Journal articles: 'Immigrants' political engagement'

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Wright, Matthew, and Irene Bloemraad. "Is There a Trade-off between Multiculturalism and Socio-Political Integration? Policy Regimes and Immigrant Incorporation in Comparative Perspective." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (March 2012): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004919.

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Across immigrant-receiving democracies on both sides of the Atlantic, policies of “cultural recognition” (e.g., “multiculturalism”) have become a convenient punching-bag for political elites. Among academics, heated theoretical debates exist over whether such policies foster or hinder immigrants' engagement with their adoptive nation. We provide a novel empirical assessment of this debate from the immigrant perspective. We ask how multicultural and citizenship policies influence immigrants' socio-political engagement with their adoptive nation in three realms: social inclusion, political inclusion, and political engagement. Using a variety of cross-national and single-country surveys, we show that multiculturalism in no case hinders engagement with society and government, and in many cases seems to foster it. Thus, the claim that multiculturalism undermines immigrants' socio-political integration appears largely without foundation.

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Protassova, Ekaterina. "Political Engagement of the Russian Speakers in Finland." International Journal of Multilingual Education XI, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22333/ijme.2022.20007.

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Russian-speaking immigrants in Finland, like many other immigrants in the world, are reluctant to express their opinions on politics. They do not consider themselves competent enough to have the right to make a judgment in a situation in which they have not taken part and which they cannot view completely on their own. Gradually, immigrants who were born in various countries are becoming increasingly aware of their place in their new society, but they still feel they cannot fully trust their leaders. This article examines the attitude of Russian speakers to the Finnish elections and the ongoing war in Ukraine as presented in media and social media, interviews, and essays. It is not easy to compare whether they are less involved than the young Finns, or it is a generational thing. The conclusion points out the difficulties in adapting to a different political system than in the country of origin and illustrates the spectrum of opinions among the immigrants of the first and second generation who live in Finland and use Russian among other languages in their everyday life. Russian-language media continue to have a significant influence on Russian speakers, even though secondgeneration representatives rely less on these sources of information.

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Okamoto, Dina G., Linda R. Tropp, Helen B. Marrow, and Michael Jones-Correa. "Welcoming, Trust, and Civic Engagement: Immigrant Integration in Metropolitan America." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 690, no. 1 (July 2020): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220927661.

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Prior studies have sought to understand how immigrants integrate into U.S. society, focusing on the ways in which local contexts and institutions limit immigrant incorporation. In this study, we consider how interactions among immigrants and U.S.-born within receiving communities contribute to the process of immigrant integration. We emphasize the extent to which immigrants perceive that they are welcome in their social environments and the downstream effects of those perceptions. Drawing on new representative survey data and in-depth interviews with first-generation Mexican and Indian immigrants in the Atlanta and Philadelphia metropolitan areas, we examine what constitutes feeling welcomed and how these perceptions are associated with immigrants’ interest and trust in the U.S.-born and with their civic participation. Our focus on two metropolitan areas with long-standing racialized dynamics, coupled with new waves of immigration, provides insights about the role of welcoming contexts in immigrant integration in the twenty-first century.

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Vanderkooy, Patricia, and Stephanie J. Nawyn. "Identifying the Battle Lines." American Behavioral Scientist 55, no. 9 (August 19, 2011): 1267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211407838.

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Services designed to facilitate immigrant integration and civic-political engagement in the United States are highly privatized compared to those in Canada, where state funding provides the bulk of funding for immigrant needs, leading to a political context in which social welfare for immigrants is thin but opportunities to challenge state policies are perhaps greater. However, the decoupling of federal immigration policies from local integration presents challenges to local actors attempting to influence legislation at the federal level. This article is an exploration of the tensions between local and national organizing for comprehensive immigration reform (CIR) in the United States, with a particular focus on the effects of these tensions among local immigrant community organizations in Miami, Florida. The authors present data gathered from the Immigrant Participation and Immigration Reform project, a national effort to increase the civic engagement of individual immigrants, to build the capacity of immigrant organizations in civic engagement, and to build local-to-national relationships for the purposes of passing CIR. The authors compare two levels of engagement: local community organizing and national collaborations. Using ethnographic data from local and regional organizations in Miami, the authors explore the tensions organizers felt between local and national engagement with immigration legislation and how organizers responded to those tensions.

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Nowosielski, Michał. "Zaangażowanie Polaków mieszkających za granicą w działalność organizacji polonijnych." Kultura i Edukacja 101, no. 1 (2014): 146–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/kie.2014.01.09.

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Within a wealth of literature on the subject of the social and political participation of immigrants little has been said about the issue of the mount of immigrants’ engagement in immigrant organizations and its conditions. This paper, based on analysis of CAWI survey of 3500 Polish immigrants describes participations of Poles abroad in Polish immigrant organizations. It also defines three sets of factors determining the amount of engagement. The analysis of empirical data shows that the engagement of Poles abroad in activities of Polish immigrant organizations is limited. Hypotheses concerning factors determining participation in Polish immigrant organizations has been positively verified. Both previous experience of social participation in Poland as well as contemporary experience in country of residence positively influence engagement in Polish immigrant organizations. Also the relation between the country of residence, length of stay, as well as the year of with the level of activity in Polish immigrant organizations emigration has been observed. The participation in those organizations tends also to be influenced by such characteristics of a migrant like: age, size of the locality in which a migrant lives after migration, and type of professional activity. Only two of the assumed variables: size of the origin locality and material situation have not been related to participations of Poles abroad in Polish immigrant organizations.

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Zarpour, M. "Policy Implications for an Emerging Immigrant Civil Society." Practicing Anthropology 35, no. 4 (September 1, 2013): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.35.4.74336640p4155326.

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This paper highlights the potential role for applied anthropology in understanding immigrant political agency and contributes to policy perspectives on the evolving phenomenon of immigrant integration. Formal types of participation traditionally used to assess civic engagement, such as voter registration, are inadequate tests of civic engagement (Barreto and Muñoz 2003). Based on a study of the participation of Iranian immigrants in San Diego, in United States civil and political society, I suggest additional forms of participation and discuss their relationship to well-being and policymaking.

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Ferwerda, Jeremy, Henning Finseraas, and Johannes Bergh. "Voting Rights and Immigrant Incorporation: Evidence from Norway." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (February 5, 2018): 713–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000643.

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How do political rights influence immigrant integration? This study demonstrates that the timing of voting rights extension plays a key role in fostering political incorporation. In Norway, non-citizens are eligible to vote in local elections after three years of residency. Drawing on individual-level registry data and a regression discontinuity design, the study leverages the exogenous timing of elections relative to the start of residency periods to identify the effect of early access to political institutions. It finds that immigrants who received early access were more likely to participate in subsequent electoral contests, with the strongest effects visible among immigrants from dictatorships and weak democracies. It also observes evidence consistent with spillover effects for other aspects of political engagement. These findings suggest that early access to voting rights influences subsequent trajectories of immigrant incorporation, in particular among immigrants from less developed states who may otherwise face high integration barriers.

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Just, Aida, and Christopher J. Anderson. "Immigrants, Citizenship and Political Action in Europe." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 3 (November 8, 2011): 481–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000378.

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Little is known about how immigrants participate in politics and whether they transform political engagement in contemporary democracies. This study investigates whether citizenship (as opposed to being foreign-born) affects political and civic engagement beyond the voting booth. It is argued that citizenship should be understood as a resource that enhances participation and helps immigrants overcome socialization experiences that are inauspicious for political engagement. The analysis of the European Social Survey data collected in nineteen European democracies in 2002–03 reveals that citizenship has a positive impact on political participation. Moreover, citizenship is a particularly powerful determinant of un-institutionalized political action among individuals who were socialized in less democratic countries. These findings have important implications for debates over the definition of and access to citizenship in contemporary democracies.

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Hochman, Oshrat, and Gema García-Albacete. "Political Interest among European Youth with and without an Immigrant Background." Social Inclusion 7, no. 4 (December 27, 2019): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i4.2312.

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Our article investigates political engagement among youth with and without an immigration background. Tapping to current debates on intergenerational assimilation processes in Europe, we look at differences in levels of political interest between immigrants, children of immigrants and natives. In particular, we argue that such differences are a function of respondents’ identification with the receiving society. We predict that among respondents with an immigrant background higher levels of national identification will be positively correlated with political interest. Among natives, political interest will not depend on levels of national identification. These expectations reflect the ideas of the social identity perspective according to which group identification increases adherence to group norms and adherence to norms is stronger among individuals who suffer from identity uncertainty. We test our model in four European countries: England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden, using data from the CILS4EU project. Our findings indicate that interest in the politics of the survey country differs between respondents with and without an immigrant background. Respondents with an immigrant background who also have a strong national identification are more likely to report a political interest than natives. Respondents with an immigrant background who have a low national identification, are less likely to report a political interest than natives. The findings also reveal that political discussions at home and associationism positively predict political interest whereas girls show significantly lower odds to be politically interested.

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Voicu, Malina, and Ioana Alexandra Rusu. "Immigrants’ membership in civic associations: Why are some immigrants more active than others?" International Sociology 27, no. 6 (October 22, 2012): 788–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580912452172.

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This study focuses on the level of membership in associations of the migrant population in Spain. Three types of civic engagement are considered: participation in all types of civic associations, in associations for immigrants and in non-immigrant associations. The article investigates whether immigrants coming from countries with higher levels of civic participation are more likely to participate in civic associations and if immigrants who have lived longer in and stayed in closer contact with a home country with a higher level of civic participation are more likely to join civic associations. Data used come from the Spanish National Immigrant Survey (2007) and the World Values Survey (2000, 2005). The results of multilevel logistic regressions show that immigrants who have spent more time in a more participatory context at origin and who are in closer contact with these societies are more likely to get involved in civic associations at destination.

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Street, Alex. "The Political Effects of Immigrant Naturalization." International Migration Review 51, no. 2 (June 2017): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12229.

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Immigration is transforming the societies of Europe and North America. Yet the political implications of these changes remain unclear. In particular, we lack credible evidence on whether, and how, becoming a citizen of the country of residence prompts immigrants to engage with the political system. This paper used panel data from Germany to test theories of citizenship and immigrant politics. I found that naturalization can promote political integration, but that this is more likely if new citizens have the chance to pick up habits of political engagement during the formative years of early adulthood.

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Lasala-Blanco, Narayani, Laura Morales, and Carles Pamies. "Forging Political Identities and Becoming Citizens: The Political Preferences and Engagement of South American Immigrants in the United States and Spain." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 9 (March 3, 2021): 1265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996752.

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Research in the United States has emphasized the importance of anti-immigrant and anti-Hispanic hostility to galvanize shared identities and a sense of linked fate that is electorally mobilized around the pan-ethnic Latino identity. With survey data on the electoral behavior of South American immigrants in the United States and Spain spanning a decade (2006-2018), this article gauges how critical hostility is for electoral mobilization. The findings suggest that—despite very different institutional settings, hostility levels, elite strategies, and political mobilization patterns—South American immigrants are forging remarkably similar patterns of political preferences and engagement across both sides of the Atlantic. The overtime and comparative perspective calls into question that hostility is the main driving force behind Latino electoral participation and block voting in the United States and prompts greater attention to the socioeconomic status of Latinos and mobilization by political parties.

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Semprebon, Michela. "L'articolazione tra dinamiche conflittuali, coinvolgimento politico e riconoscimento dei migranti. Uno studio di caso nella Terza Italia." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 3 (March 2013): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2012-003005.

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Italian scholars have demonstrated growing interest in immigrants' political engagement. Most studies have focused on associationism and conventional forms of political participation, while little research has investigated their unconventional involvement. Additionally, in the context of urban conflicts, they have been assumed as passive political actors, or at least this can be deduced from the scarce attention dedicated to them. The paper aims to question this interpretation, while at the same time contributing to research on immigrants' unconventional engagement, through an examination of two conflicts that exploded in north-eastern Italy. In particular, the following questions will be addressed: what shapes can immigrants' political engagement take? How does it articulate with contentious dynamics? Can any form of recognition emerge from it? In order to answer these questions, evi- dence will be drawn from a research carried out in the cities of Modena and Verona, between 2008 and 2010. The analysis will build on the theoretical perspective by Dancygier (2010) to then criticise its scarce dynamicity with respect to a pragmatic approach. Contentious dynamics will be inspected alongside their articulation with immigrants' political engagement. This will provide empirical material to test the key hypothesis by Dancygier, according to whom it is power which mainly contributes to the emergence of native-immigrants conflicts, and the lack of it which anticipates the emergence of immigrants-state actors conflicts. The analysis will then be taken further to explore the type of ‘recognition' (Fraser and Honneth 2007) that can derive from urban conflicts.

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Li, Ruoxi, and Bradley M. Jones. "Why Do Immigrants Participate in Politics Less Than Native-Born Citizens? A Formative Years Explanation." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 5, no. 1 (July 23, 2019): 62–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2019.22.

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AbstractOne of the long-standing puzzles in the political behavior literature is about immigrants' low level of political participation: after achieving comparable and sometimes even higher levels of socioeconomic status relative to the native-born citizens, why do immigrants still participate less in politics? We argue that the different formative years experiences associated with immigrants who moved to the United States at an older age is the key that explains the participation gap between immigrants and the native-born population. Using the 1994–2016 Current Population Survey and their Voting and Civic Engagement Supplements as data sources, we develop a hierarchical model that simultaneously accounts for region-, country-, and individual-level variables. The results are striking. We show that immigrants who move to the United States at a young age participate in politics at a rate that is indistinguishable from the native-born population; those who migrated at an older age participate less. The fact that over 60% of the immigrant population moved to the United States as adults is a main factor that contributes to the political participation gap between immigrants and the native-born population.

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DeSipio, Louis. "Immigrant Incorporation in an Era of Weak Civic Institutions." American Behavioral Scientist 55, no. 9 (August 19, 2011): 1189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211407842.

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In this article, the author analyzes five domains of immigrant incorporation and participation in the United States—civic and community engagement among immigrants; naturalization patterns; immigrant (and co-ethnic) partisanship and electoral behaviors; the election of naturalized citizens, and their U.S.-born co-ethnics, as elective officeholders; and immigrant transnational efforts to influence the civic or political life of their communities or countries of origin—in an effort to highlight both the opportunities immigrants and naturalized citizens have seized in U.S. politics and the barriers, particularly, institutional barriers, they continue to face. Although the primary analytical focus is immigrants in the United States, the author is attentive to the challenge raised by Irene Bloemraad (2011 [this issue]) in her introductory article to identify opportunities for comparative insights from the Canadian case. As will be evident, the author ultimately identifies more apples and oranges in the comparison of the U.S. and Canadian cases than peas sharing an analytical pod.

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CARLOS, ROBERTO F. "The Politics of the Mundane." American Political Science Review 115, no. 3 (April 12, 2021): 775–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055421000204.

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Extensive research on political participation suggests that parental resources strongly predict participation. Other research indicates that salient political events can push individuals to participate. I offer a novel explanation of how mundane household experiences translate to political engagement, even in settings where low participation levels are typically found, such as immigrant communities. I hypothesize that experiences requiring children of Latinx immigrants to take on “adult” responsibilities provide an environment where children learn the skills needed to overcome the costs associated with participation. I test this hypothesis using three datasets: a survey of Latinx students, a representative survey of young adults, and a 10-year longitudinal study. The analyses demonstrate that Latinx children of immigrants taking on adult responsibilities exhibit higher levels of political activity compared with those who do not. These findings provide new insights into how the cycle of generational political inequality is overcome in unexpected ways and places.

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Wals, Sergio C. "Made in the USA? Immigrants' imported ideology and political engagement." Electoral Studies 32, no. 4 (December 2013): 756–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.05.032.

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Patler, Caitlin. "“Citizens but for Papers:” Undocumented Youth Organizations, Anti-Deportation Campaigns, and the Reframing of Citizenship." Social Problems 65, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 96–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spw045.

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Abstract Scholars have documented strong anti-immigrant bias in mainstream media portrayals and public sentiment, especially associated with notions of “illegality.” Yet certain groups of undocumented immigrants have been able to defend their continued residency. How are undocumented immigrants, as marginalized subjects, able to make claims for legal and social recognition? Through an analysis of 125 anti-deportation campaigns led by undocumented youth organizations in the United States, I show how organizations developed a nationally coordinated model using citizenship frames to challenge deportations and build support for pro-immigrant legislation. Citizenship frames are based in legal and normative ideologies of citizenship that underscore acculturation, civic engagement, and humanitarian concerns. The campaigns highlight undocumented immigrants’ social integration, deservingness, and practice of citizenship, therefore contesting the boundaries between citizen and noncitizen, and between lawful and unlawful. Though citizenship frames are used across cases, campaign tactics vary: students are portrayed as high-achievers who would suffer greatly if deported, while campaigns for non-students emphasize the detrimental effects of deportation on others. Importantly, citizenship frames are bounded by the government’s priorities for immigration enforcement, with potentially negative consequences for those immigrants considered less than model citizens.

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Terriquez, Veronica. "Civic Inequalities? Immigrant Incorporation and Latina Mothers' Participation in Their Children's Schools." Sociological Perspectives 55, no. 4 (December 2012): 663–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2012.55.4.663.

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Researchers often find that Latinos' racial/ethnic and immigrant background characteristics are associated with barriers to their incorporation and acceptance into mainstream civic institutions. Using survey data from Los Angeles, this article identifies correlates of mothers' school-based civic engagement. Findings suggest that Latina mothers are just as involved as white mothers, after accounting for differences in educational attainment and other nonethnic factors. Results also show that after Latina immigrants have lived in the United States for a decade, their participation in their children's schools resembles that of their U.S.-born counterparts. Although Latinas' English-speaking abilities predict their parental school engagement, their citizenship and legal statuses do not. Evidence suggests that Central American immigrants participate at modestly higher rates than do Mexicans. Findings challenge assumptions about Latina parents' disengagement from their children's formal education, while highlighting sources of variation in school-based civic participation among this diverse group.

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Park, Saemyi. "Identifying Asian American Attitudes Toward Immigration: Testing Theories of Acculturation, Group Consciousness, and Context Effects." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 1 (December 9, 2020): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/465.

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In this study, I test a model of competing theoretical explanations of Asian American attitudes toward immigration by studying the effects of acculturation, group consciousness and political commonality with other groups, and contextual factors. Using the 2018 Civic Engagement and Political Participation of Asian American Survey, Asian Americans’ policy preferences on Syrian refugees, Deferred Action of Childhood Arrivals (DACA), the Muslim travel ban, and a border wall are examined. Multinomial logistic regression analyses reveal that acculturation explains positive attitudes toward immigration among Asian Americans whereas factors such as Asian identity, political commonality with other racial groups, and the perceived racial mix of neighborhoods have limited and mixed influence on Asian American immigration attitudes. As one of very few studies on immigrants’ attitudes toward immigration policies, this study contributes to our better understanding of how the fastest-growing immigrant group like Asian Americans determine their attitudes toward policies that target immigrants.

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McCann, James A., David L. Leal, Rachel Navarre, and Wayne A. Cornelius. "Transnational Political Engagement and the Civic Incorporation of Mexican Immigrants in the United States." Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 10, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 129–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/rlop.25779.

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Many migrants to the U.S. are engaged in public affairs in their country of origin. Whether such engagement impedes or encourages engagement in American politics remains an open question. Drawing from a unique two-wave panel survey of Mexican immigrants conducted in 2006, with surveys waves fielded to correspond to national elections in Mexico and the United States, we examine the relationship between transnational political engagement and attentiveness to American politics. The findings indicate that remote political engagement in Mexican politics is not a barrier to incorporation in the U.S. context. On the contrary, engagement in Mexican campaigns can stimulate interest and participation in U.S. elections.

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Chen, Anqi, and Yongxin Lu. "Beyond Ethnic Enclave: Social Integration of Chinese Immigrants in Paris’s “Little Asia”." Journal for Undergraduate Ethnography 10, no. 2 (October 19, 2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/jue.v10i2.10354.

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This paper studies the integration of Chinese immigrants in the Triangle de Choisy neighborhood in Paris, which is known for being an exotic hub of Chinese commercial and cultural activities. Based on Serge Paugam’s model, we investigated the social integration of Chinese residents in the neighborhood. Our ndings show that while dense social bonds allowed for better connection, our respondents are generally reluctant to address political engagement, which Paugam (2017) considers as one of the four key aspects of social integration. The apparent result seems to con rm the so-called Chinese ethics of diligent work and political indi erence. However, after closer examination, we found diverse forms of participation that have not been captured by the conventional ethnic- centric understanding of political engagement. First, universalistic welfare policies reduced incentives for community-based mobilization. Second, a high level of internal heterogeneity within the community and exclusion of ethnic-particularistic experience in mainstream politics both led to individualized, subtle forms of participation. By situating individual political choice within their particular memories and life histories and reconceptualizing minorities’ political engagement beyond ethnicity, more forms of political engagement can be understood and appreciated. Finally, we argue that the conventional ethnic-centred understanding of minority political participation needs to be challenged.

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CHAUDHARY, ALI R. "Voting here and there: political integration and transnational political engagement among immigrants in Europe." Global Networks 18, no. 3 (October 24, 2017): 437–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/glob.12171.

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Dallinger, Carolyn. "Achieving a Global Mind-set at Home: Student Engagement with Immigrant Children." Teaching Sociology 45, no. 4 (August 23, 2017): 358–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0092055x17726574.

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Developing a global mind-set in college students is a goal of many colleges and universities. Most often this goal is met by encouraging students to study abroad. This article explains how a service learning student engagement program at home achieves this goal by pairing Introduction to Sociology students with young immigrant children in a weekly formal mentoring relationship. Research on the program shows that students develop new perspectives about immigrant issues and that students report a reduction of their level of prejudice against immigrants coming from around the globe. Quantitative outcomes assessed on a Likert prejudice scale support service learning participants’ reports of lower prejudice levels than those in a control group. This teaching method has significant implications for providing opportunities to students from all socioeconomic backgrounds to engage in service learning, achieving global mind-sets at home.

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Moura, Hudson. "Political Engagement in Carne y Arena by Alejandro González Iñárritu." Interactive Film & Media Journal 2, no. 3 (June 23, 2022): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32920/ifmj.v2i3.1635.

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Created by Mexican awarded director Alejandro González Iñárritu, Carne y Arena is an immersive mixed-reality installation that allows visitors to experience traumatic and violent incidents with illegal immigrants crossing the Mexican–US border. Carne y Arena’s mixed reality combines VR experience with physical components, turning it into a multisensory, bodily immersive experience. As part of the art installation, the whole VR arena is surrounded by the remains of a wall’s border; while inside, actual immigrants’ clothes and objects are also exhibited. Another component is the documentary aspect, where real-life characters recount their stories through video testimonies. Iñárritu immerses and makes the visitors experience refugees’ stories first-hand while exploring their emotional reactions to traumatic realities through a spiral of corporeal sensations and entertainment spectacle. According to Iñárritu, the intent is to subordinate technology to the human condition. Technology does mean nothing unless it can reveal or denounce people’s situations. Therefore, technology must be subordinated to humans, humanity, and art. “I despise technology,” says the filmmaker. But, has film lost the power to engage the viewers emotionally? Can virtual reality simulate refugees’ dispossession (the sense of the self) and alleviate society’s consciousness? In this paper, I examine the role of a museum installation featuring refugees’ discourses; the VR technology in bringing forward the visitor’s social engagement; and the issues the filmmaker address, such as the refugee’s experience in contemporary global society.

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HANGARTNER, DOMINIK, ELIAS DINAS, MORITZ MARBACH, KONSTANTINOS MATAKOS, and DIMITRIOS XEFTERIS. "Does Exposure to the Refugee Crisis Make Natives More Hostile?" American Political Science Review 113, no. 2 (December 27, 2018): 442–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000813.

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Although Europe has experienced unprecedented numbers of refugee arrivals in recent years, there exists almost no causal evidence regarding the impact of the refugee crisis on natives’ attitudes, policy preferences, and political engagement. We exploit a natural experiment in the Aegean Sea, where Greek islands close to the Turkish coast experienced a sudden and massive increase in refugee arrivals, while similar islands slightly farther away did not. Leveraging a targeted survey of 2,070 island residents and distance to Turkey as an instrument, we find that direct exposure to refugee arrivals induces sizable and lasting increases in natives’ hostility toward refugees, immigrants, and Muslim minorities; support for restrictive asylum and immigration policies; and political engagement to effect such exclusionary policies. Since refugees only passed through these islands, our findings challenge both standard economic and cultural explanations of anti-immigrant sentiment and show that mere exposure suffices in generating lasting increases in hostility.

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Joseph, Nancy, Natalie N. Watson, Zhenni Wang, Andrew D. Case, and Carla D. Hunter. "Rules of engagement: Predictors of Black Caribbean immigrants’ engagement with African American culture." Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 19, no. 4 (October 2013): 414–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0032659.

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Andrew, Caroline. "S. Karthick Ramakrishnan and Irene Bloemraad, Civic Hopes and Political Realities: Immigrants, Community Organizations and Political Engagement." Journal of International Migration and Integration / Revue de l'integration et de la migration internationale 11, no. 4 (September 11, 2010): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-010-0154-4.

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David L. Leal, Jerod Patterson, and Joe R. Tafoya. "Religion and the Political Engagement of Latino Immigrants: Bridging Capital or Segmented Religious Assimilation?" RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (2016): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.7758/rsf.2016.2.3.07.

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Đikanović, Vesna. "Between Humanitarianism and Politics: Some Aspects of the Relief Efforts by Yugoslav Immigrants in the United States." Two Homelands, no. 55 (January 31, 2022): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/dd.2022.1.06.

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The article examines specific aspects of the humanitarian engagement of Yugoslav immigrants in the United States during World War II. In addition, it aims to highlight how particular ideological, political, and ethnonational views were expressed through the organization, cooperation, and engagement in humanitarian actions. The article reviews the engagement of the United Committee of South-Slavic Americans (UCSSA), an organization whose one activity was sending aid to vulnerable compatriots in the old homeland. It also sheds light on a specific endeavor, namely, the process of loading the Yugoslav ship with humanitarian aid for the partisans and civilians in the liberated parts of Yugoslavia.

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Lobera, Josep, Santiago Pérez-Nievas, and José Rama. "Combined Effects of Cultural-Linguistic Proximity and Naturalization on Political Integration of First-Generation Immigrants." Migraciones. Publicación del Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones, no. 51 (May 6, 2021): 123–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/mig.i51y2021.005.

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Although the under-participation of ethnic minorities in the electoral field is frequently observed, the nuances of their political engagement remain relatively unexplored by scholars. Particularly, little empirical analysis has attempted to identify the barriers faced by first-generation immigrants to adopt a party preference in their host country. Drawing on a unique survey data with a large sample of first-generation immigrants (N= 2,648) in a new migration country (Spain), this article explores the relevance of different set of factors (cultural proximity vs immigration status) in explaining the acquisition of a party preference among this minority population. We find that cultural proximity (as defined by the country of origin: Latin-American vs the rest) is a strong predictor for the acquisition of a party preference. Additionally, our results suggest that the predictive strength of this factor is reinforced through a naturalization regime that facilitates full political rights to culturally closer immigrants, thus reinforcing their a priori better conditions for political integration. Finally, the results also suggest that permissive (rather than restrictive) naturalization policies might work better to secure the political integration of migrant minorities.

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Stohlman, Sarah. "Sacred Assemblies and Civic Engagement: How Religion Matters for America's Newest Immigrants." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 37, no. 4 (July 2008): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610803700450.

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Ramirez, Blanca A. "Book review: Holding Fast: Resilience and Civic Engagement Among Latino Immigrants." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 62, no. 4 (August 2021): 349–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207152211053906.

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Suárez-Orozco, Marcelo, and Carola Suárez-Orozco. "MOVING STORIES." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 1 (2007): 251–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070130.

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AbstractIn the first decade of the new millennium, a new cycle of public concern about the benefits and harms of immigration has erupted. The harsh spotlight on undocumented immigration and border controls has blinded us to many important facets of the problem. In this article, we focus on the experience and integration of the children of immigrants. These youth are the largest growing segment of the U.S. child population—now constituting 20% of our nation's children and projected by the year 2040 to make up one-third of our children. Immigrant-origin youth are extraordinarily diverse, and their experiences resist facile generalizations. The social and educational outcomes of immigrant youth will thus vary substantially depending upon the specific constellation of resources and the settlement context. Of critical importance is how immigrant youth fare academically, as this has long-term implications for their future, as well as our society's well-being. While some are successfully navigating the U.S. educational system, large numbers struggle academically, leaving school without having acquired the tools that will enable them to function in the highly competitive labor market and ever more complex society. Here we explore a variety of factors that shed light on the educational integration of the children of immigrants: educational background; poverty; segregation; undocumented status; English-language acquisition; promoting academic engagement; family relations; peer relationships; communities and community organizations; and mentoring relationships. We advocate a major new policy agenda to ease the transition of America's newest and littlest arrivals to their new home.

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Inukonda, Sumanth. "Diaspora and the nation: The case of the TeNA online forum." Global Media and Communication 14, no. 3 (November 16, 2018): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766518811860.

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First-generation Asian Americans are noted to be more involved in the politics back home than in the politics of the United States. The studies invested in analysing the causes for such attitudes have so far neglected examination of material interests that the recent immigrants might have in their homelands. This study analyses the politically active Telangana online community, which was involved in a struggle for separation. This article argues that the complex patterns of resistance and hegemonic co-option in the Telangana movement can be understood by situating the texts within the wider context of social and institutional practices both in the home and host societies. This article identifies five key frames with which to analyse the political engagement of the Telangana diaspora: identifying victims and enemies, asserting cultural difference, articulating relations with the host country and transnational actors, negotiating globalization, and conflicts over resources. The article concludes that critical scholarly engagement with the diaspora requires theorization that goes beyond the study of marginal voices in the public sphere and forges new connections between globalization, political processes, state and the media.

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Crawford, Joanne, Farah Ahmad, Dorcas E. Beaton, and Arlene S. Bierman. "Colorectal cancer screening behaviors among South Asian immigrants in Canada: a qualitative study." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 11, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-09-2014-0037.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to gain an in-depth understanding of beliefs, attitudes, and reasons for decision making about colorectal cancer (CRC) screening among South Asian (SA) immigrants. Design/methodology/approach – Six focus groups conducted in English, Punjabi, and Urdu were held with 42 SA immigrants, 50-74 years old and at average risk for CRC, from November 2012 to May 2013. All focus group discussions were audio-taped and transcribed verbatim. Data analysis used an inductive and systematic approach employing constant comparison techniques. Findings – Three dominant themes emerged. Beliefs and attitudes towards cancer and screening represented SA immigrant’s perceptions that early detection was beneficial; screening was not necessary in the absence of symptoms; cancer was scary; and the loss of previously established bowel practices upon immigration as potential risks for CRC. Knowledge and awareness focused on unscreened participants’ cancer stories; screened participants’ knowledge of CRC, risk factors, and screening; experiential learning from focus groups; and screened participants’ strategies to promote screening. Support and accessibility concentrated on physician support and responsibility to provide information, explanation, and recommend screening to facilitate access. Originality/value – Findings provide novel insights on socio-cultural context, beliefs, and barriers to CRC screening among SA immigrants. Culturally appropriate community-based strategies included story-telling, the use of social networks, and greater physician engagement. Enhancing collaborative partnerships with physicians and public health may minimize structural barriers and reduce health disparities. Future research could explore effectiveness of outreach strategies including these collaborations.

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Guziana, Bozena. "Only for Citizens? Local Political Engagement in Sweden and Inclusiveness of Terms." Sustainability 13, no. 14 (July 13, 2021): 7839. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13147839.

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In both policy and research, civic engagement and citizen participation are concepts commonly used as important dimensions of social sustainability. However, as migration is a global phenomenon of huge magnitude and complexity, citizen participation is incomplete without considering the political and ethical concerns about immigrants being citizens or non-citizens, or ‘the others’. Although research on citizen participation has been a frequent topic in local government studies in Sweden, the inclusiveness and exclusiveness of terms used in the context of local political engagement, which are addressed in this article, has not received attention. This article examines the Swedish case by analyzing information provided by the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and by websites of all 290 municipalities as well terms used in selected research publications on local participation. Additionally, this article studies the effectiveness of municipal websites in providing information to their residents about how they can participate in local democracy. The results show that the term citizen is commonly and incorrectly used both by local authorities and the Association. The article concludes that the term citizen is a social construction of exclusiveness and the use of the term citizen should be avoided in political and civic engagement except for the limited topics that require formal citizenship.

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W.L. Lai, Daniel, Gabrielle D. Daoust, and Lun Li. "Understanding elder abuse and neglect in aging Chinese immigrants in Canada." Journal of Adult Protection 16, no. 5 (October 7, 2014): 322–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jap-03-2014-0006.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to review and discuss existing literature and available research findings related to understanding elder abuse and neglect in culturally diverse communities, particularly the Chinese immigrant community in Canada. The conceptual understandings of elder abuse are examined, based upon the socio-cultural context and challenges faced by aging Chinese immigrants. Design/methodology/approach – Previous literature and research publications related to elder abuse and neglect related to Chinese in Canada were reviewed and synthesized. Statistical information and research findings were summarized to illustrate the socio-cultural context that defines elder abuse and neglect experienced by aging Chinese immigrants in Canada. Findings – From a culturally diverse perspective, influence of race, ethnicity, immigrant status, and cultural norms on the recognition, identification, prevention and intervention of elder abuse and neglect are important to consider. A key message for professionals working with the aging population, particularly older immigrants from ethno-cultural minority background, is that understanding the social cultural context in which elder abuse or neglect emerges is critical. For many of the aging Chinese immigrants in Canada, the socio-cultural circumstances that they have experienced, their social environment, and various barriers and challenges further prevent them from being aware of this emerging concern. Cultural norms and practices have played a critical role in their access to preventive and intervention services. Research limitations/implications – Although this paper is not based upon a particularly empirical research study, the research and literature synthesized are both empirically and conceptually based. As indicated in the review of previous research publications on the subjective matter of elder abuse and neglect in aging Chinese immigrants in Canada is limited. Research on various issues related to elder abuse and neglect in ethno-cultural minority communities is also relatively scant. Evaluation research on prevention and intervention programs is desperately needed so as to facilitate the further establishment of best practice prevention and intervention models that are culturally appropriate and effective. While research engagement with minority groups such as the aging Chinese immigrants who do not speak English or are not familiar with the research culture in the western civilization could be challenging, academic researchers and service providers in both the mainstream and ethno-cultural minority communities should further align themselves in practice-research partnership endeavors to ensure the safety and wellbeing of the aging vulnerable individuals could be better maintained. Practical implications – In order to provide culturally competent services, service providers should be aware of cultural differences in attitudes towards elder mistreatment, including the ways in which specific types of abuse (e.g. financial abuse) are defined within ethno-cultural communities, and the cultural values and experiences that shape these understandings and determine attitudes or barriers towards reporting, intervention, and service use. Originality/value – This paper is a first attempt in the research community to synthesize a few critical issues related to elder abuse and neglect in the aging Chinese immigrant community in Canada. The paper has connected previous empirical findings related to Chinese older adults as well as other culturally diverse aging populations to the conceptualization of elder abuse and neglect by considering the unique socio-cultural context faced by the ethnocultural older adults.

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Wiley, Shaun, Delysha Lawrence, Jessica Figueroa, and Rosanna Percontino. "Rejection-(dis)identification and ethnic political engagement among first-generation Latino immigrants to the United States." Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 19, no. 3 (2013): 310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0031093.

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Belliveau, Michele. "Interdisciplinary Service-Learning: Building Student Competencies through the Cross-Cultural Parent Groups Project." Advances in Social Work 12, no. 1 (March 15, 2011): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/1268.

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Changing demographics and an emphasis on competency-based social work education call for innovative approaches to the delivery of curricular content. In an effort to introduce BSW students to the socio-political issues facing the local Latino immigrant community, a service-learning project was developed in collaboration with the Spanish Language Department and a local middle school. An analysis of outcomes from social work student evaluations showed that students engaged with the community and issues in new and unexpected ways. Through their engagement in a cross-cultural group project, students developed greater cultural competency, honed their group practice skills in an unfamiliar context, provided a needed service to the community, and raised their awareness about the working conditions of new immigrants as part of a developing framework for social action. Details and implications of the project as a means to build student competencies are described.

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Kennedy, Heather, Savahanna Matyasic, Lynn Schofield Clark, Corey Engle, Yolanda Anyon, Margo Weber, Carlos Jimenez, Mike Osiemo Mwirigi, and Stephanie Nisle. "Early Adolescent Critical Consciousness Development in the Age of Trump." Journal of Adolescent Research 35, no. 3 (June 3, 2019): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0743558419852055.

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Political elections have been shown to influence youth civic development. The election of Donald Trump is historic and has elevated precarity for people of color and immigrants, yet we know little about how young people with these identities experienced this potentially catalytic event. Using ethnographic methods, we examined youth and adult discussions that occurred during youth participatory action research in four sites of one after-school program between October 2016 and May 2017, to investigate how the development of critical consciousness occurs among early adolescent youth of color in the context of catalyzing political events. We identified emergent patterns in how young people (a) engaged in critical reflection, (b) weighed political efficacy, and (c) considered engagement in critical action in the wake of Trump’s election. The data revealed that young people’s critical consciousness development ranged from basic to advanced levels. This research highlights the ways that politically catalytic events shape critical consciousness development among early adolescents of color.

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Balogun, Bolaji. "Race and racism in Poland: Theorising and contextualising ‘Polish-centrism’." Sociological Review 68, no. 6 (June 2, 2020): 1196–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026120928883.

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Whilst scholarship has sought to consider migration in Poland, there has been a lack of engagement with the ways in which race and racism interact with migration. In this article, I map the figures in the Polish imaginary of European, and examine whether Poland has different, if related, histories of racial thinking. I ask how such histories have been conceived, shaped and mediated. To examine this, I focus on the lived experiences of sub-Saharan African immigrants and children of immigrants (Black/mixed-race) who are often portrayed as non-Europeans and seen by some as ‘not quite Polish’. In doing so, this article provides an insight into the racial contours of Polish self-conception. I call this logic ‘Polish-centrism’ – a focus on some aspects of Polish culture to the exclusion of a wider view of the world. It is within this logic that I examine what it means to be Black and Polish in Poland.

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Zibrak, Arielle. "The Progressive Era’s New Optimists." American Literary History 32, no. 2 (2020): 376–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajaa001.

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Abstract New scholarship in the literature and print culture of the Progressive Era emphasizes the socially and politically transformative power of aesthetic experience. Through their attention to the physical as well as ideological spaces in which the dual projects of political reform and cultural formation via textual production and consumption were carried out, these scholars offer an account of Progressive-Era aesthetic products ranging from fiction to journalism to comics to productions of Elizabethan drama as democratic sites of social good. While previous criticism of the era’s literature aligned its ideological orientation with the regressive politics of nativism and rising class divisions, these scholars, through both recovery and rereading, take a more optimistic approach that emphasizes the reciprocal nature of the textual engagement undertaken by immigrants and the working class.

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Goirizelaia, Maialen, and Kattalina Berriochoa. "News from the Old Country: Media Consumption by the Basque Diaspora in the United States." Communication & Society 32, no. 3 (April 1, 2019): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.32.33857.

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This study analyzes the ways in which the Basque diaspora community in the United States consumes news media from their home origin. Using survey data collected from over 400 Basque-Americans with varying generations (first, second, third, etc.), we explore the ways in which surveyed individuals consume media from their ancestral territory of origin, in this case, the Basque Country of Spain and France. This research is exploratory and descriptive of the media habits and behavior of individuals with Basque origins. We find that significant shifts in media consumption occur between first generation immigrants and those beyond the second generation. As we move across generations, we observe that individuals shift from engagement with home-origin media to engagement with Basque cultural activities, such as dancing clubs. Our study suggests that the importance of digital media from the homeland is growing, but that most consumption of information by the Basque diaspora is through social networks. Our findings also suggest that, among those who continue to consume home-origin media, it is mainly through readership of national newspapers (in this case, from Spain) rather than local newspapers (from the Basque Country). This article enriches our understanding of the media habits of the Basque diaspora and raises questions for future research about the effect of transnational media consumption on the political, social and economic behavior of immigrants in the United States.

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Marini, Francesco. "Immigrants and transnational engagement in the diaspora: Ghanaian associations in Italy and the UK." African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal 6, no. 2 (July 2013): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17528631.2013.793134.

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Mukherjee, Sahana, and Michael J. Perez. "All Americans are Not Perceived as “True” Americans: Implications for Policy." Policy Insights from the Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8, no. 1 (February 11, 2021): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2372732220984806.

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The United States is a nation of immigrants with significant ethnic and racial diversity. Yet, American identity is associated with European-Americans and their cultural values, defining ethnic minorities as less American. Experiences of identity denial are associated with negative mental and physical health outcomes, as well as lower political and civic engagement. Perceptions of prototypical American-ness link to a wide range of social policy about language, affirmative action, and redistribution. A cultural psychological perspective analyzes the contexts that promote exclusive conceptions of American identity, and it focuses on individual people who make up these contexts. Policies that recognize minority-group cultures and acknowledge the historical injustices against them can promote inclusive conceptions of American identity.

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Oh, Hyeongjin. "Racializing Apparatuses and Embodiment Performance." Re:Locations - Journal of the Asia-Pacific World 3, no. 2 (May 6, 2020): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/relocations.v1i1.33630.

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In April 2014, a ship named Sewol, carrying 476 passengers on its way to Jeju Island, sank into the Yellow Sea, near South Korea. The shipwreck exposed the Park administration’s incapacity to save civilians and ignited a huge political scandal that eventually impeached and imprisoned the President. In this paper, I centrally discuss two ways of performance art’s embodiment of the actual/imagined body of its subjects through stage devices (the prosthetic) and reconstruction of the audience’s sense of temporality (the stage as temporal indicator), by examining a South Korean performance piece’s engagement with the navigational failure and the systematic racialization of Southeast Asian immigrants by multiculturalist art policies and apparatuses.

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Nakhaie, M. Reza. "Social Capital and Political Participation of Canadians." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (December 2008): 835–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908081055.

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Abstract. This paper evaluates the importance of social capital for political participation of native-born Canadians and immigrants. The Survey of Social Engagement in Canada, a large survey of Canadians conducted by Statistics Canada in 2003, is used in order to test the role of social relations and connections in accounting for political participation. Analyses show that although the “usual suspects” play important roles in explaining political activities, the main culprit is social capital. Among social capital measures, though all are important, associational involvement and social networks, followed by trust and volunteering, are the best predictors of political participation. Moreover, the effect of social capital varies by period of immigration. Theoretical and policy implications of findings are discussed.Résumé. Cet article évalue l'importance du capital social pour la participation politique des Canadiens de naissance et des immigrés. L'Enquête sociale générale, cycle 17 : L'Engagement social, une grande enquête menée par Statistique Canada en 2003, sert de toile de fond pour estimer le rôle des rapports et liens sociaux dans la participation politique. Les analyses montrent que, bien que d'autres facteurs connus jouent un rôle dans le choix d'activités politiques, le plus important est le capital social. Parmi les mesures de ce facteur, qui sont toutes importantes, l'activité au sein d'une association et les réseaux sociaux, suivis de la confiance et du travail bénévole, sont les meilleurs prédicteurs de la participation politique. Suit une discussion des conséquences théoriques de ces résultats et de leur incidence sur la politique générale.

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Cruz, Estefania. "Young Immigrants Association and the Future Latino Leadership in the United States. Social Capital and Political Engagement of Dreamers in perspective." Norteamérica 11, no. 2 (December 20, 2016): 165–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20999/nam.2016.b007.

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Best, Amy L., Katie Kerstetter, John Dale, and Samantha Retrosi. "The strength of civic ties: connecting civic engagement and professional attainment among educated immigrants in the United States." Community, Work & Family 25, no. 2 (December 16, 2021): 174–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13668803.2021.2008876.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Immigrants' political engagement'

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