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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Imperial discourse'
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Vout, Caroline. "Objects of desire : eroticised political discourse in Imperial Rome." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272020.
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Kellam, Amy. "Foreign devils : law's imperial discourse and the status of Tibet." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/20297/.
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In 1951 Tibet was incorporated into the People's Republic of China by the Seventeen Point Agreement. Today the legal status of Tibet remains a matter of contention between the PRC and the Tibetan-Government-in-Exile. Both rely upon on legally ambiguous British engineered treaties to make their case. The inconsistent representation of Tibet's status in treaties is not, however, a reflection of the ambiguity of Tibet's status itself; it is a reflection of the ambiguity of such treaties in the context of the positivist-colonial encounter. Drawing primarily upon British Government archives, this thesis examines the issue: to what extent, in what ways, and with what effects has the British imperial legacy in the region converged with Chinese formulations of law and governance in Tibet to prejudice understanding of Tibet's legal status. This addresses a significant gap in international legal literature, which seldom discusses Tibet outside of considerations of minority rights within the PRC. This thesis argues that an assessment of imperialism and its relationship with nineteenth century international law is essential to explaining the events of 1951, but it is only through a reassessment of the postcolonial that the absence of discussion of Tibet's status in international legal discourse can be explained. The history of Tibet's legal status highlights contradictions embedded within modernity and exposes the mythological foundations of the modern secular state's narrative of progress. This thesis concludes that the much emphasised clash between Western and East Asian values in the field of international law in truth operates along a much narrower divide than might be presumed. This is best assessed as a reflection of the contradictions inherent to the postcolonial within international law; involving both a pushing away of the imperialistic past and a reaffirmation of its continuity in order that modern commitments to the rule of law retain value.
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Rose, Christine. "Bodies that splatter : bodily fluids in nineteenth-century imperial discourse /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2004. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Shawyer, Sarah Rose Violet. "The imperial patriarchal discourse : British Jewish culture, identity and the Palestine Mandate." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2017. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/415883/.
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This thesis explores the interplay between British Jewish culture and identity in relation to contemporary perceptions and collective memories of the Palestine Mandate. It begins with a historical examination of the British Jewish press, Mass Observers, and communal and personal correspondence regarding British Jews and the Palestine Mandate from 1944 to 1948. The thesis then devotes a chapter each to discussion of three modern British Jewish texts that provide insight into communal and personal responses to both the end of the Palestine Mandate and the subsequent establishment of the state of Israel: Linda Grant’s When I Lived in Modern Times; Peter Kosminsky’s The Promise; and Howard Jacobson’s The Finkler Question. Throughout all four chapters, issues of age, gender, and the use of specific terminology along with features of recent British Jewish history, such as Zionism, the Holocaust and the Second World War, will be fully explored. The unique socio-political orientation of Grant, Kosminsky and Jacobson as British Jews will be examined, with the differences and similarities noted accordingly. The subsequent findings of this analysis argue that each of the three texts discussed employ an overarching framework, the imperial patriarchal discourse, in which retrospective perceptions of the Palestine Mandate exist. Furthermore, the origins of this narrative can be evidenced in the historical study of press, communal and individual responses to the Palestine Mandate and British Jews between 1944 and 1948, suggesting the modification of an already existing pattern of understandings among British Jews. This framework is adaptable in nature and inclusive in scope. The use of the imperial patriarchal discourse thus demonstrates that British Jews formed their response to the Palestine Mandate, Zionism and Israel from within the specific socio-cultural milieu in which they operated – and continue to do so.
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Kahn, Aaron M. "Siege, conquest, and the ambivalence of imperial discourse : Cervantes's 'La Numancia' within the 'lost generation' of Spanish drama." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424729.
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Stupperich, Gesa [Verfasser], and Joachim [Akademischer Betreuer] Kurtz. "“Ordering the Age”: Terms of Political Discourse in the Imperial Statecraft Compendia (1827–1903) / Gesa Stupperich ; Betreuer: Joachim Kurtz." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1187041211/34.
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Fontenot, M. Christian-Gahn. "Empire, Imagined Nature, and the Great White Horizon| Polar Discourse, Transition, and the Sublime in Mid-Victorian and Modern Imperial British Culture." Thesis, University of Louisiana at Lafayette, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1592997.
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This project seeks to understand the relationship between discursive practices and the conceptions of nature, heroism, and masculinity found in Victorian and modern Imperial British culture. It does this by tracing two interwoven stories that materialized in the North and South Poles. The first being concerned with how polar landscape was perceived and created as Sublime by the discursive practices of explorers, authors, artists, and the press. The second being concerned with how polar discourse was used and influenced by British imperial rhetoric. In such a context, there was an opportunity for the British Empire to create a space that reclaimed and “proved” the unchanging presence of mid-Victorian Britishness. Even in its decline, the Empire was able to push forth the idea that modernism, war, and flux would not hold sway over the British spirit itself. Relying on expedition narratives, literary publications, paintings, and press coverage, this work highlights the importance (and fluidity) of intellectual concepts and their influence over the way that space was imagined by the British. Ultimately, the project seeks to lend insight into the significant connection between polar discourse and World War I discourse, showing how the mythological way of imagining the poles became a catalyst for imagining indescribable spaces of horror during the most destructive war in European history.
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Woods, David. "The Giving Up of Greer: The Hypocrisy at the Heart of the Janus-Faced Empire : Writing Back Against the British Imperial Discourse." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-35862.
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The aim of this essay is to examine the tension at the heart of the British colonial discourse as it affects the relationship of Travis and Joyce in the chapter "Somewhere in England", in Caryl Phillips's 1993 novel, Crossing the River. The thesis of the essay is that the colonial discourse of the British insists on a racial signifier in the imagined community of the British, and thus resists the idea that a person can be both black and British. The postcolonial analysis shows that it is Joyce's rejection of the national discourse along with the displacement of Travis from a segregated America into a superficially kinder environment that allows their relationship to develop. Yet, along with Travis's death, the contradictions and hypocrisy of the colonial discourse serve to undermine Joyce's lack of racial prejudice and contribute to her giving up her baby at the end of the war.
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Lay, Timothy Ramer. "Imperially-Minded Britons| A Study of the Public Discourse on Britain's Imperial Presence in the Cape-to- Cairo Corridor, Military Reform, and the Issue of National and Provincial Identity, 1870-1900." Thesis, Marquette University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3604583.
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The Victorian era was marked by the incremental expansion of the British Empire. Such developments were not only of enormous importance for government officials and the contributors of that expansion, but for the broader general public as well, as evidenced by the coverage and discussion of such developments in the Cape to Cairo corridor in the national and provincial presses between 1870 and 1900. Transcending the discussions surrounding the politics of interventionism, the public's interest in imperial activities--such as the annexation of the Transvaal, the First Anglo-Boer War, the Zulu War, Gordon's mission into the Sudan, the Jameson raid and the Second Anglo-Boer War--also led to debates about the status of military institutions and the necessity for military reform. Lastly, although these debates reflected on public understandings of British national identity, they also demonstrated specific provincial sympathies, suggesting that national identity was constituted differently in England and Scotland.
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Berlaire, Gues Estelle. "Figures impériales au féminin : pouvoir, identités et stratégies discursives (Ier s av - IIIe après J.C)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2018-2021), 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021LILUH041.
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L'objet de notre thèse est l'étude de la représentation des femmes impériales du Haut-Empire romain dans les récits grecs et romains allant du premier siècle avant J.-C. jusqu'au début du Ve siècle. Alors que l'historiographie romaine a consacré fort peu d'attention aux faits et gestes des Romaines pendant les premiers siècles de la République, l'éclatement des guerres civiles permet à quelques aristocrates romaines de jouer un rôle dans la sphère publique. Rôle très défavorablement perçu par certains membres de l'élite masculine. Alors qu'Auguste exalte, à l'issue de cette période troublée, le modèle de la matrone chaste et soumise, les femmes de sa famille font leur entrée sur la scène du pouvoir. Dès lors, un certain nombre d'auteurs élaborent un portrait de ces figures, de leur vivant et après leur mort, et ceci jusqu'à la période de l'Antiquité tardive. Les femmes étant exclues des charges politiques, comment ces auteurs perçoivent-ils l'influence ou le pouvoir que certaines d'entre elles ont exercé ? Il apparaît que si les femmes impériales ne constituent pas un objet d'étude en soi, leurs figures se sont avérées fort utiles pour caractériser un ou plusieurs princes. En effet, les femmes de pouvoir, et principalement les impératrices mères, sont perçues comme des éléments perturbateurs dont les actes menacent la personne du Prince et l'intégrité de l'Empire. Les auteurs anciens s'appuient notamment sur les identités et la/les mémoire/s féminine/s, telles qu'elles ont été mises en scène par le pouvoir impérial et certaines de ces femmes, pour illustrer la menace qu'un certain nombre d'entre elles ont fait peser sur le Prince. D'autre part, l'élaboration de ces portraits vise à illustrer l'incompatibilité entre femmes et pouvoir, alors même qu'un certain nombre de ces figures ont administré les affaires de l'Empire au nom de leur/s filsThe purpose of our thesis is to consider the representation of Early Roman Empire imperial women in Greek and Roman narratives dating from the first century B.C. until the 5th century A.D. Roman historiography payed scant attention to women during the first centuries of Roman Republic, but the start of civil wars allowed several aristocrats to intervene in public sphere. Partly disapproved by some members of the senatorial elite. While Augustus exalts, at the end of this difficult period, the model of the chaste and submissive matron, the women of his family are destined to play a part in public sphere. Consequently, a number of authors draw a portrait of these figures, in their lifetime and after their death, until Late Antiquity. Since women are excluded from political responsabilities, how these authors consider the influence or power that some of them exercize ? It appears that, if imperial women don't constitute an object of study, their figures, and, most of all, theirs of the empresses mothers, were very useful to characterize one or several Princeps/principes. Quite often, these women are considered as disruptive elements for the integrity of the Empire and as threats for the person of the Princeps. Discursive strategies that every author uses are based in particular on feminine identities and memory/ies developed by imperial power, in order to prove that some of these women constituted and still constitute a threat for the Princeps and for the integrity of the Empire. On the other hand, these portraits aim at illustrate the incompatibility between women and power, while some of these figures administered the affairs of the Empire in the name of their son/s
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Bickerton, Ashley Jennifer. "‘Good Soldiers’, ‘Bad Apples’ and the ‘Boys’ Club’: Media Representations of Military Sex Scandals and Militarized Masculinities." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32435.
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This thesis examines news representations of Canadian, American and Australian military personnel involved in military 'sex scandals'. I explore what the representations of military personnel involved in well-publicized sex scandals reveal about scripts of soldiering and militarized masculinities. Despite a history of systemic violence in the military, I ask how and why the systemic nature of militarized masculinities are able to remain invisible, driving representations to focus on the ‘bad’ behaviour of individuals? By engaging with feminist scholarship in International Relations, I present the longstanding culture of misogyny, racism, homophobia and ableism in the Canadian, American and Australian militaries, focusing on the ways in which militarized masculinities are guided by these violent structures, and fundamental to the military's creation of soldiers. My dissertation uses the tools of critical discourse analysis to unpack the ways blame is individualised in cases of sexual and racist violence involving military personnel, while the military’s ableism, rape culture and imperial militarized masculinities are commonly naturalized or celebrated without regard for how they are fundamentally violent. My thesis presents an intersectional feminist project that intervenes in emerging questions in the field of transnational disability studies, tracing how militarism, hegemonic militarized masculinities and imperial soldiering (re)produce categories of ability and disability.
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MENESES, GOMES Alessandro Filipe de. "Das Docas de Comércio ao Cais Contínuio: as tentativas frustradas de melhoramento do porto do Recife no Oitocentos." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/17550.
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Das docas de comércio ao cais contínuo.pdf: 8610260 bytes, checksum: 39ab9f931b0efc4d604258a1ad84efa6 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T14:01:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Das docas de comércio ao cais contínuo.pdf: 8610260 bytes, checksum: 39ab9f931b0efc4d604258a1ad84efa6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-23
CAPEs
Governo imperial brasileiro autorizou companhias privadas para a construção de docas nos portos, mediante a concessão de taxas sobre a carga, descarga, guarda e conservação de mercadorias durante 90 anos, com a autorização do decreto nº 1.746 de 13 de outubro de 1869. A “Lei de Docas” foi modelada a partir do sistema portuário inglês em que todas as atividades portuárias concentravam-se em áreas circunscritas de cais. O sistema de docas era autossustentável do ponto de vista econômico. As companhias realizariam com seus próprios recursos obras de engenharia hidráulica, e receberiam em troca as tarifas portuárias. A lei não exigia do Estado qualquer tipo de contrapartida financeira na forma de garantia de juros, subvenções ou empréstimos públicos. Ela se contrapunha, sobretudo, ao sistema de juros empregado nas inversões ferroviárias. Retirando os seus dividendos apenas do movimento portuário, as companhias combateriam mais eficientemente as práticas de contrabando, roubo e perdas excessivas de carga. Além disso, as docas promoveriam o “espírito de associação” entre nós e aumentariam as receitas fiscais devido ao desenvolvimento da navegação comercial. A despeito de suas supostas vantagens, o decreto revelou-se um verdadeiro fracasso. Nenhum porto do Império conseguiu ser melhorado nos seus termos. Dividida em cinco capítulos, a presente tese analisa as tentativas malogradas de melhoramento do porto do Recife pela Lei de Docas. Argumenta-se que o Governo imperial não conseguiu tomar uma decisão política diante da variedade de opções técnicas.
The Brazilian Imperial government authorized private companies for the construction of docks in the ports through concession fees on loading, unloading, and safekeeping of goods for storage during a 90-years period with the authorization of Decree No. 1,746 of October 13, 1869. The "Law of the Docks” was modeled after the English port system in that all of the port activities were concentrated in the surrounding areas of the wharfs. The dock system was self-sustainable from the economic point of view. Companies would engage in hydraulic engineering projects with their own resources, and earn the port fee amounts in return. The law did not require the State any financial contribution in the form of guaranteed interest, subsidies or public borrowings. It was opposed primarily to the interest system employed in railway investments. Taking their dividends only from port traffic, the companies would combat against smuggling practices, theft, and excessive loss of cargo more efficiently. In addition, the docks would promote a "spirit of partnership" among Brazilians and increase tax revenues due to the development of commercial shipping. Despite their supposed advantages, the decree proved to be a failure. Not even one port of the Empire could be improved in these terms. Divided into five chapters, this thesis examines the unsuccessful attempts of the port of Recife to make improvements according to the Law of the Docks. It is argued that the Imperial Government failed to make a political decision in light of the various technical options.
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Donahue, Connor Patrick. "Mare Imperium: the Evolution of Freedom of the Seas Discourse in U.S. Foreign Policy." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/100305.
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This dissertation conducts a genealogy of freedom of the seas discourse in United States foreign policy in order to problematize the contemporary representation lying at the heart of American political-military strategy in the Western Pacific. This project aims to accomplish two goals. First, this project aims to show that freedom of the seas is not an enduring historical principle consistently championed by the United States, as is often claimed in contemporary governmental publications. Rather, it shows that the current understanding is a recent phenomenon that emerged after the Second World War. By highlighting the contingency of the contemporary understanding of freedom of the seas, this work seeks to show that such discourse is not a necessary foundation on which to place American political-military strategy. The second objective of this genealogical analysis is to show that the contemporary freedom of the seas discourse in U.S. foreign policy is not an altruistic principle championed on behalf of the global community, but rather facilitates American control over the global ocean space. By showing that freedom of the seas is a mechanism of sea control, this work aims to show that in an era of maritime great power competition, strategies predicated upon the discourse are more dangerous than would otherwise appear. Together, this genealogical analysis, and the two goals that are made possible by it, will make a substantive contribution to the critical strategic studies literature, in conjunction with the wider critical security studies literature, by showing that American political-military strategy in the South China Sea can and should be reconceptualized.Doctor of Philosophy
Currently, the United States is locked in a fierce competition with China in the South China Sea. The United States believes that Chinese actions in the region, such as claiming large swaths of maritime territory, constructing militarized artificial islands, and deploying weaponry designed to endanger American forces operating in the region, violates the principle of freedom of the seas. The United States asserts that it has consistently championed the principle freedom of the seas because it is the essential foundation of international peace and prosperity. Due to this, the U.S. claims that it will continue to defend the principle of freedom of the seas against Chinese depredations. However, this dissertation argues that the United States' political-military strategy in the Western Pacific is misrepresenting the concept of freedom of the seas and therefore failing to see the dangers at stake in the regional confrontation. To show this, this work writes a history of how the concept of freedom of the seas has been used in U.S. foreign policy over the course of American history. Such a history shows that the concept of freedom of the seas has not been consistently championed by the United States and is not an altruistic principle defended on behalf of international peace and prosperity. Instead, this project shows that the concept of freedom of the seas is used by the United States to facilitate control over the world's oceans on behalf of U.S. interests. It is problematic to portray the pursuit of American national interests as a universal altruistic good because it does not leave room open for compromise. In a time where China is rapidly developing their military forces to control sea themselves, basing American political-military strategy on the concept of freedom of the seas is increasingly dangerous.
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Alvino, Maria Consiglia. "Le "Discours sur la royauté" de Synésios de Cyrène et l’idéologie impériale byzantine aux Ve et VIe siècles." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017STRAC033/document.
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Le but principal de la thèse est l’analyse de l’apport du De regno de Synésios de Cyrène à la transmission de l’idéologie politique antique aux Ve et VIe siècles de l’époque byzantine. Il s’agit, avant tout, de définir l’idéologie politique de Synésios, dans le cadre de sa paideia alexandrine néoplatonicienne et chrétienne ; puis, de déterminer l’apport de son ouvrage à la formation de l’idéologie impériale et de la rhétorique politique du Ve siècle et de l’âge de Justinien. Afin de déterminer le rôle du De regno de Synésios dans la transmission de topoi politiques, on veut analyser les rapports entre cet ouvrage et les oeuvres les plus représentatives de la littérature politique des Ve-VIe siècles : le Panégyrique pour l’empereur Anastase de Procope de Gaza, la Scheda Regia d’Agapetus le Diacre, l’anonyme dialogue philosophique Sur la Science politique et le traité Des magistratures de l’Etat romain de Jean le LydienThe aim of the thesis is the analysis of the influence of Synesius’ De regno on the development of political theory during the Vth and VIth centuries. Firstly, the definition of Synesius’ political ideology in the context of his neoplatonic and christian Alexandrian paideia is taken into account. In order to understand the role played by Synesius’ De regno in the transmission of ancient political topoi, an investigation on some representative proto-byzantine works on political science (Procopius Gazaeus’ Panegyricus to the Emperor Anastasius, Agapetus’ Advice to the Emperor, the anonymus Dialogue on Political Science and John the Lydian’s On powers, or, The magistracies of the Roman state) is proposed. The conclusions try to focus on the impact of Synesius’ De regno in the evolution of proto-byzantine political theories and rhetorics during the Vth century up to Justinian’s times thanks to the individuation of quotations, allusions and literary patterns of continuity in the works previously analysed
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Hostein, Antony. "Ciuitas et Imperium : vie municipale et pouvoir impérial à travers les discours concernant la cité d'Autun (fin IIIe-début IVe siècle)." Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010630.
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L'étude propose une relecture de quatre discours conservés dans le recueil des Panégyriques Latins, prononcés par des orateurs originaires d'Autun entre 297 et 311 (Panégyrique IV (6), V (9), VII (8) et VIII (5)). Un réexamen de cette documentation permet d'établir que deux d'entre eux ne sont pas des éloges d'empereurs mais des discours d'ambassade. Cette remarque inédite oblige à reprendre ce dossier dans trois domaines (l'histoire de la rhétorique, des institutions municipales et des représentations), dans le cadre d'un questionnement général sur les rapports entre cités et pouvoir impérial. Sont abordées en particulier la question des origines du genre du discours d'ambassade, celle du fonctionnement au quotidien des institutions civiques et enfin celle de l'identité d'une communauté et des rapports qu'elle entretenait avec son passé. La recherche s'achève par une analyse du processus de romanisation et par une réflexion sur le destin de la cité d'Autun sur le long terme
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Goupil, Mario. "L'empire : une réalité au service de Rome? : étude des champs sémantiques des mots imperium et prouincia dans le discours In Verrem de Cicéron." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/29119.
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Kudachinova, Chechesh. "Mapping the Altai in the Russian Geographical Imagination, 1650s-1900s." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/20572.
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Diese Dissertation befasst sich mit räumlichen Wahrnehmungen und Diskursen, mit denen man den Raum und seine Bestandteile behandelte. Die Eroberung Sibiriens im 17. Jahrhundert bewirkte einen tiefgreifenden Wandel in den russischen Vorstellungen über die weit entfernte Peripherie sowie deren Ressourcen. Die neuen Denkweisen kristallisierten sich in einer diskursiven Formation heraus, die Macht über Raum und Rohstoffe Sibiriens symbolisierte und organisierte. Dieser „Berg-Diskurs“ trug moderne Züge, denn er bedurfte sich neuer Formen der Kontrolle über die Raumsproduktion. Diese Einstellung wurde allmählich zu einer erstaunlich überlebensfähigen räumlichen Ideologie und zum festen Bestandteil des russischen Bodenschätzediskurses der Zukunft. Die Rolle der Wissensproduzenten wechselte zwischen den zentralen und regionalen Institutionen und Netzwerken. Der „Altai“, der den kaiserlichen Bergbau-Bezirk und die Gebirgslandschaft umfasste, wurde auf Grund seines Rohstoffreichtums von Repräsentanten des russischen Staates als Region erfunden. Die Dissertation stellt die imaginären und realen Geographien des Altai in drei unterschiedlichen Dimensionen dar. Dabei geht es um den Wandel der Repräsentationen von geographischen Räumen und der Berglandschaften in Russland insgesamt (Makroebene), die Mehrschichtigkeit des russischen Diskurses über Bergregionen und Gebirgslandschaften (Mesoebene) und den Altai als facettenreiches Konzept einer komplexen imperialen geographischen Imagination (Mikroebene). Die Beschreibung des Altai faßte in sich zahlreiche inkohärente Bilder verschiedener sozialer Gruppen. Der Ort wurde durch mentale Geographien erfolgreich instrumentalisiert, z.B. „die Goldenen Gebirge“ und „die sibirische Schweiz“. Diese Bilder machten die Region sichtbar, sowohl für nationalistisch gesinnte Gruppen als auch die breiteren Bervölkerungsschichten.This dissertation focuses on the production of imperial space with a particular emphasis on the role of power discourses concerning mineral resources. By relying on published materials, it aims to establish a new conceptual framework for the examining of cultural patterns and practices of imagining of space and mineral wealth. For that purpose, it introduces a concept of the ”Berg-Discourse” that expands our understanding of the Russian engagement with geographical space. It begins by exploring Russian exposure to the mountains and mineral resources of Siberia in terms of the spatial knowledge production. It then examines how Russian imperial strategies and aspirations were embedded in the making of the Altai, a vast mining territory in West Siberia that once formed a private domain of the Russian rulers. The dissertation argues that the making of the Altai was in many ways part of the same imperial impulse towards mineral exploitation. It explores the ways in which the Altai was imagined through its enormous mineral endowment; how the imagined place became real; and how this real place became imagined from various vantage points. As the study shows, the region acquired multiple mental representations, enjoying a near mythological presence across imperial culture. Finally, the dissertation concludes by showing how this landscape was incorporated into imperial and national myths in the course of production and consumption of spatial knowledge about the remote location.
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Lherbette-Michel, Isabelle. "L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40064.
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Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratieThere is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy
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Huang, Shu-Pin, and 黃舒品. "Taiwan Under Imperial Eyes: Power, Discourse, Place, and Gender in Japanese Literati’s Travel Writing." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/93148136025888716625.
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Ai, Qing. "Nostalgia imperial : crónicas de viajeros españoles por China (1870-1910)." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/21418.
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Spanish travel writings on China at the end of the 19th century have been largely ignored in the history of literature. Nevertheless, this topic deserves a thorough examination since these texts constitute a particular and important vision of an "Orientalized" country about an Oriental nation during a critical and complicated historical moment. On one hand, Spain was characterized by an irreversible decadence. Thus, in contrast to British and French imperial discourse, which reflects colonial experiences, Spanish travel writings provide a unique perspective from a Western empire that shared a similar fate with the Other: both being traditional and decadent nations. Furthermore, although China was a goal of imperial ambition, it was far less colonized than other regions. As a result, the commanding imperial gaze and fearless exploration were less likely to be cast on China. In addition, despite its general decline, China remained the home of an ancient and highly advanced civilization that still deserved Western respect and offered the West much to learn. Considering these facts, this dissertation consists of a general analysis of Spanish travel literature on China from 1870 to 1910. The primary purposes of the dissertation are to portray the bibliographic genealogy of references on Spanish travelers and their writings on China during this period; to depict their particular vision in which the construct of colonial discourse is transformed into a pretension to recover the lost imperial prestige and an interiorized reflection on Spain's own problems and possible solutions; and to present a fundamental ambivalence or even difficult conciliation between the colonial discourse and its resistance, ideology and utopia, as well as imperialist ambition and national crisis. Spanish travel writings on China consequently become an allegory of imperial nostalgia: a yearning for the imperial power that had vanished, without hope of restoration.text
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"Building the ‘Bridge of Hope’: The Discourse and Practice of Assisted Emigration of the Labouring Poor from East London to Canada, 1857-1913." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10388/ETD-2014-07-1600.
Full textAbstract:
Between 1857 and 1913 approximately 120,000 of the labouring poor from the East End of London were assisted to emigrate to Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and sometimes South Africa in order to transplant surplus urban labour to emerging colonial markets and to provide the poor with a means of personal and financial improvement. These charities described the work they did as building “The Bridge of Hope for East London.” By the end of the nineteenth century, Eastenders had long been plagued by poverty, dependency on the Poor Law, and periods of unemployment. Typecast as morally, socially, economically, and racially degenerate in an emerging slum discourse, Eastenders were rarely considered ideal colonial emigrants. For Canada, these emigrants made poor prospects for the westward-expanding nation intent on recruiting agricultural immigrants. At times over the course of these six decades, the Canadian government grew so concerned about their migrations that it took legal measures to bar their entry. By 1910, Canada effectively banned charitably assisted emigration from East London in an attempt to control its borders and dictate the kinds of immigrants it desired even when they were English. Despite these shortcomings and obstacles, assisted emigrants from East London made new lives for themselves and their families in Canada most often in cities. We know something about their experiences from letters some of them wrote to the emigration charities that sponsored them. As a migrant group, they present a unique type of English settler in Canada. Forever failing, despite their many successes and their integration, to meet the ideal imperial British standard, Eastenders were considered undesirable on both sides of the Atlantic – a blight on British prosperity at home and unsuitable representatives abroad. Eastenders occupied an uneasy “third space” struggling to fit in somewhere between home and empire. This dissertation, employing analytical models and methodologies inspired by the ‘New Imperial History,’ the ‘British World’ model, post-colonial theory, and transnationalism seeks to understand why and under what circumstances Canada restricted charitable emigration from East London by 1910. It examines how British charities, politicians, commentators, and, above all, emigrants developed and experienced an imperial discourse and practice of assisted emigration over the course of six decades under ever-changing economic circumstances at home. Overall, it argues that British emigration charities, under the mounting pressures of poverty at home and spurred on by liberal and imperial reformist attitudes, rarely heeded Canadian warnings about the sending out of poor urban emigrants from East London even though they were English. Instead, these emigrationists developed a system of assisted emigration that largely suited their own objectives of poverty management. East End emigrants experienced this system with varying degrees of success, failure, benefit, and harm. The dissertation explores their experiences in two case studies in addition to three chapters on the evolution of assisted emigration discourses and practices in the East End. In placing assisted emigration of the urban poor from East London at the centre of a discussion of late nineteenth and early twentieth century intra-imperial responses to poverty, the dissertation reveals a complex interplay between social welfare, liberalism, and migration in two disparate but connected parts of the ‘British World,’ home and abroad. In doing so it fosters a deeper understanding of the evolution of colonial immigration policy and complicates the limits of race and class for studies of English emigration.
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Kellner, Ronel. "Historical methodology of Ancient Israel and the archive as historical a priori in the discourses of the Lachish reliefs." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22676.
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The archive as a site of ‘knowledge retrieval’* has long been the exemplary domain of astute historical inquiry. Following the recent ‘historic turn’* to address the politics of knowledge in the broader human and historical sciences, rather than its function as a site of ‘knowledge retrieval’*, I will reflect on the function of the archive as a site of ‘knowledge production’* in the writing of the histories of ancient Israel. Aligned within the conversations among historians and archivists and the new archival turn, the research will endeavour to offer a contribution to the debate on the topic of historical methodology of ancient Israel in the disciplines of Biblical Archaeology and History of ancient Israel. I will argue that an examination into the function of the archive as historical a priori in a study of the discourses on the Lachish reliefs in the disciplines discloses the practical and theoretical tenets that converge to construct knowledge on the Lachish reliefs and hence also knowledge on ancient Israel. The research will contend that a bounded formation of knowledge on the Lachish reliefs has evolved in the disciplines since the nineteenth century that is along the British imperial archival grain.
* Terminology from Stoler, A L 2002. Colonial Archives and the Arts of Governance: On the Content in the Form, in Hamilton C, Harris, V, Taylor, J, Pickover, M, Reid, G & Saleh, R (eds) 2002. Refiguring the Archive. Cape Town: David Philip, 83-102.Biblical and Ancient Studies
MA (Biblical Archaeology)
1 online resource (xii, 194 leaves) ; illustrations (some color), maps
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Bakyta, Ján. "Latinský západ v zrcadle byzantského dějepisectví (6.-8.stol.)." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338472.
Full textAbstract:
The basic aim of the thesis is to investigate whether the Romans of the East (Byzantines) during the 6th to the 8th centuries were interested in the Latin west and the imperial rule over it. In the first part of the work, the various discourses concerning the origins of the Justinianic conquest or reconquest of Africa and Italy articulated in the contemporary sources are identified and evaluated; the only one which cannot be shown or supposed to have been officially articulated is the discourse of a source of Pseudo-Zachariah Scholasticus which makes African and maybe also Italian exulants complaining in the imperial court about the local rulers responsible for the Vandal and Gothic wars. After some other preliminary studies (e.g. concerning the so-called problem of Theodericʼs constitutional position), it is concluded that the emperor Justinian was not interested in an ideologically founded restoration of the empire, but made the western wars because of his contacts with western aristocrats. In the second part of the thesis, the presentation of the Justinianic western wars and western events or realities in the works of the Byzantine historians from Marcellinus Comes and Procopius to Theophylactus Simocatta (the 6th to the early 7th centuries) is investigated and an attempt is made to explore...