers abandoned multinationalism. Others revised their plans to contain Poland and fortify Germany by annexing and Germanizing Polish space.

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21

Göttsche, Dirk. "Post-imperialism, postcolonialism and beyond: Towards a periodization of cultural discourse about colonial legacies." Journal of European Studies 47, no. 2 (May 26, 2017): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244117700070.

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Taking German history and culture as a starting point, this essay suggests a historical approach to reconceptualizing different forms of literary engagement with colonial discourse, colonial legacies and (post)colonial memory in the context of Comparative Postcolonial Studies. The deliberate blending of a historical, a conceptual and a political understanding of the ‘postcolonial’ in postcolonial scholarship raises problems of periodization and historical terminology when, for example, anti-colonial discourse from the colonial period or colonialist discourse in Weimar Germany are labelled ‘postcolonial’. The colonial revisionism of Germany’s interwar period is more usefully classed as post-imperial, as are particular strands of retrospective engagement with colonial history and legacy in British, French and other European literatures and cultures after 1945. At the same time, some recent developments in Francophone, Anglophone and German literature, e.g. Afropolitan writing, move beyond defining features of postcolonial discourse and raise the question of the post-postcolonial.

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22

Tampke, Jurgen, and Roger Fletcher. "Revisionism and Empire. Socialist Imperialism in Germany 1897-1914." Labour History, no. 52 (1987): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508833.

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23

Mommsen, Wolfgang J. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914." Central European History 24, no. 4 (December 1991): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.

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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.

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Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.

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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.

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Barrow, Clyde W. "The Diversionary Thesis and the Dialectic of Imperialism: Charles A. Beard's Theory of American Foreign Policy Revisited." Studies in American Political Development 11, no. 2 (1997): 248–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001668.

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In 1916, Charles A. Beard was denouncing Germany as “a danger to civilization” and calling for American participation in World War I on the side of the Entente Allies. Like John Dewey and other social-democrats, Beard saw the Great War as an opportunity to advance the interests of the European working class by breaking “the union of the Hohenzollern military caste and the German masses whose radical leaders are Social Democrats”. Even after the Versailles Treaty, Beard continued to embrace the Wilsonian theme that the Great War had been fought to make the world safe for democracy. However, by the mid–1980s, he was staunchly opposed to war with Germany and Japan, had come to embrace the revisionist history of World War I, and even testified before Congress against the Lend-Lease Act. Thus, intellectual historians agree that somewhere between the end of World War I and the 1930s, Beard shifted from internationalism to isolationism and, indeed, a few critics have referred to him as a pacifist in his later years. Within the umbrella of this consensus, debates among biographers, intellectual and diplomatic historians, have come to center largely on identifying the timing and the reasons for Beard's “conversion” to isolationism. Not coincidentally, during the 1960s and 1970s, Beard's writings on foreign policy and diplomatic history enjoyed a resurgence among many on the New Left who were constructing their own revisionist history critical of America's political and military involvement in various Third World countries. Today, Beard's views are still cited in international relations and history textbooks as an example of isolationist theory in American foreign policy.

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Tooze, Adam. "The Sense of a Vacuum." Historical Materialism 22, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 351–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341381.

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In response to the discussants this essay places Wages of Destruction in its historiographical context. In dialogue with Riley’s call for a reading of Nazi Germany in terms of a theory of imperialism, it calls for an account of the ‘variable geometry’ of regime-business relations. In conclusion, however, we must insist on the ‘vacuum’ of causal logic that is a defining characteristic of the history of the Nazi regime.

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Kersffeld, Daniel. "Beyond the borders. Ahmed Hassan Mattar and his activism between Africa and South America." Culture & History Digital Journal 11, no. 2 (November 16, 2022): e025. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2022.025.

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The biography of Ahmed Hassan Mattar expressed the multiple identity lines assumed by those revolutionary cadres of the first decades of the 20th century, who emerged in a colonial and neocolonial world and developed their political activity in different settings and distant spheres of their own culture. The story of A. H. Mattar is, therefore, that of a militant and journalist of Sudanese origin who developed his political work in Africa, especially in Morocco, together with Abd el-Krim, the warlord of the Rif, as well as in European countries such as France and Germany, once incorporated into the Communist International. However, it would be in South America, in countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, where he would stand out not only in anti-imperialist struggles but also as a chronicler and community leader of communities of Arab origin, even producing original empirical and statistical research. In sum, Mattar’s course can be seen as that of an activist who understood the social reality of a certain time and who assumed politics as a commitment to fight against colonialism and imperialism.

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Aldous, Ben, Luke Larner, Adrian Schleifenbaum, and Rajiv Sidhu. "Problems with "pioneering" mission." Ecclesial Futures 3, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/ef12155.

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This paper brings together four voices in an autoethnographic manner to ask questions about power, and missionary imperialism in the birthing of new contextual churches. These narratives come from three nations, each with a history and inheritance of cultural and missiological imperialism. The narratives explore our own wrestling with being men in ecclesial settings, inhabiting spaces of power, while seeking to do so critically. The paper opens up a conversation about the term “pioneer” as default language in many of the historic denominations in the UK, Germany and South Africa. It explores the use of the term and also asks how the language can be problematic. Finally, it offers the term “pilgrim” as an alternative word which we believe will be more sustainable.

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Fitzpatrick, Matt. "Imperialism from Below: Informal Empire and the Private Sector in Nineteenth-Century Germany." Australian Journal of Politics & History 54, no. 3 (September 2008): 358–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2008.00503.x.

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Gutiérrez Márquez, Harim B. "Reseña del libro: Germany in Central America; competitive imperialism, 1821-1829, Schoonover, Thomas." Secuencia, no. 48 (January 1, 2000): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.18234/secuencia.v0i48.718.

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MARCHAND, SUZANNE. "PHILHELLENISM AND THE FUROR ORIENTALIS." Modern Intellectual History 1, no. 3 (October 21, 2004): 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244304000204.

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Focusing on the study of the ancient Orient in fin-de-siècle Germany, this essay argues that “orientalism” had a wider range of cultural consequences than the term usually evokes in studies of Western imperialism and its ideologies. The essay describes the development of a generational movement in German scholarship that was characterized by its vigorous championing of the Orient over and against the dominant tendency to isolate and exalt classical civilizations, and especially ancient Greece, and by its role in destabilizing Western presumptions. It demonstrates that the furor orientalis did contribute to the decentering of the Greeks and the ancient Hebrews, bequeathing to the twentieth century both a much deeper and more diverse picture of the ancient Near East and an obsession with origins that could be mobilized by racist propagandists. The essay offers three case studies of groups which exemplified this furor—the Panbabylonists; the Religious-Historical School; and the iconoclastic mythographer Heinrich Zimmer, who represents a strong strain of Schopenhauerian Indology. It concludes by suggesting the more constructive directions taken by orientalists outside Germany in the 1920s–1940s, and poses the question: how long will the peaceful solutions they promoted last?

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Starkman, Ruth A. "American Imperialism or Local Protectionism? The Sound of Music (1965) fails in Germany and Austria." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 20, no. 1 (March 2000): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014396800100053.

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Manias, Chris. "Liberal Imperialism in Germany: Expansion and Nationalism, 1848-1884, by Matthew P. Fitzpatrick.Liberal Imperialism in Germany: Expansion and Nationalism, 1848-1884, by Matthew P. Fitzpatrick. Monographs in German History, Volume 23. New York, Berghahn Books, 2008. 237 pp. $99.95 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 44, no. 3 (December 2009): 535–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.44.3.535.

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Esherick, Joseph W. "The Origins of the Boxer War: A Multinational Study. By Lanxin Xiang. [London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. xvii +382 pp. $80.00. ISBN 0-7007-1563-0.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003370638.

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This old-fashioned political and diplomatic history of the conflict between the Qing court and foreign powers in 1900 makes a significant, if not always convincing, contribution to our understanding of the Boxer troubles. Arguing that previous studies have been flawed by an excessive focus on “the so-called ‘Boxer Rebellion’ ” (p. vii), this book focuses on how the Qing court came to declare war on the foreign powers in June of 1900. Its close analysis of court politics and actions of the foreign diplomatic corps in Beijing makes excellent use of archival records from Belgium, China, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and the United States plus published documents from Russia and Japan – an impressive research accomplishment that adds an important new dimension to our understanding this critical moment in modern Chinese history.In four chapters tracing the background to the Boxer incident, Xiang argues that the death of Prince Gong in 1898 deprived the Qing court of a critical balancing figure. When southern reformers overplayed their hand in the 1898 reforms, the Empress Dowager responded in a coup that brought an incompetent group of ultra-conservative Manchu princelings to power. At the same time, a new kind of imperialism representing an “unholy alliance” of nationalist elites, commercial interests and Christian missionaries threatened China with the scramble for concessions. Xiang is particularly effective in describing the catch-up imperialism of Germany, spurred by the erratic Catholic bishop Anzer, and the “theatrical performance” of the Italians, whose rebuff by the Qing court emboldened the conservative princes.

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Baranowski, Shelley. "The Future of Central European Studies." Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000146.

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It is obviously difficult to envision the future of Central European studies with any precision. The broader context that surrounds historians, as well as scholars in other disciplines, influences the topics and methodologies they choose. In recent years (i.e., the post-1990, neoliberal era), transnational, global, and imperialism studies have had a significant impact on the historical profession at large. As David Blackbourn observed in a 2013 address to the German Studies Association, ambitious “deep history” projects that cut across multiple cultures and historical periods have recently thrived, prompting him to encourage historians of Germany to push beyond their narrow graduate training and embrace such undertakings. To be sure, historians of Central Europe have adapted to prevailing trends in the discipline (discussed later), but concerns about the chronological, spacial, methodological, and topical limitations of the field have arisen. Even if scholars of Central Europe utilize different methodologies and approaches, they rarely pioneer. Rather, they latch onto the innovations that other fields have spawned instead of breaking new ground.

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TODD, DAVID. "JOHN BOWRING AND THE GLOBAL DISSEMINATION OF FREE TRADE." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 373–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006754.

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ABSTRACTThe international diffusion of ideas has often been described as an abstract process. John Bowring's career offers a different insight into the practical conditions that permitted a concept, free trade, to spread across national borders. An early advocate of trade liberalization in Britain, Bowring promoted free trade policies in France, Italy, Germany, Egypt, Siam, and China between 1830 and 1860. He employed different strategies according to local political conditions, appealing to public opinion in liberal Western Europe, seeking to persuade bureaucrats and absolute rulers in Central Europe and the Middle East, and resorting to gunboats in East Asia. His career also helps to connect the rise of free trade ideas in Europe with the ‘imperialism of free trade’ in other parts of the world. Bowring upheld the same liberal ideals as Richard Cobden and other luminaries of the free trade movement. Yet unlike them, he endorsed imperial ascendancy in order to remove obstacles to global communications and spread civilization outside Europe.

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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.

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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.

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Shubin, Aleksandr. "The Treaty of Brest-Lito vsk: Russia and Ukraine." Lithuanian Historical Studies 13, no. 1 (December 28, 2008): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01301007.

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Communist strategy combined anti-imperialism and the programme of building a planned non-market economy. Until 1918 the conjunction of these two aspects –conquering imperialism and building a new society on its ruins – was undoubted. As long as there were no victories, there could be no socialism. The proposals of a democratic peace put forward by the Bolsheviks in Brest had to ensure a moral victory over imperialism and at the same time to create conditions for the implementation of a constructive programme of socialism. The course of events confronted the Bolsheviks with an appalling dilemma leading to a severe internal crisis. In this article the confrontational motives of factions are discussed from the viewpoints of ‘dogmatism’ and ‘pragmatism’, and utopia and realpolitik. Attention is also drawn to the differences of the political stances time and again emerging in the history of Russia after the rise of St Petersburg. From the northern capital the situation was often seen differently than from Moscow. In Moscow the strategic threats from the Baltic region and from Ukraine were treated as equally dangerous. From the point of view of the northern capital the situation in Germany was more vulnerable and the loss of St Petersburg would mean ‘the end of the play’. Such a viewpoint, differing from Lenin’s position after the transfer of the government to Moscow (when Denikin and Kolchak presented a greater danger than Yudenich), strongly conditioned the strategic ‘blindness’ of the Bolsheviks overlooking the potential menace posed by the Ukrainian Central Rada.

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Jenkins, Jennifer. "Liberal Imperialism in Germany: Expansionism and Nationalism, 1848–1884. By Matthew P. Fitzpatrick. Monographs in German History, volume 23. New York: Berghahn, 2008. Pp. x+238. $99.95." Journal of Modern History 82, no. 3 (September 2010): 742–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/653187.

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Cieslak, Marta. "Between State and Empire, Or How Western European Imperialism in Africa Redefined the Polish Nation." European History Quarterly 52, no. 3 (June 21, 2022): 440–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221103187.

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The Warsaw positivists, one of Poland’s most influential intellectual collectives, emerged in the 1860s with an ambitious plan to strengthen the Polish nation. The self-proclaimed progressives, enamored with trends popular in Europe’s contemporary liberal circles, declared that Poles were a backward nation stuck in the feudal era. Consequently, they proposed comprehensive national reforms inspired by Western Europe, or the region that the Warsaw positivists designated to be the beacon of progress and civilization. However, as Western European empires intensified their colonial efforts in Africa in the final quarter of the nineteenth century, the Warsaw positivists felt compelled to reassess Western Europe through the lens of its ongoing imperial politics. This article examines the Warsaw positivist critique of Western European imperialism in Africa and argues that while the Warsaw positivists denounced Western European imperial methods, they stopped short of condemning imperialism per se. That allowed them to decry Western Europe for exploiting Africa and simultaneously justify Western European plans to subjugate the continent. Most importantly, the positivist critique of Western European actions in Africa opened space to redefine the place of Poles on the axis of progress and civilization. While never employing the category of whiteness explicitly, the Warsaw positivists included Poles in the increasingly racialized categories of civilization, progress, and Europeanness, even if, or perhaps particularly because, as a nation, Poles were politically vulnerable under the control of Russia, Germany and the Habsburg Empire, functioned on Europe’s margins, and in so many ways lagged behind Western Europe.

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Reis, Célia. "Mackenzie, John M., European Empires and the People: Popular responses to imperialism in France, Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany and Italy." Ler História, no. 64 (June 1, 2013): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lerhistoria.234.

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Reis, Célia. "Mackenzie, John M., European Empires and the People: Popular responses to imperialism in France, Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany and Italy." Ler História, no. 67 (December 2, 2014): 190–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lerhistoria.944.

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Green, Abigail. "Matthew P. Fitzpatrick . Liberal Imperialism in Germany: Expansionism and Nationalism, 1848–1884.(Monographs in German History, number 23.)New York : Berghahn Books . 2008 . Pp. 237. $99.95." American Historical Review 115, no. 1 (February 2010): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.115.1.311.

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Thompson, John M. "A “POLYGONAL” RELATIONSHIP: THEODORE ROOSEVELT, THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 1 (January 2016): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000626.

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As Eric Hobsbawm recounts in his classic work, The Age of Empire: 1875–1914, the final decades of the nineteenth century and the initial decades of the twentieth century were years of enormous change and activity across the globe. It was the apogee of imperialism for the West; mass, or at least more broadly based, democracy emerged in many countries; total wealth increased dramatically; technological changes greatly reduced travel times and facilitated rapid, even instantaneous, communication between states and continents, which, in turn, allowed the spread of mass culture in a way the world had never seen before. At the center of these events were the great powers of Europe—in particular Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary—and the United States. Indeed, the interaction between Europe's great powers and the United States drove much of the political, economic, cultural, and technological ferment that culminated in the First World War. No American played a more important role in this process than Theodore Roosevelt, and this special issue is devoted to exploring key facets of TR's, and by extension his country's, relationship with Europe.

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Coetzee, Marilyn Shevin. "Reviews : Roger Fletcher, Revisionism and Empire: Socialist Imperialism in Germany 1897-1914, London, George Allen & Unwin, 1984. viii + 223pp. £18.00." European History Quarterly 16, no. 4 (October 1986): 516–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148601600415.

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Hedinger, Daniel. "The imperial nexus: the Second World War and the Axis in global perspective." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 184–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000043.

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AbstractTo date, the alliance between Tokyo, Berlin, and Rome has been interpreted primarily as an alliance between nation-states and has therefore been studied using bi-national approaches. However, this article argues that the strength and globality of the Axis becomes comprehensible if we understand it first and foremost as an alliance between empires. By discussing the interwar years from the viewpoint of trans-imperial cooperation and competition, we discover an imperial nexus. The history, characteristics, diversity, and consequences of this imperial nexus are shown in three parts. The first describes how the nexus helped to bring the distantly located partners together. This occurred against the backdrop of what they called proletarian imperialism, which turned out to be a kind of post-colonial imperialism. The second part analyses how the imperial nexus led others, such as Great Britain, to believe in the existence and strength of a global Axis. In this context, the anti-colonial tendencies put forth mostly by the Japanese turned out to be dangerous. The last part shows how and why the imperial Axis remained intact during the war. Considered from the standpoint of an imperial nexus, the familiar reading of the alliance as well as of the world war shifts. First, Japan and Italy play more important roles than often assumed, while the primacy of Germany is relativized. Second, the chronologies change in relation to the genesis of the Axis and thus the origins of the Second World War. These origins are more strongly associated with non-European world regions and ‘colonial peripheries’, particularly with China and Ethiopia. Third, the issue of ideological similarities and thus of fascism once again becomes a key focus. Fourth and finally, the Axis appears far more diverse and also stronger than previously understood.

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Johansson, Perry. "Resistance and Repetition: The Holocaust in the Art, Propaganda, and Political Discourse of Vietnam War Protests." Cultural History 10, no. 1 (April 2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0233.

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The Western European protest movement against the American War in Vietnam stands out as something unique in contemporary history. Here finally, after all the senseless horrors of the twentieth century, reason speaks, demanding an end to Western atrocities against the poor South. But in the rosy fog of humanistic idealism and youthful revolution lies the unanswered question, why did this and not any other conflicts, before or after, render such an intense, widespread reaction? Taking Sweden as a case in point, this article employs the concepts of resistance, trauma, memory, and repetition to explore why the Vietnam movement came into being just as the buried history of the Holocaust resurfaced in a series of well-publicized trials of Nazi war criminals. It suggests that the protests of the radical young Leftists against American “imperialism” and “genocide” were informed by repressed memories of the Holocaust. The Swedish anti-war protests had unique and far-reaching consequences. The ruling Social Democratic Party, in order not to lose these younger Left wing voters to Communism, also engaged actively against the Vietnam War. And, somewhat baffling for a political party often criticized for close ties to Nazi Germany during WWII, its messaging used the same rhetoric as the Far Left, echoing Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda.

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Stenfeldt, Johan. "The Fascist Who Fought for World Peace: Conversions and Core Concepts in the Ideology of the Swedish Nazi Leader Sven Olov Lindholm." Fascism 8, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00801002.

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This article deals with the political conversion and ideological thought of the Swedish National Socialist Sven Olov Lindholm (1903–1998). Lindholm began his career as a fascist in the twenties, and became a member of Sweden’s main National Socialist party led by Birger Furugård, in the early thirties. Ideological divisions and a failed attempt to oust Furugård saw Lindholm found his own party in January 1933, the nsap (later renamed the sss). Previous research has often described this party as a left-wing Nazi alternative, but its ideological basis has never been thoroughly dissected. The present article uses a variety of archival collections, speeches, pamphlets, and newspaper articles to suggest a cluster of six interdependent core concepts in Sven Olov Lindholm’s ideological thought: anti-Semitism, anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, anti-materialism, the idealization of the worker, and the definition of Nazi Germany as a worker’s state. Lindholm underwent a second political awakening in the sixties, redefining himself as a communist, and thus the article also examines the ideological remains thereafter. It is found that anti-materialism, linked to a broad antipathy to modernity, was central throughout his career.

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Pence, Katherine. "Showcasing Cold War Germany in Cairo: 1954 and 1957 Industrial Exhibitions and the Competition for Arab Partners." Journal of Contemporary History 47, no. 1 (January 2012): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009411422361.

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East Germany staged two successful industrial exhibitions in Cairo in 1954 and 1957 in an effort to gain Egypt as a trading and eventually diplomatic partner. These displays of East German products and political culture challenged West Germany, which similarly courted Egypt and presented a rival exhibition in Cairo in 1957. They showcased industrial goods from the socialist ‘economic miracle,’ but also revealed German lack of understanding of the Egyptian market and its culture. These exhibitions also showed how Cold War competition between the two Germanys was intertwined with decolonization in Africa and the Arab world, especially when the 1954 show coincided with Gamal Abdel Nasser’s rise to power. East Germany could circumvent West Germany’s Hallstein Doctrine’s goal of diplomatically isolating the socialist state by fostering anti-imperialist solidarity with Arab nations.

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Bulmer-Thomas, Victor. "Germany in Central America: Competitive Imperialism, 1821-1929. By Thomas Schoonover. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998. Pp. 317. Illustrations. Notes. Appendices. Bibliography. Index. $39.95.)." Americas 55, no. 3 (January 1999): 521–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007669.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Imperialism – Germany – History'

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