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1

Igalens, Jacques. Vers une nouvelle gouvernance des entreprises: L'entreprise face à ses parties prenantes. Paris: Dunod, 2009.

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Igalens, Jacques. Vers une nouvelle gouvernance des entreprises: L'entreprise face à ses parties prenantes. Paris: Dunod, 2009.

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3

Décider avec les parties prenantes: Approches d'une nouvelle théorie de la société civile. Paris: La Découverte, 2006.

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4

Snowberg, Erik. Partisan impacts on the economy: Evidence from prediction markets and close elections. Bonn, Germany: IZA, 2006.

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5

Snowberg, Erik. Partisan impacts on the economy: Evidence from prediction markets and close elections. Cambridge, Mass: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2006.

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6

Wheeler, David. The stakeholder corporation: A blueprint for maximizing stakeholder value. London: Pitman, 1997.

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7

Bonnafous-Boucher, Maria, and Yvon Pesqueux. Décider avec les parties prenantes. La Découverte, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dec.bonna.2006.01.

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8

Gestion des relations avec les parties prenantes. FAO, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4060/ca6383fr.

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9

Alihodzic, Sead, Maurice Mboula Jean-Claude Didier Enguélégué, and Idayat Hassan. Gestion des risques électoraux dans la région du G5 Sahel : Guide sur les facteurs internes. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.58.

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Les pays du G5 Sahel – Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritanie, Niger et Tchad – organiseront des élections en 2020 et 2021. Ces élections se dérouleront dans un contexte où tous sont confrontés à de grands défis humanitaires et sécuritaires, exacerbés par la fragilité de leurs institutions. La propagation de la pandémie de COVID-19 et ses impacts socio-économiques aggravent la situation et soulèvent même des questions sur la possibilité d’organiser des élections dans un environnement si volatil. Ce guide a été développé pour aider les décisionnaires et les praticiens dans ce contexte. Il présente 25 facteurs de risque liés aux processus susceptibles d’amener ou de contribuer à l’irruption de violences dans le cadre des élections. Les facteurs de risques internes sont propres à chaque élection et ne se manifestent pas hors du contexte électoral. Ils sont liés aux parties prenantes, événements, pratiques et équipements électoraux, qui peuvent saper la crédibilité des processus électoraux, voire, dans le pire des cas, susciter, à eux seuls ou combinés à d’autres facteurs, des violences électorales.
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10

Deley, Pascal Le. Manuel a l'Usage des Chefs de Projet Qui Ont des Parties Prenantes Difficiles. Lulu Press, Inc., 2015.

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11

Outil d'évaluation des systèmes de contrôle des aliments: Dimension C - Interactions avec les parties prenantes. FAO, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4060/ca5348fr.

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12

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Outil d'évaluation des Systèmes de Contrôle des Aliments: Dimension C - Interactions Avec les Parties Prenantes. Food & Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, 2020.

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13

Guide de l'OCDE sur le devoir de diligence pour un engagement constructif des parties prenantes dans le secteur extractif. OECD, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264264243-fr.

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Organisation for economic co-operation and development. Guide de l'OCDE Sur le Devoir de Diligence Pour un Engagement Constructif des Parties Prenantes Dans le Secteur Extractif. Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development, 2017.

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15

Henton, Douglas, John G. Melville, and Kimberly Walesh. Grassroots Leaders for a New Economy: How Civic Entrepreneurs Are Building Prosperous Communities. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2007.

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16

Henton, Douglas, John G. Melville, and Kimberly Walesh. Grassroots Leaders for a New Economy: How Civic Entrepreneurs Are Building Prosperous Communities (Jossey Bass Nonprofit & Public Management Series). Jossey-Bass, 1997.

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17

Stakeholder Corporation: The Body Shop Blueprint for Maximizing Stakeholder Value. Financial Times/Prentice Hall, 1997.

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18

Scarrow, Susan E., Paul D. Webb, and Thomas Poguntke, eds. Organizing Political Parties. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.001.0001.

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This book uses the newly collected Political Party Database to investigate how political parties organize in contemporary parliamentary democracies. It develops new approaches and new measures for testing mid-level theories about the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences. Chapters in the first section catalogue cross-party differences in areas such as financial and staffing resources, party relations with societal groups, and roles of party members’ in party decision-making. These chapters find much greater similarities within countries than within party families. Chapters in the second section examine the impact of parties’ organizational differences, including on the selection of female candidates, the incorporation of new ideas in party manifestos, and the unity of parties’ legislative delegations. These and other chapters demonstrate how parties’ organizational efforts can affect important policy and political outcomes.
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19

Lisa, Sachs, Toledano Perrine, Mandelbaum Jacky, and Otto James. Impacts of Fiscal Reforms on Country Attractiveness. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law-iic/9780199983025.016.0008.

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This chapter considers the global trend of fiscal reforms in the natural resource sector, in which governments are seeking to claim a larger portion of the windfall profits of recent years. More specifically, it surveys fiscal reforms in the oil, gas, and mining sector through seven case studies, and analyzes investors' responses to these reforms as well as the change in a country's attractiveness for existing and potential investors as a result of reforms. The chapter also highlights differences in the reform processes in the countries studied and examines their potential implications for the outcomes of the reform processes and the investors' reactions. It considers the implications of the system of regulation (contract-based versus legislated), the consultative process, the role of external parties and expert reports, and the threat of investor-state arbitration. Finally, it explains why fiscal reforms are more likely in the natural resource sector.
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20

Perspectives du programme de formation du BIT "Formalisez Votre Entreprise" (FVE) en Côte d'Ivoire, en Gambie et au Sénégal leçons tirées des formateurs et des entrepreneurs de FVE. ILO, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.54394/ribk6082.

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Formalisez Votre Entreprise (FVE) du BIT est un programme de formation qui vise à promouvoir la formalisation des petites entreprises et des travailleurs et travailleuses qu'elles emploient. Il a été mis en œuvre pour la première fois en 2021 en Côte d'Ivoire, en Gambie et au Sénégal, en collaboration avec les parties prenantes nationales clés, et a été développé plus récemment dans d'autres pays.Pour décrire la manière dont la formation FVE a été mise en œuvre jusqu'à présent, le BIT a mené un processus de collecte de données dans les trois pays pilotes. Cette publication reprend les résultats de cet exercice et résume les réactions des formateurs qui ont participé à la formation des formateurs ainsi que des entrepreneurs qui ont suivi la formation FVE.
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BERGUGNAT, Laurence, and Loic LEROUGE, eds. Revue Education, Santé, Sociétés, Vol. 7, No. 2. Editions des archives contemporaines, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17184/eac.9782813003836.

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Présenter le titre de ce numéro dans une forme interrogative, c'est d'emblée questionner les paradigmes, théories et modèles qui sous-tendent la notion de santé au travail et plus encore de ses liens avec l'éducation et la formation, domaine à interroger aussi. Le projet est né des journées internationales et interdisciplinaires « Towards a Feasible New Economy of Innovative and Healthy Work » organisées à Bordeaux les 28-29 avril 2016 par Loïc Lerouge, Directeur de recherche au CNRS, spécialiste de droit de la santé au travail (CNRS, Bordeaux) et Robert Karasek, professeur émérite en psychosociologie de l'Université du Massachusetts Lowell et de l'Université de Copenhague. Cet événement a marqué un tournant dans la manière d'appréhender la santé au travail en mettant en discussion les développements de l'économie au regard de l'innovation et de la protection de la santé au travail. Le groupe d'experts scientifiques international et pluridisciplinaire qui a été réuni a dégagé neuf sujets et questions qui ont été ensuite confrontés aux acteurs du monde socio-économique (parties-prenantes). Le sujet de l'éducation à la santé au travail y figurait en bonne place et les conclusions finales ont notamment insisté sur la nécessité de développer l'approche éducative de la santé et de la sécurité au travail.
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22

Aspects éthiques des neurotechnologies. Série Rapports du CIB. UNESCO, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54678/bjgc9199.

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Faut-il avoir peur des neurotechnologies ? Une personne sur 8 dans le monde vit avec un trouble mental ou neurologique (IHME, 2019), ce qui représente 1/3 des dépenses de santé dans les pays développés, et un fardeau croissant dans les pays à revenu faible et intermédiaire. Avec le potentiel de fournir de nouveaux traitements et des solutions préventives et thérapeutiques, les neurotechnologies offrent un immense espoir aux patients du monde entier. Cependant, cette technologie soulève des questions éthiques uniques. Contrairement à de nombreuses autres technologies de pointe, les neurotechnologies peuvent accéder, manipuler et émuler la structure du cerveau qui est au cœur des notions d’identité humaine, de liberté de pensée, d’autonomie, de respect de la vie privée et de bien-être. Les possibilités croissantes de modifier le cerveau, et par conséquent l’esprit, de manière invasive et omniprésente, nous obligent à poser des questions sans précédent. Est-il nécessaire de créer de nouveaux droits de l’homme neuro-spécifiques pour protéger notre vie privée et notre intégrité mentale ?Le Comité international de bioéthique de l’UNESCO identifie les bénéfices des neurotechnologies, mais aussi les caractéristiques humaines fondamentales et les droits de l’homme qui pourraient être remis en question par ces développements. Ce rapport propose des recommandations concrètes à un large éventail de parties prenantes, dont l’UNESCO, les États membres, la communauté de chercheurs et chercheuses et le public. UNESCO Catno: 0000385924
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23

Farré, Sébastien, Jean-François Fayet, and Bertrand Taithe. L'Humanitaire s'exhibe (1867-2016). Georg Editeur, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32551/georg.12795.

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Depuis l’Exposition de 1867, les humanitaires ont énoncé et donné à voir leurs idées, leurs idéaux et les outils de leur profession à travers divers événements nationaux et internationaux, utilisant des présentations et une variété de mises en scène. Ils ont mis en place des salons de l’innovation, des expositions itinérantes, des tournées de spectacles et même des festivals de cinéma. Durant toute cette longue période, les humanitaires ont tenté de présenter au monde les besoins de leurs « bénéficiaires » ainsi que l’importance et la signification de leur travail. Au cœur de ces expositions, les humanitaires ont longtemps cherché à définir les frontières de leur travail, à inscrire leurs activités dans un nouvel ordre international et à légitimiter leur présence dans des zones de conflit et de désastre. Toute activité d’exhibition comporte une scénographie et des choix de représentation complexes, explicites ou implicites. En raison de cette dimension, les expositions, salons et diverses mises en scène permettent d’explorer l’histoire de la représentation de l’humanitaire à des moments-clés de son histoire. Ce volume rassemble ainsi un ensemble de regards sur l’acte d’exposer, ainsi que sur l’exposition en tant qu’expérience vécue. Laboratoires de la complexité politique, diplomatique et sociale du projet humanitaire, les expositions et autres formes d’exhibition sont ainsi parties prenantes de l’histoire de l’humanitaire et de sa communication, mais aussi d’autres événements historiques qui doivent être replacés dans leur contexte. Les différentes contributions présentées dans ce collectif apportent une contribution inédite et fondamentale sur ces expositions qui ont contribué à construire l’humanitaire moderne.
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24

Poguntke, Thomas, Susan E. Scarrow, and Paul D. Webb. Political Party Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.227.

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How political parties organize directly affects who is represented and which policies are prioritized. Political parties structure political choice, which is one of the main functions generally ascribed to them. Their roles as gatekeepers for policies and political careers are closely linked to their nature as membership-based organizations, and to the extent to which they empower members to directly or indirectly influence these crucial choices. Parties also play a crucial role as campaign organizations, whose organizational strength influences their electoral success. The literature often summarizes differences in how parties organize and campaign by identifying major party types, which can be regarded as “classic models” of party organization. Yet, actual parties must adapt to changing environments or risk being supplanted by newer parties or by other political actors. For instance, in recent years one popular adaptation has involved parties opening their decision-making processes by introducing party-wide ballots to settle important questions. Changes like these alter how parties act as intermediaries in representation and political participation. Thanks to the increasing availability of comparable data on party organizations in established and new democracies, and in parliamentary and presidential systems, today’s scholars are better equipped to study the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences.
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25

Nigel, Blackaby, Partasides Constantine, Redfern Alan, and Hunter Martin. 4 Establishment and Organisation of an Arbitral Tribunal. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198714248.003.0004.

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This chapter describes the creation of the arbitral tribunal, the step in the arbitration process that follows the decision to start arbitration. Choosing the right arbitral tribunal is critical to the success of the arbitral process. It is a choice that impacts not only on the parties to the particular dispute, but also on the reputation and standing of the process itself. It is, above all, the quality of the arbitral tribunal that makes or breaks the arbitration, and it is one of the unique factors distinguishing arbitration from national judicial proceedings. There are several different methods of appointing an arbitral tribunal, of which the chapter enumerates and discusses the six most usual: by agreement of the parties; by means of the list system; by the co-arbitrators appointing a presiding arbitrator; by a professional institution or a trade association, such as the ICC; and by a national court.
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26

Fisher, Talia. Law and Economics of Alternative Dispute Resolution. Edited by Francesco Parisi. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199684250.013.008.

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Alternative dispute resolution (ADR) refers to a variety of private processes for resolving disputes, independent of trial before a court of law. Economists are interested in ADR for two main reasons. First, from an ex post perspective, the manner in which disputes are resolved or decided in society affects the operation of the legal system and its cost-efficiency. Second, from an ex ante perspective, the manner in which rights are vindicated impacts primary behavior and investments in prospective dispute avoidance. The literature relating to the economic analysis of ADR can be divided into two facets: one facet is dedicated to the interests of litigating parties to make use of ADR mechanisms; the other is directed at the social interest in ADR. This chapter identifies the conditions under which parties will be incentivized to enter into ADR proceedings, and then moves on to examine the social welfare implications of ADR.
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27

David, Freestone. Part II Individual Issues and Cross-Cutting Themes: Climate Change and Global Ocean Governance, 7 The Role of the International Climate Change Regime in Global Ocean Governance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198824152.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the role of the international climate change regime in global ocean governance, with emphasis on the cross-cutting set of global ocean governance issues arising from human-induced climate change. It first provides an overview of the international legal regime governing climate change before discussing the two major anthropogenic impacts on the oceans, namely: warming/acidification and sea level rise. It then considers other governance issues such as greenhouse gas emissions from shipping, geoengineering, and blue carbon, suggesting that addressing these issues are beyond the competence of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The chapter stresses the need for greater, deeper and ultimately better co-ordinated leadership on the most significant global environmental challenge facing the world today.
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Sir Michael, Wood. Part III Observance and Application of Treaties, 15 The Law of Treaties and the UN Security Council: Some Reflections. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199588916.003.0015.

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The UN Security Council impacts on the law of treaties in many different ways — ways that are both foreseen and unforeseen in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. This has led to harsh criticism by writers, less so by states. There is an important distinction to be made between obligations that are binding on the parties to a treaty by virtue of their participation therein, and obligations that are binding on states for some reason outside the treaty, for example because they are made so by mandatory Council action. Article 103 of the UN Charter has assumed increasing importance and should not be interpreted narrowly. The Council has shown self-restraint in its approach to treaties, interfering only to the extent necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security.
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29

Walker, Teri. Today’s Environmental Issues. ABC-CLIO, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216026266.

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An accessible and impartial survey of the positions of the Republican and Democratic parties on the most pressing environmental issues of our time, from climate change and wilderness preservation to air and water pollution. Today's Environmental Issues: Democrats and Republicans presents a unique perspective on party politics—one that impartially identifies similarities and differences regarding an array of topics ranging from fracking, sustainability, and pesticides to logging and noise pollution. Essays provide both historical information and up-to-date coverage of partisan opinions on today's environmental concerns. Written for upper level high school students, undergraduates, and general audiences interested in environmental issues and partisan viewpoints, this book enables readers to better understand the origins, details, differences, and commonalities of partisan opinions surrounding today's environmental concerns. Each environmental issue is unique with its own set of concerns and impacts, particularly when viewed from a party perspective. By examining a breadth of issues from the party viewpoint, readers can understand how the parties could work together or in opposition, depending on the environmental issue—and that the parties may not always be polar opposites on every issue, a characterization that is often portrayed in the media. Each essay includes a sidebar that presents a quick look at the party line, individuals who have shaped opinion or policy, or key court decisions.
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30

Black, Rachel, ed. Alcohol in Popular Culture. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400609077.

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This encyclopedia presents the many sides of America's ongoing relationship with alcohol, examining the political history, pivotal events, popular culture, and advances in technology that have affected its consumption. From the constant advertising messages from beer, wine and liquor manufacturers to parties, weddings, and other social gatherings where alcohol is served to after-work happy hours with coworkers, the influence and presence of alcohol are inescapable in the United States. According to a government source, 50 percent of American adults identified themselves as "regular drinkers" (having at least 12 drinks in the past year). This encyclopedia presents an overview of the entire history of alcohol in America from the first colonies to present day, focusing on the often-marginalized and pop culture aspects of alcohol use and misuse. Entries illuminate topics such as the favorite alcoholic beverages in America; how they are manufactured; the role of alcohol in everyday life, special events, and across history; the impacts of alcohol consumption on society and health; and much more. Connections and influences from outside the United States are also considered for some topics.
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31

Fisher, Gary L. Understanding Why Addicts Are Not All Alike. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216030089.

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A new understanding of substance abuse explores treatment issues based on subtypes of addicts, with a special focus on antisocial personality disorder and functional addiction. Professionals in the treatment of substance abuse have long recognized the dismal success rate in addressing this pervasive problem. A fresh view of addiction may offer long-sought answers. Intervention and treatment strategies can be made more effective, maintains veteran addiction educator and psychologist Gary L. Fisher, through identification of addict subtypes. That is the goal of Understanding Why Addicts Are Not All Alike: Recognizing the Types and How Their Differences Affect Intervention and Treatment. The book provides an in-depth, research-based analysis of three specific subtypes of substance abusers: addicts who fit the disease model, addicts with antisocial personality disorder, and functional addicts those who lead otherwise successful lives. Particular attention is paid to the latter two groups, which have not been adequately studied previously. Characteristics of the three subtypes are illustrated through case studies that clearly demonstrate how subtype impacts prevention, intervention, and treatment. Most important, the book recommends practical intervention and treatment strategies that will enable concerned parties to identify and help each of these distinct groups.
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32

Brunner, Ronald D., and Amanda H. Lynch. Adaptive Governance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228620.013.601.

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Adaptive governance is defined by a focus on decentralized decision-making structures and procedurally rational policy, supported by intensive natural and social science. Decentralized decision-making structures allow a large, complex problem like global climate change to be factored into many smaller problems, each more tractable for policy and scientific purposes. Many smaller problems can be addressed separately and concurrently by smaller communities. Procedurally rational policy in each community is an adaptation to profound uncertainties, inherent in complex systems and cognitive constraints, that limit predictability. Hence planning to meet projected targets and timetables is secondary to continuing appraisal of incremental steps toward long-term goals: What has and hasn’t worked compared to a historical baseline, and why? Each step in such trial-and-error processes depends on politics to balance, if not integrate, the interests of multiple participants to advance their common interest—the point of governance in a free society. Intensive science recognizes that each community is unique because the interests, interactions, and environmental responses of its participants are multiple and coevolve. Hence, inquiry focuses on case studies of particular contexts considered comprehensively and in some detail.Varieties of adaptive governance emerged in response to the limitations of scientific management, the dominant pattern of governance in the 20th century. In scientific management, central authorities sought technically rational policies supported by predictive science to rise above politics and thereby realize policy goals more efficiently from the top down. This approach was manifest in the framing of climate change as an “irreducibly global” problem in the years around 1990. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was established to assess science for the Conference of the Parties (COP) to the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The parties negotiated the Kyoto Protocol that attempted to prescribe legally binding targets and timetables for national reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. But progress under the protocol fell far short of realizing the ultimate objective in Article 1 of the UNFCCC, “stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference in the climate system.” As concentrations continued to increase, the COP recognized the limitations of this approach in Copenhagen in 2009 and authorized nationally determined contributions to greenhouse gas reductions in the Paris Agreement in 2015.Adaptive governance is a promising but underutilized approach to advancing common interests in response to climate impacts. The interests affected by climate, and their relative priorities, differ from one community to the next, but typically they include protecting life and limb, property and prosperity, other human artifacts, and ecosystem services, while minimizing costs. Adaptive governance is promising because some communities have made significant progress in reducing their losses and vulnerability to climate impacts in the course of advancing their common interests. In doing so, they provide field-tested models for similar communities to consider. Policies that have worked anywhere in a network tend to be diffused for possible adaptation elsewhere in that network. Policies that have worked consistently intensify and justify collective action from the bottom up to reallocate supporting resources from the top down. Researchers can help realize the potential of adaptive governance on larger scales by recognizing it as a complementary approach in climate policy—not a substitute for scientific management, the historical baseline.
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33

Buga, Irina. Modification of Treaties by Subsequent Practice. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198787822.001.0001.

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Treaties must undergo transformation and modernization to reflect changing norms and developments in international law. But treaties can be notoriously difficult to amend by formal means. One crucial way in which treaty evolution takes place is through subsequent practice, a well-established tool for treaty interpretation. While its initial aim is to shed light on the parties’ original intention, over time, subsequent practice acquires a force of its own and may come to evidence their contemporary understanding of the treaty. Subsequent practice may even diverge so far from treaty provisions that it can no longer be said to constitute an act of treaty interpretation, but becomes, in effect, one of modification. Furthermore, such practice can give rise to new norms of customary international law, which, in turn, may impact pre-existing treaty provisions. The modification of treaties by subsequent practice extends to all fields of international law, from the law of the sea, environmental law, and investment law, to humanitarian law and human rights. Such modifications can have significant practical consequences, from revising or creating new rights and obligations, to establishing new institutional mechanisms. Determining the point when the ‘switch’ from treaty interpretation to treaty modification occurs, however, is itself an act of interpretation. It poses difficulty to legal scholars and dispute settlement bodies alike, especially in light of the silence of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties on this point, and impacts States’ expectations as to their treaty obligations. This book addresses this insufficiently explored issue of international significance.
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34

Sprunt, Eve. A Guide for Dual-Career Couples. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400659942.

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This book discusses the major challenges facing dual-career couples a substantial proportion of modern society and suggests ways for both individuals to achieve career success by re-evaluating traditional styles of working and focusing on productivity, flexibility, and negotiating win-win solutions. Women are becoming increasingly influential in the workforce; the era of men being the primary or only income-earner in a partnership is all but gone. Today, people tend to meet their spouse or domestic partner at school or at work. High achievers tend to pair with other high achievers, often in similar fields. This leads to couples in which both individuals are strongly motivated to have successful careers. What happens when they become parents or when one or both individuals need to consider relocating for their job? Many mid-career, college-educated people, especially women as well as undergraduate and graduate students, are concerned about developing a plan to mesh their career with a partner and are seeking guidance. This book offers a gender-neutral guide for 21st-century couples that will benefit men as much as women. The author provides career-management guidance for people in dual-career relationships in which both parties are ambitiously attempting to pursue equally important, high-powered careers, presenting examples of alternative solutions and arguing that many "women's issues" including parenting and limited geographic mobility are more appropriately managed in a gender-neutral way as dual-career couple issues. Readers will understand how to make better decisions regarding difficult situations, such as whether to accept an opportunity that adversely impacts their personal lives, choosing to take a leave of absence or to quit, investing a large amount of one person's salary for domestic assistance and childcare, taking paternity leave, and leveraging flexible work arrangements for example, telecommuting.
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35

Schmidt-Thomé, Philipp. Climate Change Adaptation. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228620.013.635.

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Climate change adaptation is the ability of a society or a natural system to adjust to the (changing) conditions that support life in a certain climate region, including weather extremes in that region. The current discussion on climate change adaptation began in the 1990s, with the publication of the Assessment Reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Since the beginning of the 21st century, most countries, and many regions and municipalities have started to develop and implement climate change adaptation strategies and plans. But since the implementation of adaptation measures must be planned and conducted at the local level, a major challenge is to actually implement adaptation to climate change in practice. One challenge is that scientific results are mainly published on international or national levels, and political guidelines are written at transnational (e.g., European Union), national, or regional levels—these scientific results must be downscaled, interpreted, and adapted to local municipal or community levels. Needless to say, the challenges for implementation are also rooted in a large number of uncertainties, from long time spans to matters of scale, as well as in economic, political, and social interests. From a human perspective, climate change impacts occur rather slowly, while local decision makers are engaged with daily business over much shorter time spans.Among the obstacles to implementing adaptation measures to climate change are three major groups of uncertainties: (a) the uncertainties surrounding the development of our future climate, which include the exact climate sensitivity of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, the reliability of emission scenarios and underlying storylines, and inherent uncertainties in climate models; (b) uncertainties about anthropogenically induced climate change impacts (e.g., long-term sea level changes, changing weather patterns, and extreme events); and (c) uncertainties about the future development of socioeconomic and political structures as well as legislative frameworks.Besides slow changes, such as changing sea levels and vegetation zones, extreme events (natural hazards) are a factor of major importance. Many societies and their socioeconomic systems are not properly adapted to their current climate zones (e.g., intensive agriculture in dry zones) or to extreme events (e.g., housing built in flood-prone areas). Adaptation measures can be successful only by gaining common societal agreement on their necessity and overall benefit. Ideally, climate change adaptation measures are combined with disaster risk reduction measures to enhance resilience on short, medium, and long time scales.The role of uncertainties and time horizons is addressed by developing climate change adaptation measures on community level and in close cooperation with local actors and stakeholders, focusing on strengthening resilience by addressing current and emerging vulnerability patterns. Successful adaptation measures are usually achieved by developing “no-regret” measures, in other words—measures that have at least one function of immediate social and/or economic benefit as well as long-term, future benefits. To identify socially acceptable and financially viable adaptation measures successfully, it is useful to employ participatory tools that give all involved parties and decision makers the possibility to engage in the process of identifying adaptation measures that best fit collective needs.
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36

Taking Stock of Global Democratic Trends Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.66.

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This GSoD In Focus provides a brief overview of the global state of democracy at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy globally in 2020. Key findings include: • To address the COVID-19 pandemic, starting in March 2020, more than half the countries in the world (59 per cent) had declared a national state of emergency (SoE), enabling them to take drastic temporary (and in most cases necessary) measures to fight the pandemic. These measures have included in most cases temporarily curbing basic civil liberties, such as freedom of assembly and movement, and in some cases postponing elections. • International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights finds that more than half the countries in the world (61 per cent) had, by the end of November 2020, implemented measures to curb COVID-19 that were concerning from a democracy and human rights perspective. These violated democratic standards because they were either disproportionate, illegal, indefinite or unnecessary in relation to the health threat. • Concerning developments have been more common in countries that were already non-democratic prior to the pandemic (90 per cent) and less common, although still quite widespread, in democracies (43 per cent). • The democracies that have implemented democratically concerning measures are those that were already ailing before the pandemic. More than two-thirds were democracies that were either backsliding, eroding or weak prior to the pandemic. • Almost a year since the first outbreak of COVID-19, the pandemic seems to have deepened autocratization in most of the countries that were already non-democratic. However, in at least 3 of those countries (Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Thailand), the pandemic has also tapped into existing simmering citizen discontent and may have been the tipping point in unleashing massive protest waves demanding democratic reform. The pandemic has also seemingly deepened democratic backsliding processes and exposed the democratic weakness and fragility of new or re-transitioned democracies (Malaysia, Mali, Myanmar, Sri Lanka). In a few cases, the pandemic has also exposed countries that showed no apparent sign of democratically ailing prior to the pandemic, but where concerning democratic developments have occurred during the pandemic and which risk seeing a significant deterioration in their democratic quality as a result (i.e. Argentina, El Salvador). • The aspects of democracy that have seen the most concerning developments during the pandemic are freedom of expression, media integrity, and personal integrity and security. However, the freedoms that have been restricted across most countries are freedom of movement and assembly. Another core democratic process that has been heavily affected by the pandemic is the electoral, with half the elections scheduled between February and December 2020 postponed due to the pandemic. • The pandemic has also shown democracy’s resilience and capacity for renovation. Innovation through accelerated digitalization has occurred across most regions of the world. And democratic institutions, such as parliaments, courts, electoral commissions, political parties, media and civil society actors, have fought back against attempts at executive overreach and democratic trampling or collaborated to ensure effective responses to the pandemic. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
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Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Asia and the Pacific Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.70.

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This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
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