Journal articles on the topic 'Impact of india on china pakistan relations'
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1
Iqbal, Nayyer, and Umbreen Javaid. "CPEC: The U.S. Stance and its Impact on Pakistan-U.S. Relations." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).17.
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China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a cluster of infrastructure-build-up projects for Pakistan with Chinese assistance was signed in 2013. The Rise of China had kept the U.S. perturbed for the last two decades, however its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) added salt to injury. The U.S. expressed its displeasure over CPEC, its policy makers gradually started bracketing Pakistan with China. At a juncture, when the U.S. was already unhappy with Pakistan due to numerous Afghanistan- related developments, its serious discomfort with CPEC impacted the bilateral relations considerably. The U.S. has been close to Pakistan since its independence particularly during Afghan War and War on Terror both economically and militarily. Similarly, China is an all-weather friend and natural strategic ally against India. The CPEC-oriented grudge has brought the U.S. closer to India which is a serious concern for Islamabad. The question of balancing relations between U.S. and China perplexes Pakistan policymakers.
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Jahangir, Javeria. "Pak-China Defense Cooperation and Evolving International Relations." Forman Journal of Social Sciences 02, no. 01 (December 17, 2022): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32368/fjss.20220207.
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This study is about the impact of different global and regional changes resulting from PakistanChina’s defense cooperation and further examines the increasing range of diplomatic cooperation in the social, tactical, and economic realms. The paper focuses on three events: (i) the 1978 transformation of China and its opening-up policies; (ii) disbanding of the U.S.S.R (1991); and (iii) the event of 9/11 in the United States. These events had a significant influence on Pak-China ties. This study is a literature review and contributes to a better understanding of the evolving international systems namely the India-U.S. tactical relations and strategic cooperation. The paper concludes that China and Pakistan need to preserve amicable, strategic, and diplomatic connections with one another as it is necessary for the peace, security, and economic development of not only China and Pakistan but for the region overall. Keywords: Pakistan-China Relations, Indian Concern, Regional Peace, Defense Cooperation,
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Gul, Noman, Fareed Ullah, and Azmat Ali Shah. "Sino-US Global Competitive Dynamics Post 9/11 and its Impacts on Pakistan's Security." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 162–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).16.
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In this paper we examine the security implications for Pakistan after the engagement of two powerful states, China and United States. After the incident of September 11, 2001 (9/11) and their security impacts in the capacity of Pakistan's domestic and peripheral front. Their rivalry in the 21st century at the geo strategic, geopolitical and geo-economic level have been explained on the basis of realism, neo-realism and complex interdependence philosophies of international relations. The drastic political and strategic change in the status of Kashmir propelled Pakistan and China to review their foreign policies in future. In response, China wants Pakistan a strategic partner to closely look onto Afghanistan's political crisis during and after the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan. However, the strategic relationship nuclear partnership between America and India has allowed the Sino-Pak strategic and nuclear partnership to level the magnitude of the United States' influence in South Asia. The issue of cross border terrorism, infiltration from Afghanistan and Indian espionage policy further sabotaged peace and security calculus in Pakistan's internal and external levels. India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership has further deteriorated Pakistan's relations with Afghanistan.
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Memon, Naheed, Faiza Rehman, and Fazal Rabbi. "Should Pakistan Liberalize Trade With India Against the Backdrop of the FTA with China? A Comparative Advantage Analysis for the Manufacturing Sector." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 19, Special Edition (September 1, 2014): 327–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2014.v19.isp.a14.
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Pakistan and India have not yet normalized trade relations and gained the full benefits of bilateral trade despite significant developments to this end since 2011. Pakistan has yet to reciprocate the most-favored-nation status granted by India. This study investigates the benefits of trade liberalization between the two countries by studying the global competitiveness of Pakistan’s industrial sector from a policy perspective. We construct a revealed comparative advantage index for manufacturing products (HS 2-digit level) for Pakistan, India, and China for the period 2003–12, and then identify the changing patterns of comparative advantage for Pakistan. We find that 18 industries should be protected upon liberalizing trade with India. These industries are termed ‘vulnerable’ as they have moved from either borderline competitiveness to becoming uncompetitive or vice versa. Additionally, the excessive concessions granted to China in its free trade agreement with Pakistan and the resistance to opening up trade with India may have resulted in inefficient trade, i.e., imports from a less competitive partner and exports to a less lucrative market. We aim to establish a direction for further research to determine the ex ante impact of trade with India on the economy via a change in the production levels of these vulnerable industries, given the impact of free trade with China and the availability of Chinese substitutes.
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Khan, Waseem, Dr Manzoor Ahmad, and Murad Ali. "The Regional Impacts of India-Us Nuclear Deal." Journal of Management Info 3, no. 4 (January 1, 2017): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/jmi.v12i1.63.
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The Indian-us nuclear deal brought about a tense scenario to the strategic stability of South Asia in many ways. It intensified the already persistent political albatross between Islamabad and Delhi and Beijing and Delhi in general. The deal enables India to get access to the fissile materials across the world and enrolls it into the nuclear supplier groups lopsidedly, which poses much concern for Pakistan. The diplomatically biased overture of US in the wake of its nuclear wholehearted assistance to Indian pushed Pakistan into psychological isolation, to say the least. Given the fact that the U.S.-India nuclear deal has had a devastating regional impact, it seemed as precipitant to the already existing nuclear arms race among the regional triangle; Pakistan, China and India. Both Pakistan and china showed their loathsome response to the deal and considered it as a conceived blow to the regional strategic stability, for they have their longstanding territorial issues with India. Besides the strategic asymmetry that it procreates in south Asia, the deal also ensures a reassurance effect for the nuclear runner up countries like Iran and North Korea, who are in the way around near to become a nuclear power states. Moreover, US-India nuclear deal also proves lethal to Pakistan-US relation that focuses on the strategic stability of Afghanistan primarily. It spawns many kinds of suspicions in Pakistan’s government toward the US over the later impartial diplomatic approach toward the former. Pakistan in return embarks upon a cordial relation with the Russian to reciprocate the US-India new engagement. Somehow, it gives enough reasons for Pakistan to embolden its defense, economic and political ties with Russian and China in a bid to counterweight Indian influence in the region. The nations of both developing countries India and Pakistan are reeling under multiple problems ranging from abject poverty, poor health facilities, illiteracy, to unemployment and lacking basic life amenities. Ironically enough, the ever-gloomy picture of the people in these countries on one side and their disproportionate defense expenditures on other side forecast destructive consequences in offing as the underdeveloped society is a time bomb and can be turned violently against the state. Hence, the region is in crucial need of human development in terms of education, health, economic resources, industrialization, job security and social security against all odds. The time is ripened up for both India and Pakistan to draw their attention away from arms acquisition toward regional multilateral engagements and should learn the lesson of European countries how could ably they translate their once perennial rivalry into perpetual friendship.
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Shakeel Ahmad, Muhammad, and Fahmeda Naheed. "India-Pakistan Relations in the Prism of ‘Realist School’ of International Relations." Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (December 31, 2019): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.02.
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The India-Pakistan relationship is shaped by internal and external variables – which form very complex interactions between the two. Externally, both countries are influenced by multiple factors which shape their foreign policies – the geopolitics of South Asia is the major one. However, another important factor in the relationship between the two nations and a source of great tension between the two of them is the persistence influence of the ‘realist school’. This school of thought, holds that nations are rivals and will only seek their own interests at the costs of those of their neighbors. This theory of international relations holds that countries such as India and Pakistan need to compete with each other, especially militarily. This paper will focus on the geopolitical factors which shape India-Pakistan relations in contemporary times – how the geostrategic culture is shaping the relationship of both South Asian neighbors in bringing more distrust, and an antagonized sense of insecurity and mistrust. This article will analyze the geopolitical settings and related factors – bilateral nuisance such as Kashmir, wars and other border disputes; regional factors such as China, Afghanistan – and geopolitical interests of both nations. This research can lead to a better understanding of the strategic culture of the region which greatly influences the relationship between India and Pakistan. This research examines the negative impact of the ‘realist school’ on the relationship between Pakistan and India and indicates that only a change in the political culture of both nations can lead to peaceful co-existence.
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Minhas Majeed Khan and Mirwais Kasi. "Pakistan-China Relations: Developments in Economic and Security Areas in the 21st Century." Strategic Studies 37, no. 3 (October 16, 2017): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.03.00209.
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Considering new trends in global politics, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan appreciates the peaceful rise of the Peoples Republic of China. The well-established Pak-China camaraderie entered the 21st century with the new hopes of exploring innovative economic opportunities. The paper examines this relationship based on the interest of both the countries to be vigilant of the emerging regional and global scenario and to come up with appropriate economic and security strategy to meet their common challenges. The prospects of Pak-China relations reveal its significant impact on the global politics in future. This article spotlights the adjustments and the new areas of cooperation, which China and Pakistan explored in their relations. Keeping in mind the belligerent neighbour of Pakistan i.e., India and China’s relationship with India and the US, from the perspective of neorealist school of thought this paper explores the nature of bilateral partnership in the anarchic order of the 21st century and two-pronged promising approach of Pakistan and China. It also seeks to understand whether coordination between the two countries to assure their economic prosperity and security in the 21st century will help in achieving their national interest or not.
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Aslam, Muhammad, Uzma Naz, Zakir Hussain, and Muhammad Irfan Ahamad. "Pakistan-China Relations and its Implication for India (2008-2018)." Journal of South Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (August 30, 2022): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.010.02.4091.
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This paper has described a chief question that “What are the impacts of Pak-China relations on India and its regional implications during the period of 2008-18”? Within this framework, the paper has endeavored to examine ongoing progression in economic, strategic and political domains of bilateral kindreds amongst both countries China and Pakistan. 1978 reforms of China and initial strategy, breakdown of Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and mainly the incident of 9/11 at world trade center were the key changes that categorized the South Asian, global and the regional politics. If we can talk about regarding the global framework, the calculation allocated with developing global order. On other end, if we can talk about the regional framework, this paper talked evolving relations of Pakistan, India and China, as significant participants of the south Asian region. It has also a significant for the financial, strategic and dogmatic, requirements of the South Asia too.
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Siddique, Muhammad, Muhammad Abdul Quddus, and Asim Iqbal. "Pakistan’s Global Trade Potential with Selected Trading Partners: A Gravity Model Approach Using Static and Dynamic Panel Data." iRASD Journal of Economics 4, no. 1 (March 12, 2022): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/joe.2022.0401.0058.
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This research study employs a gravity model to explore Pakistan's trade potential from 2000 to 2020. China, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia (KSA), Kuwait, United States (USA), Malaysia, Japan, India, Singapore, Afghanistan, Iran, Spain, Germany, United Kingdom (UK) and Belgium are among our significant trading partners. The study uses both static and dynamic econometric techniques to capture the trade potential of Pakistan. The findings from both methodologies are comparable, indicating that economic size and distance have a significant effect on bilateral trade. Furthermore, throughout the research period, political globalization is determined to be considerable and has an important influence on the economic masses. These factors support the theoretical model(s) that Pakistan and Pakistan’s trading partners with economic integration, political globalization, and distance all depict a significant impact on trade relations.
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Shahid, Tanweer, and Adam Saud. "CONTEMPORARY GEOPOLITICS IN CENTRAL ASIA: IMPEDIMENTS AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR PAKISTAN." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 02 (June 30, 2022): 717–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.524.
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Central Asia and Pakistan embrace distant neighbourhood and cordial relations. However, affluent potential of their relationship remained untapped and almost stagnant. This soaring state undergoes a pull and push of geopolitical contest of great and rising powers - ‘the new great game’, in Central Asia. The United States, Russia, China, India and their antagonism share convergence and divergence of interests. This interplay casts their positive and negative impacts on the future relations of Pakistan with Central Asia. This qualitative research, based on inductive reasoning, analyses impediments and opportunities for Pakistan in the Central Asia vis-à-vis the power play therein. Being devoid of a common border with Central Asia, Pakistan can acquire energy security and geopolitical weight engaging Central Asia whereas the latter can access the world through Pakistan’s Gwadar port and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, unshackling off Russian dependency. Central Asia and Pakistan has potential to rejuvenate their relationships. Keywords: Geopolitics, Great game, Central Asia, Great powers, Foreign policy.
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Ara, Yasmeena. "India-Iran Relations and the Global World." Asian Review of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (May 5, 2019): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2019.8.2.1576.
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India and Iran being neighbours have been historically and culturally connected. Both share a long tradition of ideas since civilizations. Both countries had linkages since the pre-historic times. Various historical leftovers found in India resemble those with those found in Dejleh and Forat rivers in Iran show that both nations had cordial interactions with each other. However with the passage of time different factors erupted in between the two, particularly after end of Cold War. U.S. and Israel have affected ties between the two. India-Iran relations have been subject to several factors; be it regional or global. At regional level, Pakistan, Afghanistan, China, and the Central Asian region and globally US and Israel have played major role. The present study is a humble attempt to analyse the impact and effect of global factors in Indo-Iranian relations.
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Sharma, Shalendra. "India in 2009: Global Financial Crisis and Congress Revival." Asian Survey 50, no. 1 (January 2010): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.1.139.
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The past year was a momentous one for India. The country navigated through the shoals of an unprecedented global financial crisis with only modest negative impact, and successfully continued the world's largest exercise in democracy. The 15th general election in April-May 2009 saw the venerable Congress Party return to power with a large mandate. On the external front, although ties between India and the Obama administration have been friendly, real concerns remain about the future trajectory of Indo-U.S. relations. Relations with Pakistan and China also remain testy.
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McMahon, Robert J. "U.S. Policy toward South Asia and Tibet during the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.131.
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Events in South Asia in the 1950s and early 1960s had a long-term impact on the Cold War and on relations among the countries involved—China, India, Pakistan, the United States, and the Soviet Union. This article provides an overview of U.S. relations with South Asian countries during the early Cold War. It highlights the connections between U.S. policy priorities and commitments in South Asia on the one hand and developments in Tibet on the other. The article considers how U.S. policy priorities and actions in South Asia shaped, and were shaped by, China's reassertion of control over Tibet in the early 1950s and by the frictions that emerged between India and China in 1959 as a result of Beijing's brutal crackdown in Tibet.
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Marwat, Safi Ullah Khan, and Muhammad Abdullah. "CONSOLIDATION OF US NATIONAL INTERESTS IN ASIA THROUGH ECONOMIC AND MILITARY AID AND ITS IMPACTS: CASE STUDY OF PAKISTAN, 1947-71." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 03 (September 30, 2021): 284–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i3.250.
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After 1945, the United States of America (USA) was worried about any possible harm to its interests within the Continent of Asia due to the ongoing rapid expansion of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and Peoples Republic of China (PRC) after 1917 and 1949 respectively. Therefore, as a result of its Russo-Sino-phobia, the USA made alliances with the Asian countries based on their mutual national interests. In those relations, the USA was mostly an economic and military aid donor while its allies were recipients of that US-aid. In return, the USA was utilizing the geo-strategic positions of its allies in Asia to counter the USSR and PRC. Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947 with poor economic and military conditions at home having a conventional rival (India) on its eastern border. The USA offered friendship to it. Pakistan accepted the US-offer and the US started to utilize Pakistan's geo-strategic position against the USSR and PRC. In return, Pakistan got huge US-aid to improve its economic and military infrastructure. The central theme of this research paper is, 'how the US-aid played its role in economic and military development of Pakistan during 1947-71 and what were its impacts? Key Words: National Interests, Economic and Military Aid, Pakistan-US relations, SEATO, CENTO
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Lokman, Rackmawatie, Sity Daud, and Chiew Ping Hoo. "CPEC and South Asia’s Geopolitical Complex: Powers’ Rivalry." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 7, no. 9 (September 30, 2022): e001741. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v7i9.1741.
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South Asia’s international relations dilemma is not mainly about power struggles among the regional states but also includes the significant presence of major powers. This article analyses the factors leading to South Asia’s geopolitical challenges, serving the role of regional powers with their strategic allies, notably the US and China that appear to influence the region’s stability. Based on findings from unstructured interviews with experts and research on China-Pakistan’s extending relations in CPEC, this article contends that the phenomenon may potentially bolster power rivalry in South Asia, particularly between India and Pakistan. Against this backdrop, states may be involved in power struggles, whether through band wagoning or hedging, among themselves or with other major powers for their strategic interests. Thus, this article aims to discuss the CPEC’s impacts on South Asia’s geopolitical orientation, serving power rivalry among the actors in the region. Two major arguments are discussed, namely, (1) South Asia’s international relations and (2) External Powers’ Rivalry.
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Rano Tuychiyeva Almamatovna. "Specific aspects of indian foreign policy: stagnation and changes." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 5 (May 25, 2020): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i5.382.
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This article focuses on how India organized its foreign policy from the time of independence until the beginning of the 21st century and on the basis of which strategies it pursued. The paper also examines in detail the internal and external factors that have helped the country to achieve effective, positive results in foreign policy and, conversely, have had a significant negative impact. In addition, the article pays special attention to India's relations with the United States, China and Russia, which are currently striving for global hegemony, and the competition between these countries in India. At the same time, the successes, shortcomings and conflicts in India’s relations with its neighbors - Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan - are highlighted, as well as their specific reasons. Chronological approach, comparison and synthesis-analysis methods were used in writing the article. It consists of an abstract, keywords, introduction, main part, conclusion and bibliography.
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Iqbal, Sajid, and Sarwat Rauf. "Afghanistan Imbroglio: Impact on the Central Asian States." Central Asia 83, Winter (May 1, 2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-83.29.
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This paper attempts to find the dynamism in Afghanistan’s relations with Central Asian states. It is explained that prosperity without security is not possible and ongoing imbroglio in Afghanistan is directly affecting Central Asian states. The Central Asian states are surrounded by China, Russia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran. These states (with significant influence of India and Turkey) are the key regional players and their socio-economic and political interests are converged on various issues. The political conditions in Afghanistan would directly impact the interests of Central Asian states. Drug trafficking, illegal migration, religious extremism, a ramified corrupt network, porous border and terrorism are subverting peace in Afghanistan and its spillover effects are dangerous for Central Asian states. The military and security situation in Afghanistan has a direct impact on the production and transport of energy from Central Asia to the rest of the world. The response of the regional organizations, particularly the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), with certain commonalities, towards these issues often contrasts with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This paper focuses on the efforts of major powers (Russia, China, and the US) along with neighbouring countries in the peacebuilding in Afghanistan to avoid its spillover effects over Central Asian states.
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Singh, Kanwal Deepinder Pal. "Strength and Challenges of OBOR Initiative: Indian Perspective." Journal of National Law University Delhi 6, no. 1 (June 2019): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277401719857865.
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The One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative of China is an attempt to ‘remake’ or recreate the ancient Silk Road or Silk Route, symbolising not only trade network but more importantly cultural interaction. It is an ambitious Eurasian strategy with large financial support, which aims to draw linkages from China to various regions of the world. The connectivity and cooperation presented by China between itself and the rest of Eurasia has two main components: the land-based ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ (SREB) and ocean-going ‘Maritime Silk Road’ (MSR). The ‘Belt’ includes countries geographically situated on the original Silk Road through Central Asia, West Asia, Russia and Europe and has six main corridors. Countries on the Belt and Road—especially those with underdeveloped infrastructure, low investment rates and per capita income—could experience a boost in trade flow and benefit from infrastructure development. The main challenge for China and for the initiative is the potential for conflicts or geopolitical tensions that could emerge with other powers. This project will increase United States’ attention on Central Asia and South Asian region. This will have consequences for the smooth implementation of the strategy. There is an expected resistance from Russia and Russian-led Eurasian Union (EU) that may divide the relevant countries along the route, leaving them torn between choosing to pursue stronger ties with Russia or with China. India also remains cautious of the project and still has not expressed its full support. It sees the initiative not as an opportunity, but as a threat or a form of competition. India’s objections are rooted in issues of sovereignty and territorial integrity. For instance, India opposes the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a pilot project of the trade initiative, due to its route passing through Gilgit-Baltistan, which is a disputed area between Pakistan and India. India has its own agenda of connectivity and cooperation. This article shall first discuss the strengths and challenges of this project and analyse the regional, national and international situations. The Chinese initiative will be discussed, focusing on China’s domestic constraints along with regional economic situation and political tensions in neighbourhood. The Indian perspective related to this initiative shall be discussed in detail, including the ‘Look East-Act East’ policy. Planning and implementation of the project and its impact on bilateral relations shall be discussed. The author shall also analyse the South Asian perspective as a whole, which is plagued by territorial conflicts, bad governance, security threats, impaired transparency, energy crisis, poor infrastructure, fragile institutions and limping economies.
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Hanif, Saiqa, Sultan Mubariz Khan, and Shafqat Rasool. "Growth of Religious Extremism in Pakistan: Implications for State and Society (1980-2020)." Global Political Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).12.
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This paper investigates the major trends and developments that are considered responsible for the rise of religious militancy in Pakistan. It also analyzes the impacts of this phenomenon. The research focuses on investigating the causes of its expansion and intensity in the recent past and how it has affected the society and state because religious extremism and religiously motivated violence has emerged as a serious challenge for the security and stability of Pakistan. The study is descriptive, and the mode of inquiry is qualitative though supplemented by quantitative data in the form of tables and graphs. Major findings suggest that wave after wave of violent religious extremism has grave domestic implications. The domestic implications range from social problems to economic and political issues. It is observed that growth in religious extremism and subsequent militancy at the domestic level cannot be de-hyphenated from the foreign relations of Pakistan, especially with its immediate neighbors like India, Afghanistan and Iran, as well as major powers like China and the U.S.
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Pechishcheva, Lyudmila A., and Konstantin A. Korneev. "INDIA AND JAPAN. EVOLUTION OF THE STRATEGIC COOPERATION FORMAT." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 1 (2021): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-1-139-149.
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In the 21 st century, India–Japan strategic cooperation is gradu- ally reaching a new level. Earlier the relations between countries were more declarative, but the situation has changed since the beginning of the 2000s. New agreements are being concluded, and the y assume practical implemen- tation in addition to the frameworks. On the one hand, for Japan, India is becoming more important not only as an economic partner (a huge market for Japanese industrial products and digital technologies), but also as a like- minded partner in curbing China’s trade and economic expansion. On the other hand, in partnership with Japan India sees opportunities to attract Japanese investment in the development of domestic infrastructure, and also seeks a moderate expansion of military-technical cooperation, since it cor - responds to the policy of maintaining the country’s “non-aligned” status and its equidistance from existing geopolitical coalitions. In addition, India, that calls itself the “largest Asian democracy”, currently has territorial disputes with Pakistan and China, so a strategic partnership with Japan, which clearly interprets China’s growing influence as a challenge to its national interests in the Indo-Pacific region, can somewhat strengthen India’s position in the international arena. Thus, over the past two decades, the bedrock for further strengthening the strategic partnership between India and Japan has been formed, and it is obvious that the development of that partnership is about to have a great impact on the future geopolitical configuration in the Indo- Pacific region.
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Hussain, Fakhar, Muhammad Ikramullah Khan, Sarfraz Hussain, and Saadat Nawaz. "CPEC- AN ECONOMIC ENGINE FOR PEACE AND ITS IMPACT ON KASHMIR DISAGREEMENT." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 3 (June 5, 2021): 724–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9371.
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Purpose of the study: This research explores CPEC as a model of "Economic Interdependence" for being a mega driver of Globalization, which can bring economic equilibrium through development and interconnectivity for resolution of Kashmir dispute by connecting institutional and diplomatic channels to the economic interdependency.
Methodology: This research is based on secondary data collected from various sources like academic papers, electronic sources, Newspapers, Periodicals, Journals, organizational reports, and books. For interpretation of data, descriptive and analytical approach has to be adopted by using the deductive method of investigation.
Principal Findings: The main findings indicate that CPEC will provide grounds for minimizing conflicts on accounts of consistent regional and intra-regional economic connectivity. CPEC will transfigure the geographic position of Azad Jammu and Kashmir into an asset to be an economic engine for the establishment of peace in the region by amicable resolution of prolonged Kashmir dispute using economic connectivity.
Applications of this study: This research will be helpful for academics of peace and conflict studies, International Relations, diplomacy and strategic management, policymakers, diplomats of Pakistan, China, and India. It will contribute to the resolution of the Kashmir dispute.
Novelty/Originality of this study: The novelty/originality of this research lies in the attempt to correlate the concepts of "CPEC as an actor of economic interdependence" and "CPEC as a catalyst for the amicable resolution of Kashmir dispute."
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Klare, Michael. "Climate Change, Water Scarcity, and the Potential for Interstate Conflict in South Asia." Journal of Strategic Security 13, no. 4 (December 2020): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.13.4.1826.
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Ever since American security analysts began to consider the impact of global warming on international security, water has been viewed as an especially critical factor. In many parts of the developing world, water supplies are already insufficient to meet societal requirements, and, by shrinking these supplies further, climate change will cause widespread hardship, unrest, and conflict. But exactly what role water plays in this equation has been the subject of considerable reassessment over time. When analysts first examined warming’s impacts, they largely assumed that climate-related water scarcities would most likely provoke conflict within nations; only later did analysts look closely at the possibility of conflicts arising between states, typically in the context of shared river systems. This risk appears particularly acute in South Asia, where several highly-populated countries, including China, India, and Pakistan, rely on river systems which depend for part of their flow on meltwater from the Himalayan glaciers, which are contracting as a result of climate change. In the absence of greater efforts by these countries to address this peril in a collaborative, equitable manner, looming water shortages could combine with other antagonisms to trigger armed conflict, possibly entailing the use of nuclear weapons.
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Radtke, Kurt. "China and the Greater Middle East: Globalization No Longer Equals Westernization." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 389–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207801.
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AbstractThe reshaping of the domestic social, political, and economic structures all over East Asia takes place in the context of a restructuring of the international (security) order. Despite China's increasing acceptance of international institutions and regimes the divergence of vital security interests of the United States (US) and Japan vis-a-vis those of China has raised the specter of increased polarization. This article will seek to answer the question of whether China is about to consciously challenge the power of the US and its allies not only in Asia, but also in the Greater Middle East (GME), mainly through China's impact on the economics, political, and social structure of those countries rather than through rivalry in the field of military power. China's conceptualization of the current global order is also shaped by historical memories of an age in which China was merely an object of Great Power politics which also directly affected the wider region, including the heartland of Eurasia, Southeast Asia, and in particular Japan and the Korean peninsula with their direct impact on China's security equation. To some Chinese strategists the Indian Ocean and countries of the GME have acquired a vital importance not only with regard to the supply of raw materials (including those obtained from Africa). Continuing Western strategic dominance in this large area would also have an important negative impact on China's global strategic position. For the first time in its history, China has become critically dependent on the acquisition of foreign resources—raw materials, investment and technology, as well as earnings from exports. China's economic activities in near neighbors such as Japan, South Korea, Pakistan, ailand, and Iran are also strategically important due to the impact on domestic and international politics of these countries. The US tends to interpret such influence in terms of Chinese power projection. This article interprets the linkages between domestic events and international strategies on the network of global (security) relations in terms of neogeopolitics rather than mainstream US scholarship.
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Munir, Kashif, and Mahnoor Bukhari. "Impact of globalization on income inequality in Asian emerging economies." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, no. 1/2 (November 21, 2019): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-08-2019-0167.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of three modes of globalization, i.e. trade globalization, financial globalization and technological globalization, separately on income inequality on the Asian emerging economies. Design/methodology/approach The study uses Hecksher–Ohlin and the Stolper–Samuelson theorem as a theoretical model for the relationship between globalization and income inequality. The study uses pooled least square (POLS) and instrumental variable least square (IVLS) estimation technique but prefers the IVLS over POLS due to the problems of omitted variable biased and endogeneity. Due to unavailability of data for all the Asian emerging economies, the study uses the following 11 countries, i.e. Bangladesh, China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Singapore, South Korea and Thailand, from 1980 to 2014 for the trade and technological globalization model and from 1990 to 2014 for the financial globalization model. Findings Trade globalization significantly contributes to reduce income inequality in the Asian emerging economies. The impact of financial globalization on income inequality suggests that financial integration causes an increase in income inequality. Therefore, the benefits of financial globalization are not evenly distributed among the rich and the poor. The impact of technological globalization significantly contributes in the reduction of income inequality. Practical implications Government has to invest in research and development activities, establish efficient financial system, reduce trade restrictions and provide subsidies that help to increase the volume of trade. Originality/value This study contributes in the existing literature by analyzing the impact of trade globalization, financial globalization and technological globalization on income inequality in Asian emerging economies. The study provides useful guidelines to policy makers and governments to make effective policies in relation to globalization and income inequality that lead toward economic growth and reducing income inequality.
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Hussain, Dostdar, Chung-Yen Kuo, Abdul Hameed, Kuo-Hsin Tseng, Bulbul Jan, Nasir Abbas, Huan-Chin Kao, Wen-Hau Lan, and Moslem Imani. "Spaceborne Satellite for Snow Cover and Hydrological Characteristic of the Gilgit River Basin, Hindukush–Karakoram Mountains, Pakistan." Sensors 19, no. 3 (January 27, 2019): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/s19030531.
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The Indus River, which flows through China, India, and Pakistan, is mainly fed by melting snow and glaciers that are spread across the Hindukush–Karakoram–Himalaya Mountains. The downstream population of the Indus Plain heavily relies on this water resource for drinking, irrigation, and hydropower generation. Therefore, its river runoff variability must be properly monitored. Gilgit Basin, the northwestern part of the Upper Indus Basin, is selected for studying cryosphere dynamics and its implications on river runoff. In this study, 8-day snow products (MOD10A2) of moderate resolution imaging spectroradiometer, from 2001 to 2015 are selected to access the snow-covered area (SCA) in the catchment. A non-parametric Mann–Kendall test and Sen’s slope are calculated to assess whether a significant trend exists in the SCA time series data. Then, data from ground observatories for 1995–2013 are analyzed to demonstrate annual and seasonal signals in air temperature and precipitation. Results indicate that the annual and seasonal mean of SCA show a non-significant decreasing trend, but the autumn season shows a statistically significant decreasing SCA with a slope of −198.36 km2/year. The annual mean temperature and precipitation show an increasing trend with highest values of slope 0.05 °C/year and 14.98 mm/year, respectively. Furthermore, Pearson correlation coefficients are calculated for the hydro-meteorological data to demonstrate any possible relationship. The SCA is affirmed to have a highly negative correlation with mean temperature and runoff. Meanwhile, SCA has a very weak relation with precipitation data. The Pearson correlation coefficient between SCA and runoff is −0.82, which confirms that the Gilgit River runoff largely depends on the melting of snow cover rather than direct precipitation. The study indicates that the SCA slightly decreased for the study period, which depicts a possible impact of global warming on this mountainous region.
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Zhang, Jinglin, Wei Zhang, Shiwei Liu, Weiming Kong, and Wei Zhang. "Cryosphere Services to Advance the National SDG Priorities in Himalaya-Karakoram Region." Sustainability 14, no. 5 (February 22, 2022): 2532. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14052532.
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The cryosphere in the Himalaya-Karakoram (H-K) is widespread, and its services significantly affect the SDGs implementation in the region, in particular related to the ‘No poverty’ (SDG 1), ‘zero hunger’ (SDG 2), ‘good health and well-being’ (SDG 3), ‘work and economic’ (SDG 8) and ‘partnership for the goals’ (SDG 17). We here established the networks to illustrate the complex relationship of cryosphere services with national SDG priorities in the countries of H-K, including Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, China, Nepal and Bhutan. The cryosphere services contributing to the national SDG priorities and the key targets were elucidated in line with the centralities of the network. It was found that ‘freshwater’, ‘clean energy’, ‘runoff regulation’, ‘climate regulation’, ‘research and education’ and ‘infrastructure and engineering’ are the services that play critical roles in H-K, and they were then applied to assess the impact of cryosphere services on the national SDG priorities. We subsequently identified a set of principal indicators in relation to the key targets of national SDG priorities, which has the explanation up to 85% of six entry points (SEPs) to advance SDGs of each country in H-K. In conjunction with the centrality of the key targets to be contributed by the overall cryosphere services in the network for each country, the dependency of SEPs on the cryosphere services can be established through principal indicators in association with the national SDG priorities in H-K countries.
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Jacob, Jabin T. "China–Pakistan Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 217–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600304.
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The China–Pakistan relationship has seen several ups and downs in the last decade and especially since 9/11. While Sino-Pakistani ties remain strong, there has been a visible drawdown in Chinese political commitment to Pakistan. Partly, this has been because of Beijing’s concerns about political instability, including terrorism, in Pakistan, and the spread of Islamic radicalism from that country into China. In part, this has also been because China’s global political rise has meant that it is more conscious of its need to adhere to international norms, which includes refraining from nuclear proliferation to Pakistan. In this context, this article argues that one, India is no longer the central concern in the Sino-Pakistani relationship and two, New Delhi’s capacity to play the game-changer in the China–Pakistan relationship has grown over time.
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ياسين, أ. م. د. عمار حميد. "Article The problem of nuclear proliferation and its impact on the formula of strategic balance in the Middle East after the events of September 11, 2001." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 55 (February 20, 2019): 37–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i55.13.
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The issue of nuclear proliferation is one of the most vital issues as it reflects a form of dealing in the field of international relations. Therefore, the Middle East region has taken great interest in reducing the levels of nuclear armament and acquiring nuclear power within the strategic framework of the international and regional powers. The establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East region is currently one of the most important international and regional arrangements for controlling the levels of nuclear proliferation and attempting to build a state of stability and balance. In the Middle East and the world. The importance of the research comes from the fact that it deals with an important and vital issue: the issue of nuclear proliferation and its implications for the equation of the strategic balance in the Middle East after the events of September 11, 2001, which gained great importance in the post-cold war era. And to achieve some kind of stability and balance within the framework of the international and regional environment, especially in the Middle East, which has increased the importance of efforts in this regard the proliferation of nuclear weapons to new countries, it is possible to obtain nuclear technology by enhancing levels The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has become one of the most important facts for the post-Cold War era. At a time when only five countries possessed nuclear weapons (the United States, Russia, China, France and Britain) , As well as the possibility of other countries such as India, Pakistan and Israel, which suggests that the post-Cold War era has seen a widening of the circle of States possessing or manufacturing such weapons (Pakistan, North Korea and Iran) The emergence of regional tensions as in the case of William Middle East. Thus, the issue of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has become a central issue in the context of the post-Cold War American strategy, especially after the events of September 11, 2001, as a result of the convictions that there is an interrelationship between the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the global fight against terrorism. In keeping with this, the research started from the premise that the continuity of the Middle East countries in seeking to acquire nuclear capabilities is in itself an essential brake or determinant of the establishment of a zone free of weapons of mass destruction, as well as the lack of guarantees to establish security among countries The Middle East, which is reflected negatively on the regional and international security approaches to the Middle East, and of course lead to the adoption of their respective security policies against each other within the framework of the growing levels of nuclear weapons to achieve some kind of balance towards the nuclear capabilities of each of these countries And then more nuclear armament policies in the region, as a result can not promote positive security perceptions that are based on the employment of enablers of smart power, which is reflected negatively on the strategic balance in the territory of the Middle East equation. Keywords: nuclear proliferation, the Middle East, strategic balance, the events of September 11, 2001, regional and international security, doctrine of preemptive war, preemptive war, nuclear deterrence, strategic perception, terrorism, nuclear power Nuclear proliferation.
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Pant, Harsh V. "The Pakistan Thorn in China–India–U.S. Relations." Washington Quarterly 35, no. 1 (February 2012): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2012.642294.
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Wazir, Bushra. "STRENGTHENING OF PAKISTAN AND CHINA RELATIONS THROUGH CHINA PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR." Journal of Pakistan-China Studies (JPCS) 1, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.55733/jpcs.v1i1.24.
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The friendship of China and Pakistan is as old as they came into being. They maintained a very cordial, friendly and strong bond since its inception. In 1951 after the formal establishment of diplomatic relations, the People’s Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan have seen their relationship ever consolidating and progressing. Throughout different historical periods and despite changes with the times, Chinese and Pakistani governments and people have been working hard to enrich the friendship, and have set a model for friendly bilateral ties between different cultures, social systems and ideologies. In 2015 Chinese President Xi Jinping and Pakistani president Nawaz Sharif properly announced the project China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Both the government of China and Pakistan have deeply realized the importance of developing the CPEC, starting from Kashgar in Xinjiang, China, and reaching Karachi and Gwadar, southern coastal cities in Pakistan via the Khunjerab Pass and several other nodal areas, for cementing China Pakistan economic relations, promoting friendly cooperation and establishing people to people contact between the two countries. CPEC is an economic and development project for the benefit of the people of the region. It will connect Pakistan to Central Asia via the Eurasian Land-Bridge planned under China’s “Belt and Road” initiative. This project is going to be completed in four major phases. Despite all the significance, it faces some challenges from the hostile neighbour of Pakistan: India. Yet, its significance is manifold which covers these challenges.
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Sinha, Satyabrat. "The Strategic Triangle: India- China -Pakistan." China Report 40, no. 2 (May 2004): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550404000212.
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Parveen, Saima, and Syed Akhtar Ali Shah. "China Pakistan Economic Corridor:." Central Asia 85, Winter (January 20, 2020): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-85.11.
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In the changing regional geo-political scenario China, Pakistan and other regional countries are set to play a vital role in the emerging regional economic corridor. China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as part of “One Belt, One Road” grand strategy connect countries with China through economic collaboration extending from South East Asia to the Europe through maritime and land routes comprised of emerging markets of Africa and Middle East energy resources.
This paper has investigated the significance of CPEC in parlance of theoretical framework of complex interdependence because the phenomenon of interdependence has tied state and non-state entities in economic and strategic dimensions. Regional connectivity results from systematic, upgraded and need-based interaction in perspective of CPEC for socio-economic, industrial, energy and trade development.
CPEC is important not only for Pakistan and China but also for the other regional countries such as Afghanistan, Central Asian Republics, Iran and India. As international and regional politics follows interest’s game hence CPEC has also become matter of concerns for both regional and international players which has been amply illustrated by this research. These concerns are followed by arguments that CPEC may be seen in a broader perspective of interdependency with emphasis on strategic and economic dimensions guaranteeing regional connectivity and integration.
CPEC can serve as a main trade avenue not only for China and Pakistan but for Central Asian Republics, Afghanistan, Iran and India as well. This study has argued that CPEChas the potential of becoming an energy transit corridor for growing economies. It has advantagesfor India also in form of improved infrastructure, communication and access to CARs market. Simultaneously it imparts an opportunity of flourishing and trade to the Afghanistan’s industries. Iran can also have benefit by ensuring Chabahar port outstretched to CPEC.
CPEC has potential geopolitical risks as hostile environment of South Asia and the respective power rivalry and policy shift of world powers towards this region as manifested by the US pivot to Asia and the former concern over Chinese presence in the Arabian Sea in Asian region, Gulf states considering of Gwadar Port as rival port, Indian opposition of CPEC by arguing that it passes through Pakistan’s held Kashmir on which India has also claim.
China and Pakistan in order to escape proxy tussle in Baluchistan need to settle Indian apprehension about the project, Confidence Building Measures (CBM) must be incorporated in order to promote closer ties with Afghanistan, Pakistan must attempt for having stable relations with Iran in order to overcome impediments to the CPEC success. By making CPEC a reality the benefits will be reaped by whole region and the very enmity of India with Pakistan and China can be turned into mutual beneficial economic relations. If India becomes a partner in the project then certainly the concerns of India will be settled down.
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Muhammad Faisal. "Pakistan-China Relations: Beyond CPEC." Strategic Studies 40, no. 2 (July 25, 2020): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.02.0080.
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In recent years between 2013-18, Pakistan-China relations witnessed a qualitative transformation as the bilateral ties expanded from defence to the economic sphere. The cooperation under the framework of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is increasing Chinese investments in Pakistan’s energy and infrastructure sectors. Expanding avenues of bilateral cooperation has led to emergence of new dynamics in the bilateral relations. With increased inter-dependence, both countries are also navigating major power international politics. Beijing and Islamabad have increased their coordination for peace and stability in Afghanistan as well as at the multilateral forums including the United Nations (UN) and Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). Traditional strategic cooperation is deepening to meet new geo-strategic challenges. Beyond CPEC, closer strategic engagement will determine the future direction of bilateral relations. Thus, it is crucial to take stock of the evolving geo-political dynamics and their impact on strategic dimensions of the bilateral relations. This paper aims to move forward from this standpoint and seeks to explore what developments have taken place in bilateral relations beyond CPEC during past five years (2013-2018). Most crucially, it explores how Pakistan-China relations have evolved in an era of geo-political tensions. It analyses how CPEC dynamics have influenced the course of broader relationship. Similarly, the growing coordination of two countries at the multilateral forums is also explored as they attempt to navigate the major power politics.
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Freddy, Haans J. "China, India & Pakistan strategic triangle – the Pakistan factor in Sino-Indian relations." Global Affairs 6, no. 4-5 (October 19, 2020): 559–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2020.1871300.
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Mushtaq, Faiqa. "Prospects for Pak-China Relations." Global Political Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2019): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).06.
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South Asia is in focus of global geopolitics since the advent of the 21st century. China is an economic giant and outreaching towards West through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). CPEC (part of BRI) has brought Pakistan in streamline in regional geopolitics. United States (US) is worried about Chinas rise, for its national interests are in danger in Asia so, it perused Pivot to Asia strategy to counter China in Asia while manipulating India. This situation has increased Pakistans importance for China. The article will assess Pak-China cordial relations and answer the following questions. Will Pakistan be helpful to China in addressing the challenges to regional peace? How will Pak-China cooperation counter Indo-US strategic partnership? What are Pak-China mutual efforts to curb terrorism?
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Keeryo, Zulfiqar Ali, Jazib Mumtaz, and Allah Bux Lakhan. "US-China Trade War and its Impact on Pakistan Exports." Global Economics Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2020(v-iii).01.
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This research study attempts to explore the effect of a trade war between the United States of America and China on Pakistan and other regional countries exports to the United States of America. The difference-in-difference methodology used to obtain the coefficients of each country to estimate the change in exports to the US from China, India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. The empirical results indicate that due to the imposition of US tariffs, China�s exports to the US reduced by 39%, whereas Pakistan�s exports to the US lowered by 3%. India and Bangladesh, on the other hand, gains from the trade war with India�s exports increased by 39% and Bangladesh�s exports increased by 50%. Therefore, it can conclude that the US-China trade war does not bring positivity to overall Pakistan�s trade position.
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Jaleel, Sabahat, Shabnam Gul, and Zahid Akbar. "China-India Relations under Modi Regime and Pakistan's Concerns." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2019): 476–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iv).58.
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China and India are rising powers of Asia. Both Asian giants have to adopt the policy of interdependence by growing economic ties; on the other side, they have a strict stance on border disputes. This article describes in detail the bilateral relationship between China-India, especially under the Modi doctrine, during his first term. Secondly, it also discusses the limitation of these growing ties and growing concerns for Pakistan. The basic argument of this article is that the growing economic interdependence will affect Pakistan, especially if this interdependence transfer from the economic to military dimension. The whole data is based on exploratory in nature. A qualitative research method has been used to achieve the research goals. Tools used for data collection include oral interviews and content analysis of the existing literature on the subject in the form of books, official reports and research articles. The relevant literature has been objectively analyzed to reach a meaningful conclusion.
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Bhattacharjea, Mira Sinha. "India—China—Pakistan: Beyond Kargil—Changing Equations." China Report 35, no. 4 (November 1999): 493–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559903500405.
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Muhammad Faisal. "Impact of Geo-economics on Pak-China Strategic Relations." Strategic Studies 38, no. 1 (April 27, 2018): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.01.00162.
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Geo-economics is becoming an integral component of inter-state relations. States are employing economic instruments to project their power, thus, redefining their traditional relations with other states. Pakistan and China view each other as strategic partners. Over the decades, China has extended considerable economic, military and technical assistance to Pakistan. As both neighbours expand their economic relationship through infrastructure development and trade corridors, including the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), such cooperation will directly interact with their existing strategic partnership. Beijing and Islamabad have been pursuing their geo-strategic interests in a framework that is progressively being shaped by geo-economics. The Chinese role and interests, in shaping the regional security order, are increasing. Geo-economic instruments are being employed to achieve geo-strategic objectives in a region, which is already marked by conflict and instability. This study explores how expanding economic relationship between Beijing and Islamabad will influence the bilateral strategic engagement, and in turn, impact the dynamics of the regional security.
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Muhammad Tasleem Ashraf, Dr. Ali Shan Shah, and Dr. Zil-e-Huma Rafique. "Impact of Security Issues on Pakistan-India Relations: Remedies and Political Advantages." sjesr 4, no. 1 (March 8, 2021): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol4-iss1-2021(315-323).
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The history of Pak-India relations has presented sound evidences that both states harvested distrust and uncertain conditions with each other after the end of British colonial rule in the sub-continent. Since the partition, both states have contentious issues which added more fuel to both sides' relations. Kashmir issue is a dominant factor that has created more unrest as both states strained into three full-scale wars in this connection. Mutual disputes have also created issues of security and cross-border terrorism which put obstacles during the peace process between India and Pakistan. Concerns about security and cross-border terrorism are counted as a serious constant threat to peace in the South Asian region as both countries have the capability of nuclear war. Pakistan is blamed for Cross border terrorism which is a big matter of concern by the Indian side. India claimed that through cross-border terrorism, Kashmir and the Indian Parliament were attacked with the backing of Pakistan. Mumbai attacks were also engineered in the same pattern to create unrest and security issues in India. On the other hand, Pakistan denied Indian allegations and has bourse concerns about India's involvement in Baluchistan and different suicide attacks in Pakistan. The study tries to explore the involvement of non-state actors in cross-border terrorism and its aftershock in both sides' relations. The study also explores the impacts of cross-border activities and the peace process between Pakistan and India. It examines the different measures taken by Pakistan to stop terrorism in the region for developing sustainable ties with India.
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Lopes, João. "Pakistan-China Relations in the Big Context of the “Belt and Road Initiative”: An Analysis of the Political Reverberations on the Pakistan-China-India Relations." Revista Portuguesa de Ciência Política / Portuguese Journal of Political Science 13 (2020): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33167/2184-2078.rpcp2020.13/pp.33-48.
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The “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) is a massive infrastructure investment plan with a long-lasting strategic rational in its essence, namely the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) imply potential political consequences on the geopolitical basis and the regional balance of power, given that China-Pakistan relations converge on a common adversary — India. Nevertheless, China-Pakistan relations converged in the CPEC brings strategic assets for both of them, mostly to China, addressing the fact that this project implies a big shift of strategic Chinese thought, in the sense that it envisions alternative routes for the energy resources transportation, trade and, all together, Chinese influence in the Central Asia and Middle East area, at the same time, bringing development with consequences to these countries. Altogether, CPEC, and BRI in general, makes India very aware and apprehensive of this reality and the power shift of the regional balance of power to China, making the former respond with projects of its own. So, the strategic thought of China materialized by BRI will have serious consequences to the region, mostly to India.
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Wyatt, Andrew. "India in 2013." Asian Survey 54, no. 1 (January 2014): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.1.151.
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The Congress-led coalition battled through another difficult year with issues of governance continuing to cause difficulty for the government. The economy performed unevenly, with high rates of inflation and slower economic growth. Close relations were maintained with the U.S., but relations with China remained awkward. Pakistan and India made little headway on improving relations. Campaigning for the 2014 general election began midway through 2013.
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Batool, Asma. "Pak-US Relations and Indian Factor." Global Foreign Policies Review III, no. I (December 30, 2020): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(iii-i).02.
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The South Asian region has always been a place of major concern for United States due to its strategic location; inter linked conflicts, threat of nuclear proliferation and tenacity of security threats such as terrorism. The region is hub of many conflicts and violence due to Pakistan-India's historical rivalry, terrorism and sectarian divisions. Security of the Pakistan has been unstable and highly based on proxy wars and involvement of Non-state actors. US has taken the responsibility to contribute in peace process of Pakistan-India conflicts to bring stability to the region but did not succeed. The Indian factor has always been primary for Pakistan while conducting relations with America. US tilt towards India has been significant since 2010 when strategic partnership between two initiated. After Trump came into power the US tilt towards India increased. To counter this US-Indo duo and maintain the balance in the region Pakistan has strengthened ties with Russia and China and also focusing on making adjustment in its nuclear doctrine to maintain its deterrence against the historical regional rival India.
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Bhattacharya, Sumanta, Jayanta Kumar Ray, Shakti Sinha, and Bhavneet Kaur Sachdev. "THE GROWING RELATION BETWEEN CHINA AND PAKISTAN AND ITS INFLUENCE ON INDIA AND ITS CHALLENGES AHEAD." International journal of multidisciplinary advanced scientific research and innovation 1, no. 9 (November 29, 2021): 184–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.53633/ijmasri.2021.1.9.04.
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China and Pakistan diplomatic relation started from 1951 which has grown over the years. China is providing humongous weapons, aircrafts and submarines to Pakistan in spite Pakistan being in debt and now Turkey has also started to provide military weapons to Pakistan, the ultimate aim to is attack India .The string of pearls is a geopolitical strategic to surround Indian peninsular from all sides by creating naval base in its neighbor countries .The economic corridor of China and Pakistan is also a weapon to keep a check on India and amplify Pakistan influence in the Indian Ocean region by providing them powerful submarines. However due to China’s belt and road initiative project which is one of the most financial risk projects has made china lost its appetite to provide money for large infrastructure projects especially in Pakistan, the disagreement between Pakistan and China on CPEC has stopped the work ahead. China is also supporting the Maoist, North- East insurgency and terrorist groups in India by providing those arms and has also attacked India through Cyber warfare. China through the string of pears, CPEC, Belt and Road initiative is trying to encircle India. Keyword: China, Pakistan, India, CPEC, String of pears, military, diplomatic relations, Indian Peninsula, Indian Ocean
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Lou, Chunhao. "Geopolitical “Entanglements” and the China-India-Pakistan Nuclear Trilemma." Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament 5, no. 2 (July 3, 2022): 281–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25751654.2022.2156252.
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Kasi, Mirwais, Abdul Qadir, and Adil Zaman Kasi. "Pakistan-China Relations and Central Asian Republics." Global International Relations Review V, no. I (March 30, 2022): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-i).02.
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Pakistan-China relationship has survived the test of time and denotes the phrase of respect,advantages to both sides, and natural alignment. Both nations provided support for each other at regional and international levels, which not only worked to secure their own interests but is also attracting other regional actors to explore advantages for themselves out of the time-tested friendship of Pakistan-China.Central Asian Republics are also attracted to Pakistan-China as to benefit in multidimensional aspects. The Central Asian Republics desire for access to their energy resources to consumers, while Pakistan and China's objectives in Central Asia have been driven by their diplomatic, security obligations, economic advantages,and their aspiration to become an energy transit corridor in the region. Pakistan-China relations and their targets increase the interdependence environment between all these actors, which also provides an impetus where Pakistan-China rising influence in Central Asian Republics is anticipated. The significance of this article is that it analyzes the two prongs of Pakistan-China's growing influence in Central Asian Republics;the first is based on unilateral efforts of the two countries to explore more areas of cooperation with Central Asian Republics and the second is based in Pakistan-China bilateral relations impact on Central Asian Republics.
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Jha, Prem Shankar. "China–India Relations under Modi." China Report 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517696630.
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The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi’s government in India reflect several departures from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non alignment that was designed to steer India clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social consolidation into militarisation and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved, reflecting the rise of India’s soft power. These shifts have ramifications on bilateral relations of India and China and carry substantial impact on future trends of engagements between the two.
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Muhammad Shafique ur Rehman, Tahir Mahmood Azad, and Muhammad Sadiq. "PROSPECTS OF CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) ON PAK-INDIA RELATIONS." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 39 (January 20, 2022): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4322.
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China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a game changer because it offers comprehensive plans for socio-economic progression and regionalintegration at the global level by providing linkages through land and sea routes. As for South Asia is concerned, it is the least integrated and backwardregion and BRI’s two plans, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and Bangladesh China India Myanmar Corridor (BCIM) have the potential toupraise the regional economy. The main obstacles on the way to South Asia’s economic progression are the persisting mistrust between India and Pakistanand ongoing Sino-Indian standoff. The CPEC and BCIM will create winwin scenario for China, India and Pakistan that compel them to cooperatewith one another. To realise the association between economic development and stability, the theory of neo-functionalism provides understanding tocomprehend this debate. The connectivity between CPEC and BCIM will be advantageous to India and Pakistan for their economic rise and eradicatingmistrust between them which will lead towards regional peace and stability.
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Mir, Zahoor Ahmad, and Reshmi Kazi. "The Contours of Saudi Arabia-Pakistan Relations and its Impact on India." Asian Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44758.
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Pakistan and Saudi Arabia’s relations have been historically substantial in the economic, political, strategic, and cultural spheres. Both countries have shared diplomatic platforms at bilateral, regional, and global levels, including the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Saudi Arabia has traditionally been the major exporter of petroleum and a crucial market for Pakistani services and products. The study is an attempt to evaluate the recent trends and the phenomenal changes that have undergone and the dynamics of the new emerging shifts in Saudi-Pakistan relations. The worsening relations between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan provide an opportunity for India to expand its influence in the Gulf region and counter Pakistan’s narrative on Kashmir at different international forums. It has further been assumed that India seeks to materialise new opportunities for the expansion of strategic objectives while trying to reduce Saudi security dependence on Pakistan.
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Ahmedani, Dr Muhammad Munir, Dr Ghulam Fatima, and Hassan Bakhsh Noonari. "Pakistan-Iran Relations in a Regional Perspective." International Research Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/irjmss.v2.3(21)4.24-28.
Full textAbstract:
From the source, Pakistan and Iran have been experiencing adequate relations on a large scale due to new priorities and changes in issues that authorize both neighbours to see a few challenges. This paper will explore whether Pakistan and Iran will really need to build a very close relationship in the near future. Regardless, Pakistan has successfully resolved its basic relations with Iran's common enemy Saudi Arabia. On the other hand after 9/11, Iran has been trying to build closer ties with Pakistan's permanent enemy in India. For how long, the article will affect Pakistan's relations with Iran. In addition the paper will include the necessary relations with Iran and Russia and China and it is common for that to continue that will prevent Iran from moving towards India