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Kostyleva, Aleksandra. "Socioeconomic factors of the instances of crime among “new” immigration in the United States (late XIX – early XX centuries)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.4.33156.
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The primary task of this research is to elucidate the reasons for stereotyping “new” immigrants as dangerous criminals and anarchists in society of the United States. The subject of this research is criminality within the immigration environment, while the object is the immigrants from Southeast Europe and Asia who came to the United States in the second half of the XIX century and surpassed the immigrants from Western and Northern Europe. The author refers to the analysis of social and economic situation of “new” immigrants as the factors that impacted the rise of crime rate in the immigrant quarters. Special attention is given to organized criminal activity and radical political movements, as well as their influence upon the public image of “new” immigrants. The conclusion is made that the representatives of “new” immigration were involved in various unlawful actions, from minor administrative offenses and crimes against private property to murders, robberies and creation of organized criminal communities. An important place among the factors that affected criminalization of immigrants from Southeast Europe and Asia was held by social isolation of immigrant communities, problematic assimilation, and tough economic situation due to intense competition on the job market and high unemployment rate. At the same time, “new” immigrants were no different from the local dwellers in disposition to commit crime: criminal rate among immigrants did not exceed average in the country.
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Ponedelko, G. "Immigration in Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-80-92.
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The article considers the problems of Spanish immigration within the period of 1981–2015, namely, its dynamics, latest tendencies and socio-economic characteristics (including changes in nationality, gender, age and educational structures of immigrants). Primarily, the stress is made on an in-depth analysis of the following main features of immigrants’ population in Spain: the levels of their incomes, the unemployment rate, the living standards. The author makes a conclusion that Spanish immigrants constitute not only a majority of poor population in the country but they are also ones of the poorest in Europe. It is particularly evident against the background of their impact upon the economic activity and employment’s rate of the country’s population and economic growth. At the considered period all the mentioned indicators were noticeably higher for immigrants than for local labor force, not saying of the positive immigrants’ influence on the growth and rejuvenation of Spanish people. Secondly, a considerable part in the article is devoted to the analysis of the immigration policy of Spanish government during the considered period of time. The author singles out the specific stages of this policy and shows that its contents and approaches modified in strict dependence of political factors. The Spanish Socialist Working Party was the beginner of the immigration policy in 1985 which always had the most liberal character particularly when it was concerned to the immigrant social and labor integration based on human rights equality. On the contrary, immigration policy of the now ruling conservative Partido Popular has more pragmatic, selective and rigid approach to foreign labor force legislation.
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Balicki, Ks Janusz. "Christian-Muslin co-operation in a secular age. Areas of collaboration." Chrześcijaństwo, Świat, Polityka, no. 20 (May 13, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/csp.2016.20.1.03.
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In recent years, the Muslim population in Europe has increased in a significant way due to the large inflow of immigrants from Muslim countries caused by the war in Syria and the activity of the Islamic State. In the long history of Christian-Muslim relations, these two religions, with their respective political powers, were involved in many conflicts. Europe has become very secular and lost some of her Christian values. It would be interesting to see if the influxof Muslims with strong religious values creates an opportunity for Christians to co-operate in some areas and to strengthen common beliefs. The aim of this article is to identify possible areas of co-operation between Christians and Muslims in the secular Europe and the basic conditions that must be met to make this co-operation possible. The answer is given through the analysis of the following issues: main disputes between Christian churches and liberallegislation regarding marriage, family values and the protection of human life; analysis of the world wide Muslim beliefs and attitude to family and protection of life; analysis of the co-operation of Christians and Muslims at the UN, in different States or NGOs in the area of legislation protection as well as the co-operation of Christians and Muslims in Great Britain at the basic level. At the end of the article, the main results and conclusions are presented.
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Herda, Daniel. "Correcting Misperceptions." Teaching Sociology 45, no. 2 (December 27, 2016): 152–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0092055x16681647.
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The current analysis examines the degree to which a classroom activity using student response systems (SRS) can improve the accuracy of commonly held demographic misperceptions. Overestimation of religious, racial, and immigrant minority population sizes is pervasive in the United States and Western Europe, and such inaccuracies predict more negative intergroup attitudes. This study introduces an interactive SRS-based activity designed to teach students about demographic realities and then tests its effectiveness for correcting misperceptions. Experimental results indicate greater accuracy in students’ estimates of the Jewish and Muslim population sizes five weeks after taking part in the activity. Their perceptions were improved significantly relative to peers who participated in a non-SRS version of the exercise and to those who were absent on the day of the exercise. Overall, the results indicate that the sociology classroom, aided with SRS, can be an effective arena through which to combat demographic misperceptions and improve intergroup understanding.
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Kinyakin, Andrey A., Dmitry A. Kotov, and Sergey A. Stepanov. "Measuring the far-right in Europe: comparative analysis of the xenophobic and anti-immigrant sentiment in Germany, Poland and Russia." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2021 (April 14, 2021): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.21.2.
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The rising significance of the far-right as political actors is one of the most noticeable political trends in Europe within the recent decades. It causes constant research activity aimed at the analysis of nature of public support of right-wing forces. However, the researchers, dealing with the issues of assessing the public support of the far-right in different European countries frequently have confront the problem of lack of relevant measurement tools, as well as efficient methodology for valid cross-country analysis. This stems not only from different “political background” and “political environment”, connected with political traditions and political practices, but also from the nature of public support of the far-right, having not only “overt”, but also “covert” component. Whereas “overt” component is on the surface and is good measurable (mainly by conventional tools such as polling), the “covert” one, encompassing the in-depth social sentiments, is hardly measurable. This pose real problem for assessing the genuine amount of public support far-right forces taking into account the fact, that “covert” component is to be crucial in achieving that goal. In October 2020 to tackle this problem by the international group of researchers there was initiated the research project, aiming at development of the specific research methodology on the combination of traditional and “digital” research methods such as comparative analysis, expert interviews and “social media listening” (SML) for analysing the xenophobic and anti-immigrant sentiments in three European societies – in Germany, Poland and Russia as a “covert” component. The accomplishment of the research project is expected to provide not only the insights into specifics of the public support of the far-right in different European countries by assessing the “covert” component, but also help to assess its genuine (gross) scale as well as to single out the factors influencing the public support of the far-right by putting emphasis on the ongoing political and social processes. The research project is expected to deliver the information for elaboration of the gauges (indicators) for valid cross-country analysis of the far-right politics in different countries allowing to overcome some research “weak points” – ranging from huge differences in political traditions to scarcity of relevant data. The aim of this article is to present and discuss the elaborated methodological approach.
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Moroz, Olga. "Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.
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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.
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Dzyra, Olesya. "ACTIVITIES OF THE UKRAINIAN AID SOCIETIES IN CANADA IN 1918–1939s." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1 (December 17, 2020): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-31-73-78.
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The article analyses and systematizes the information about the charitable work of Ukrainian public organizations in Canada in the interwar period, with the purpose to facilitate the complicated process of removal, departure and further settlement of compatriots overseas. In general, such aid societies were divided into three types, namely those that fulfilled their functions to simplify the immigration process, those who financially supported their members in case of illness, accident, or death, and those who were founded for social and political purposes, but also directly supported their supporters, built orphanages, shelters, and schools, as well as fed and provided clothing to the extremely impoverished countrymen. Thus, the first aid society gave as much help as possible to everybody willing to leave for Canada, the second engaged in mutual insurance of their membership, and the third donated funds for the benefit of the diaspora. Immigration aid societies were promoted by the Canadian authorities, funded by shipping and railway companies that were particularly interested in immigration from Eastern Europe after the 1925 railway agreement with the Canadian government, and received dividends from it. The organizations that provided the mutual insurance service operated at the expense of mandatory membership fees. In addition to membership fees, other public organizations received funds from voluntary donations from members, supporters, and sponsors. And finally, this type of activity was not the main one. These organizations were both local and dominion in nature, both working on a temporary and permanent basis. Despite of common goal, they could be divided by religious or political affiliation. And yet they combine representatives of the diaspora for a good mission – to make life easier for newly arrived Ukrainian immigrants.
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Fox, Vashti Jane. "“Never Again”: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Melbourne in the 1990s." Labour History 116, no. 1 (May 1, 2019): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.10.
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An upsurge of fascist and anti-fascist activity in Australia in the early part of the twentieth century has received sustained historical attention. Yet scholarly historical coverage of the latter part of the century has been minimal. This article demonstrates the ongoing existence of both a far-right movement and a concomitant anti-fascist opposition by focusing on Melbourne in the 1990s. It draws from interviews with anti-fascist activists and from campaign paraphernalia and press reports. It introduces the group National Action (NA), identifies its political tactics and shows how it rebranded fascist traditions from Europe and the USA by drawing on iconic figures and symbols of the Australian labour movement, anti-immigrant racist tropes and on white Australian nationalism. Anti-fascist groups were loose collections of left activists and organisations animated by memories of the racist horrors of World War II. This article shows that, over time, loosely affiliated ant-fascist groups were influenced by various overseas currents of thought about political practice. These included notions of a United or Popular Front, direct and indirect action, “no platforming” and “squaddism” respectively. The analysis draws on contemporary trends in international anti-fascism studies.
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Pettinicchio, David, and Robert de Vries. "Immigrant Political Participation in Europe." Comparative Sociology 16, no. 4 (August 3, 2017): 523–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341436.
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This paper compares participation in different forms of political action between natives, immigrants and non-citizen immigrants using data from thirteen European countries across six waves of the European Social Survey. The authors highlight problems associated with previous categorizations of political action, and find that when political action is disaggregated and relative participation between groups is examined, that immigrants’ patterns of participation are not substantially different from those of natives. When comparing citizen immigrants to non-citizen immigrants, previous research has suggested that citizenship acts as a “ticket” to non-institutional, unconventional, confrontational forms of political action. The authors’ findings instead suggest a more complicated relationship between immigrant/citizenship status and preferences for political action since citizenship may facilitate participation in both so-called institutional and extra-institutional activities depending on the context of action.
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El-Diwany, Tariq. "Global Trap." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 1 (April 1, 1998): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i1.2208.
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This book presents a most readable perspective on economic and social trendsin the coming century. Though retaining a European focus throughout, the materialspans the world and supports arguments that are of relevance to individualsin whichever continent they may live. The authors describe an incessant marchtoward globalization in finance and industry, a march that is forcing politicalchange upon a Europe that is simply unprepared, a march toward the GlobalTrap.Opening the book, the reader finds himself in San Francisco’s Fairmont Hotel,an oasis of luxury in a desert of mere wealth, where the world’s leading thinkersand elder statesmen have gathered to discuss the future of our planet for anappropriate fee. A most plausible economic horror story follows. In the not-toodistantfuture, machines will replace humans in so many spheres of industry thatthere will be sufficient work for only 20 percent of the developed world’s population.In this 2080 society the 20 percent shall surround themselves with electronicsecurity and wire fences and the 80 percent will be doped with welfarepayments, trivial game shows, and other such “tittytainment.” Amusing catchphrasesspice Global Trap, trivializing yet somehow succeeding in summarizinga whole worldview. One immediately recognizes “MacWorld versus Jihad”as the much predicted confrontation between free market capitalism and Islam.The authors’ main concerns are expounded in a serious manner. They discussthe nature of the massive modem conglomerate whose control lies beyond thereach of national government. Moving their production to the least expensivelocations, these seemingly anonymous entities by default produce their wares inthose countries where environmental protection and employee rights are at aminimum. In another discussion, one’s attention is turned to the speculatorwhose activity impacts upon so many significant areas of modem life.Much attention is paid to the rapidly widening gap between the rich world andthe poor world, a gap which threatens the survival of both. In a sobering portrayalof one possible European future, the barriers are raised against floods ofcheap imports and of immigrants wishing’that they too could share the livingstandards of the rich world. But the immigrant finds himself in the midst of adifferent kind of economic nightmare, a world in which life on a human scale isno longer possible or profitable. in which the individual is enslaved in mortgagedebt, works at maximum output, or, does not work at all. Feeling that they nolonger have a voice in their own destiny, the indigenous population turns towardradical political solutions, toward the protectionist, the xenophobe, and the fascistDoes any of this sound familiar? Of course, the genre of doom and gloom hasa long pedigree, but this is not intellectual pornography for those awaiting theend of the world. There is little, if any, wild extrapolation of current trends inorder to predict future despair. Instead, the authors present well-researched factto support their forecast of what might be if solutions are not found in time ...
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Sapego, G. "Immigrants in Westem Europe." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2006): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2006-9-50-58.
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Just, Aida, and Christopher J. Anderson. "Immigrants, Citizenship and Political Action in Europe." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 3 (November 8, 2011): 481–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000378.
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Little is known about how immigrants participate in politics and whether they transform political engagement in contemporary democracies. This study investigates whether citizenship (as opposed to being foreign-born) affects political and civic engagement beyond the voting booth. It is argued that citizenship should be understood as a resource that enhances participation and helps immigrants overcome socialization experiences that are inauspicious for political engagement. The analysis of the European Social Survey data collected in nineteen European democracies in 2002–03 reveals that citizenship has a positive impact on political participation. Moreover, citizenship is a particularly powerful determinant of un-institutionalized political action among individuals who were socialized in less democratic countries. These findings have important implications for debates over the definition of and access to citizenship in contemporary democracies.
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Hjerm, Mikael, and Anna Triandafyllidou. "Immigrants and National Identity in Europe." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 6 (November 2002): 730. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089958.
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Blekesaune, Morten. "Employment among female immigrants to Europe." Acta Sociologica 64, no. 3 (April 19, 2021): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00016993211003643.
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This article investigates how cultural factors might affect the employment of female immigrants to Europe. Cultural factors include the characteristics of individual women, their countries of origin in Africa, Asia and Latin America and the European regions where they reside. Data are from the European Social Survey (2002 to 2019) and various international organisations. Employment is predicted by educational level and religiosity, religious composition of the country of origin, and rates of unemployment in the region of residence. Less educated immigrants from Muslim countries have particularly low employment rates. Contrary to expectations, the employment of female immigrants seems unaffected by overall female employment rates in the region of residence, and correlation with female employment in the country of origin disappears when controlling for its religious composition. The findings for cultural factors are consistent with theories about transculturation and also with theories about religion and moral orders. They are less consistent with a standard acculturation model hitherto popular in the research literature.
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Pargeter, Alison. "North African Immigrants in Europe and Political Violence." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 29, no. 8 (November 23, 2006): 731–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100600701990.
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SAFRAN, WILLIAM. "Islamization in Western Europe: Political Consequences and Historical Parallels." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 485, no. 1 (May 1986): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716286485001009.
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This article deals with Islamic postwar immigrants to Western Europe, specifically North Africans—Maghrebis—in France and Turks in West Germany. It explores the relationship between economic status, ethnic consciousness, and religion and discusses the response of the host society to the Islamic reality. In this exploration a comparison is made with the immigration, several generations earlier, of Jews from Eastern Europe. Whereas Jewish immigrants, as individuals, were able more easily to adjust to their new environment and to advance economically, Muslim immigrants have encountered greater difficulties and have tended to remain economically underprivileged much longer. Conversely, it is argued, the Muslim communities have been able more effectively to maintain ethnocultural cohesion and collective political security because of the convergence of a variety of factors: the massive number, and urban concentration, of the postwar immigrants; the spread of pluralist ideology; the continuing connection with, and protection from, homeland governments; and other contextual elements. The article concludes with an evocation of appropriate policy responses by the French and German governments to the Muslim presence.
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EMMER, P. C. "Europe and the immigration debate." European Review 12, no. 3 (July 2004): 329–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000304.
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The European debate on immigration is marred by stereotypes, such as the supposition that Europe is full, that asylum seekers can be separated from economic immigrants, that the sending countries suffer from brain drain and that immigrants take jobs away from the population in the receiving countries. Many of these arguments can be reversed, but recently immigrants have indeed been costly to the EU taxpayer. However, demographic decline will force Europe to devise a system by which labour immigration can be profitable again for the host countries.
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Panichella, Nazareno. "Economic crisis and occupational integration of recent immigrants in Western Europe." International Sociology 33, no. 1 (December 8, 2017): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917742002.
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There are two models of inclusion of recent immigrants in Western Europe. In the Continental model immigrants are penalized in terms of both probabilities of being employed and job quality. In the Mediterranean one there is a stronger trade-off between a limited risk of unemployment and a lower job quality. Did the recession foster a convergence or a divergence between these two models? This article focuses on this issue and analyses the integration of immigrants in 10 countries, using EU-LFS data (2005–2012) and considering two occupational outcomes: the probability of being employed, and the probability of avoiding the unskilled working class. It also studies the turnover between unemployment and dependent employment. The crisis generated a partial and limited convergence between the two models, involving only male immigrants living in Southern Europe. In these countries immigrants experienced higher risks of unemployment because the crisis diminished their turnover between unemployment and dependent employment.
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Soysal, Yasemin Nuhoglu, and James F. Hollifield. "Immigrants, Markets, and States: The Political Economy of Postwar Europe." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 2 (March 1994): 276. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075248.
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de Wenden, Catherine Withtol, and James F. Hollifield. "Immigrants, Markets, and States: The Political Economy of Postwar Europe." International Migration Review 27, no. 3 (1993): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547107.
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Gregurović, Margareta. "Integration Policies and Public Perceptions of Immigrants in Europe." Revija za sociologiju 51, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 347–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5613/rzs.51.3.2.
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National mechanisms of migrant integration into the host society and the wider social context in which migration occurs may affect the construction of public attitudes towards migrants regardless of their origin or status. By combining the data of two international studies: the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) and the European Social Survey (ESS), this paper examines national policies regarding migrant integration and the public perception of migrants in the host society in selected European countries. This analysis highlights especially the shifts in public attitudes as possible consequences of the 2015/2016 European “migration crisis”. The data from 27 European countries that participated in the last waves of both MIPEX2020 and ESS2018 were analysed according to the four-dimensional MIPEX categorisation: 1) Comprehensive integration, 2) Equality on paper, 3) Temporary integration, and 4) Immigration without integration (Integration denied). These categories of states’ migration policies were then combined with the public perceptions of immigrants examined by the ESS. Multilevel regression models demonstrated that the respondents from countries with well-developed integration policies express a more positive attitude towards immigrants and acknowledge their contribution to all areas of the host society. A higher proportion of non-EU-27 immigrants in the country correlates with a more negative perception of immigrants’ impact on the host country. Even though the MIPEX score does not reflect clearly the shift in migration policies affected by the European “migration crisis”, it could be considered a stable, though relatively weak predictor of anti-immigrant prejudice. In conclusion, this study's findings suggest that better-developed policies of political participation and immigrant inclusion foster more positive attitudes towards immigrants.
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Bell, David Andreas, and Zan Strabac. "Exclusion of Muslims in Eastern Europe and Western Europe. A Comparative Analysis of Anti-Muslim Attitudes in France, Norway, Poland and Czech Republic." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 28, no. 1 (November 26, 2021): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10006.
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There are worrying signs of rising intolerance towards Muslim immigrants in the majority of European societies. We use data from the 2014/2015 wave of European Social Survey to analyse negative attitudes toward Muslim immigrants in France, Norway, Poland and the Czech Republic. Results of the analyses reveal that both levels and determinants of the anti-Muslim attitudes vary greatly. The levels are highest in Czech Republic and Poland, the two countries that have a very low Muslim population. Nevertheless, contact with immigrants reduces hostility toward Muslims also in these two countries. We find that theoretical approaches commonly used in studies of anti-immigrant attitudes are better suited to explain negative attitudes in Western European than in Eastern European countries. We argue that future research on hostility toward immigrants in Europe should focus more on Eastern European countries, as attitudes toward immigrants in several of these are worryingly negative.
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Bail, Christopher A. "The Configuration of Symbolic Boundaries against Immigrants in Europe." American Sociological Review 73, no. 1 (February 2008): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240807300103.
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Miyajima, Takashi. "Studies in Western Europe - on Minorities, Immigrants and Change." International Journal of Japanese Sociology 6, no. 1 (November 1997): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6781.1997.tb00042.x.
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Sidanius, Ché. "Immigrants in Europe: The rise of a new underclass." Washington Quarterly 21, no. 4 (December 1998): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609809550345.
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Hoxhaj, Rezart, and Carolina V. Zuccotti. "The complex relationship between immigrants’ concentration, socioeconomic environment and attitudes towards immigrants in Europe." Ethnic and Racial Studies 44, no. 2 (March 5, 2020): 272–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1730926.
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Alesina, Alberto, Johann Harnoss, and Hillel Rapoport. "Immigration and the Future of the Welfare State in Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 697, no. 1 (September 2021): 120–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211055409.
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We analyze the effect of immigration on attitudes toward income redistribution in twenty-eight European countries over the period 2002 to 2012, before the “refugee crisis.” We find that native workers lower their support for redistribution if the share of immigration in their country is high. This effect is larger for individuals who hold negative views regarding immigration but is smaller when immigrants are culturally closer to natives and come from richer-origin countries. The effect also varies with native workers’ and immigrants’ education: more educated natives support more redistribution if immigrants are also relatively educated. Overall, our results show that the negative effect of immigration on attitudes toward redistribution is relatively small and is counterbalanced among skilled natives by positive second-order effects for the quality and diversity of immigration.
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CHAUDHARY, ALI R. "Voting here and there: political integration and transnational political engagement among immigrants in Europe." Global Networks 18, no. 3 (October 24, 2017): 437–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/glob.12171.
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Kastrup, M. C., and M. Schouler-Ocak. "Refugees and asylum seekers in Europe." Die Psychiatrie 12, no. 04 (October 2015): 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1669606.
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Summary Background: European countries are the main receiving countries of immigrants such as refugees and asylum seekers belonging to ethnic minority groups due to a global increase in social and political instability as well as socio-economic conflicts. Both the number of ethnic minority groups and the number of people with mental disorders are therefore growing significantly. The current healthcare services are not prepared for this specific population of mentally ill immigrants or ethnic minority groups. Mental health care for immigrant patients is lacking in cultural competence and legislation related to access to and utilisation of health services varies from country to country. Aim: This article attempts to give an overview of the current mental health situation of ethnic minority groups, especially refugees and asylum seekers, in Europe.
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André, Stéfanie, Jaap Dronkers, and Ariana Need. "To vote or not to vote? A macro perspective. Electoral participation by immigrants from different countries of origin in 24 European countries of destination." Finnish Journal of Social Research 7 (December 15, 2014): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51815/fjsr.110720.
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Electoral participation of immigrants is an important issue in Europe, particularly because immigrants vote less often than natives. This may suggest a lack of political integration and might result in proportionally lower representation in parliament, in turn affecting democratic legitimacy. This research analyses 8,132 immigrants in 24 European countries. We find that although the largest differences are at the level of the country of destination, the measured characteristics of the country of origin offer more powerful explanations. We conclude that immigrants from countries with more political and socio-economic opportunities have a higher propensity to vote. Immigrants who live in countries with a higher economic development level also vote more often.
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Czymara, Christian S. "Propagated Preferences? Political Elite Discourses and Europeans’ Openness toward Muslim Immigrants." International Migration Review 54, no. 4 (December 24, 2019): 1212–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319890270.
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Immigration is among the most vividly discussed topics in Europe’s national parliaments in recent years, often with a particular emphasis on the inflow of Muslims. This article examines the link between articulations of national political parties (political elite discourses) and natives’ attitudes toward immigrants in Europe. It provides a nuanced view of this relationship by (i) distinguishing more (inclusionary) from less (exclusionary) immigration-friendly political elites and (ii) isolating natives’ openness toward two specific groups: Muslim immigrants and ethnically similar immigrants. Combining the European Social Survey with party manifesto data and other sources, the analysis reveals that political elite discourses perform better in explaining natives’ attitudes compared to national demographic or economic aspects. Native Europeans’ attitudes toward Muslim immigrants are more hostile in countries where political elites are more exclusionary and more welcoming where political elites are more inclusionary. In contrast, Europeans’ views on ethnically similar immigrants seem largely unaffected by exclusionary political elites. These findings suggest that political elites can play an important role in fostering or impeding immigrant integration by shaping public opinion, particularly toward more marginalized immigrant groups.
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Burgoon, Brian. "Immigration, Integration, and Support for Redistribution in Europe." World Politics 66, no. 3 (July 2014): 365–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887114000100.
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Immigration poses individual or collective economic risks that might increase citizen support for government redistribution, but it can also generate fiscal pressure or undermine social solidarity to diminish such support. These offsetting conditions obscure the net effects of immigration for welfare states. This article explores whether immigration's effects are mediated by the economic and social integration of immigrants. Integration can be conceptualized and measured as involving the degree to which immigrants suffer unemployment rates, depend on welfare-state benefits, and harbor social attitudes similarly to the native population. Such integration may alter how immigration reduces solidarity and imposes fiscal and macroeconomic pressures, but does not much alter how immigration spurs economic risks for natives. Where migrants are more integrated by such measures, immigration should have less negative or more positive implications for native support for government redistribution and welfare states than where migrants are less integrated. The article explores these arguments using survey data for twenty-two European countries between 2002 and 2010. The principal finding is that economic integration, more than sociocultural integration, softens the tendency of immigration to undermine support for redistributive policies.
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Gordon, Paul. "Immigrants, migrants and refugees in Europe: a bibliography." Race & Class 32, no. 3 (January 1991): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689103200320.
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De Wenden, Catherine Wihtol. "Book Review: Immigrants, Markets, and States: The Political Economy of Postwar Europe." International Migration Review 27, no. 3 (September 1993): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839302700311.
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Freeman, Gary P. "Book Review: Immigrants, Markets, and States: The Political Economy of Postwar Europe." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 3, no. 2-3 (June 1994): 521–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689400300214.
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Gherghina, Sergiu. "Making voices count: the political participation of Romanian immigrants in Western Europe." East European Politics 32, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 258–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2016.1154461.
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Cervi, Laura, and Santiago Tejedor. "“Africa does not Fit in Europe”." Migraciones. Publicación del Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones, no. 51 (May 7, 2021): 241–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/mig.i51y2021.008.
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The politicization of immigration has moved the debate about immigration at the center of the run-up of elections, creating the breeding ground for the electoral breakthrough and success of right-wing populist parties.
This article aims at disclosing the narrative of immigration and its politicization in VOX’s discourse, comparing it to the Italian Lega party.
Clause-based semantic text analysis reveals that both parties share the classic characteristics of nativist populism: the representation of a virtuous and hardworking people, threatened by the invasion by some “others”, immigrants, who intrude the sovereign, antispace of natives to exploit and commit crimes. In both cases, the concept of space is manipulated, representing countries as limited spaces, allowing to depict immigrants as a threat to legitimize negative political responses.
The study also identifies a novelty: the construction of the rescue NGOs as the new antagonist actor.
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Chykina, Volha. "Educational Expectations of Immigrant Students: Does Tracking Matter?" Sociological Perspectives 62, no. 3 (February 12, 2019): 366–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121419828397.
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Immigrants are known to have high expectations to matriculate into college and achieve a college degree. Yet the majority of the studies that examine the educational expectations of immigrant youth focus only on one country. Furthermore, researchers have not yet examined whether the high educational expectations of immigrants are promoted or hampered by the characteristics of educational systems in immigrants’ host countries. This paper examines the relationship between one such feature, tracking, and the educational expectations of immigrant youth in Europe. It shows that cross-nationally, immigrant students have higher educational expectations than nonimmigrant youth. However, for first-generation immigrants, this advantage is not as pronounced in tracked systems as compared with nontracked systems. This suggests that immigrants and nonimmigrants respond differently to the educational contexts that they encounter and that certain features of educational systems can stymie immigrant advancement.
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Emmer, Pieter. "Turkey and Europe: The Role of Migration." European Review 21, no. 3 (July 2013): 394–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000355.
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In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.
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Gabaccia, Donna, and Mark Wyman. "Round-Trip to America: The Immigrants Return to Europe, 1880-1930." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 3 (May 1994): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075337.
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Kyle, David. "Immigrants at the Margins: Law, Race, and Exclusion in Southern Europe." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 36, no. 4 (July 2007): 367–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610703600434.
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Rahimli, Ruslan. "The impact of socio-cultural integration strategies on the life activities of migrants." Grani 24, no. 4 (August 9, 2021): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172139.
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The features of the integration of Azerbaijani immigrants into a single European socio-cultural space have been discussed in the article. Strategies for the integration of immigrants into the external socio-cultural environment have been described and the issues of socio-cultural acceptance of Azerbaijani immigrants in Europe have been studied from a scientific and theoretical point of view by examining their pros and cons.
The issues of adaptation, acculturation, separation, marginalization and transnationalism have been studied. It has been noted by the author that the active part of Azerbaijani immigrants in Europe is mainly people who have received higher education in the country of origin or in the country of their arrival, who plan to build a career in the society they come, who join socio- cultural processes, try to become a part of society that accepts local cultural values. At the same time, it has been noted in the article that young immigrants also participate in the acculturation process and the reasons for this have been investigated. The author has noted that immigrant Azerbaijanis prefer to contact or establish business with either Turks or Iranian Azerbaijanis or Eastern Europeans as it is more convenient for the middle and older generation to communicate with Turks in Turkish and with Eastern Europeans through Russian.
In the article observations of Azerbaijani immigrants in Berlin, Germany, from December 2017 to January 2018, as well as interviews with immigrants belonging to different social groups allow to say that first-generation immigrants almost do not have or are very weak in relations with local society, society institutions and their activity in the socio-cultural process is low.
The features and effects of transnationalism among Azerbaijanis living in Europe has also been examined in the article. It has been noted that transmigration is widespread among Azerbaijani immigrants living in Europe. The dual life of Azerbaijani immigrants as a transmigrant continues to grow. Although European Azerbaijanis already live in European countries, they have extensive ties with Azerbaijan and some even continue their working lives in both Europe and Azerbaijan. These immigrants are engaged in both business and other fields in the country of origin, acquire property in the country of origin, open offices and lead an active socio-cultural life in both the sending and receiving societies. It has been shown in the article that Azerbaijani immigrants are trying to connect the future of both themselves and their children with the country of origin, and those who have economic opportunities take more advantage of this opportunity.
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Demireva, Neli, and Christel Kesler. "The curse of inopportune transitions: The labour market behaviour of immigrants and natives in the UK." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 52, no. 4 (July 28, 2011): 306–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715211412116.
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The article focuses on transitions between employment and not working among immigrants, the second generation and British-born Whites. We find evidence of lower stability in employment for New Commonwealth, Middle Eastern and Turkish immigrants. This penalization holds also for the second generation, especially in terms of exiting unemployment. On the other hand, no disadvantage is noted for labour immigrants from countries recently accessed to the EU such as Romanians and Bulgarians; or, if penalization is observed in the transition matrices, it disappears with controls for personal and labour market characteristics as is the case for EU8 and Eastern European immigrants. The continuous penalization of immigrants in Britain is confirmed; however, a dynamic perspective emphasizes that some immigrants, such as those from Eastern Europe, are less penalized than is observed in cross-sectional analyses.
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Just, Aida. "The far-right, immigrants, and the prospects of democracy satisfaction in Europe." Party Politics 23, no. 5 (September 23, 2015): 507–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815604823.
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This paper examines the consequences of the far-right in shaping foreign-born immigrants’ satisfaction with the way democracy works in their host country. It posits that while electorally successful far-right parties undermine democracy satisfaction, the magnitude of this effect is not uniform across all first-generation immigrants. Instead, it depends on newcomers’ citizenship status in their adopted homeland. The analyses using individual-level data collected as part of the five-round European Social Survey (ESS) 2002–2012 in 16 West European democracies reveal that the electoral strength of far-right parties in a form of vote and seat shares won in national elections is indeed powerfully linked to democracy satisfaction among foreign-born individuals. However, this relationship is limited to foreign-born non-citizens, as we have no evidence that far-right parties influence democracy attitudes among foreign-born individuals who have acquired citizenship in their adopted homeland.
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Selcuk, Mustafa. "Migrants Crisis in the Southeast Europe." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 3, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v3i2.5061.
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AbstractThe movement of more than a million immigrants to Europe has challenged European policies on the issue and shacked the very foundations of the European Union. Immigrants are not a new phenomenon in Europe especially in the Balkans (South East Europe) examined. The immigrant crisis that erupted in 2015 and 2016 was unique in terms of the number of people, the conditions and the emergencies created. Increased terrorism in Europe and huge number of immigrant arrived Europe via South East Europe, and initiation of immigrant campaigns in Europe on social media helping to immigrants for arrive to central Europe the same time states actor responses towards immigrants crisis. The purpose of this research figure out responses states actors in South East Europe towards immigrant crisis and European Union deal with Turkey. The concept of the research is understanding impact of immigrant crisis between 2015-2016 years, when one of huge number of immigrants arrived Europe and responses states actors South East Europe. The research technique mainly relies on sources such as journal articles, newspaper articles, on-line sources, and research center reports which are related with the immigrant crisis in South East Europe (Balkans) and Turkey. EU and Turkey deal jammed up because of political issues between EU and South East European countries overburdened towards immigrant crisis. While increased immigrant deaths in Aegean Sea positive view regarding to immigrants, even though increased terrorist incidents in Europe started negative view to immigrants.Keywords: Greece, Immigrant Crisis, Refugee, Southeast Europe, Turkey AbstrakPergerakan lebih dari satu juta imigran ke Eropa telah menantang kebijakan Eropa mengenai isu imigran dan menggoyahkan landasan Uni Eropa yang telah mapan selama ini. Imigran bukan fenomena baru di Eropa terutama di Balkan (South East Europe). Krisis imigran yang meletus pada tahun 2015 dan 2016 sangat menarik pada aspek jumlah orang, kondisi dan keadaan darurat yang diciptakan. Meningkatnya terorisme di Eropa dan sejumlah besar imigran tiba di Eropa melalui Eropa Tenggara. Inisiasi kampanye imigran di Eropa melalui media sosial, membantu imigran untuk sampai ke Eropa Tengah pada saat yang sama menimbulkan krisis pada negara. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui tanggapan para aktor di Eropa Tenggara terhadap krisis imigran dan kesepakatan Uni Eropa dengan Turki. Konsep penelitian ini adalah pemahaman dampak krisis imigran antara tahun 2015-2016, ketika salah satu dari sejumlah besar imigran Eropa tiba, dan tanggapan negara aktor Eropa Tenggara. Teknik penelitian ini terutama mengandalkan sumber seperti artikel jurnal, artikel surat kabar, sumber daring, dan laporan pusat penelitian yang terkait dengan krisis imigran di Eropa Tenggara (Balkan) dan Turki. Kesepakatan Uni Eropa dan Turki macet karena adanya isu politik antara negara-negara Uni Eropa dan Eropa Tenggara yang terbebani krisis imigran. Sementara, insiden kematian imigran di Laut Aegea meningkatkan pandangan positif mengenai masalah imigran, meskipun meningkatnya insiden teroris di Eropa mulai menunjukkan pandangan negatif kepada masalah imigran.Kata kunci: Eropa Tenggara, Krisis Imigran, Pengungsi, Turki, Yunani
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Abdul Karim, Mohammad Zuhair. "Policies of European Union countries towards the issue of illegal immigration." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 19 (May 24, 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i19.212.
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Migration is an inherent phenomenon of human societies. It is the movement of people from a place where it is difficult to live to a better place, for socio-political reasons. Migration is either internal within one country or international between countries, And the latter may be legitimate or illegal. The European continent has become a dream for immigrants to live better. But Europe, which has received large numbers of immigrants and has become part of its social, economic and political entity, is beginning to suffer from problems and reflections: security, economic, social and political, in light of the increasing number of immigrants in Europe, which has made European countries since the 1980s changed their policies, And start to legislate laws and procedures and conclude restrictive immigration agreements, leading to the events of September 11, 2001, which made European policies more stringent towards immigration, to develop those policies after the Arab Renaissance revolutions in 2011, And what that left, waves of displaced people headed to Europe, thousands of them were received, but as a result of economic difficulties and security and political conditions that some European countries were exposed to, Some European calls have emerged to curb immigration, In light of the differences between the EU countries and the absence of a unified European policy and vision towards immigration, Nevertheless, European countries have formed some partnerships and agreements to combat migration, as well as conducting a set of collective and unilateral restrictive immigration procedures which have led to a reduction in the number of refugees to Europe.
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Sarabiev, Alexey. "ADAPTATION OF LABOR MIGRANTS FROM THE ARAB EAST IN EUROPEAN CITIES." Contemporary Europe, no. 100 (December 31, 2020): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72020117127.
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The socio-cultural adaptation and economic integration of labor immigrants from the Arab East in Europe remains, until now, an insufficiently studied phenomenon. Meanwhile, this topic is related to solving the issues of increasing the economic and social efficiency of labor immigration to main European cities, and the conclusions of the study may be in demand, including in our country. We have used the method of rapid (three-question) survey of these immigrants. Special attention is paid to labor immigrants in Germany and Bulgaria. A certain disunity between Arab communities from different Mashriq countries, a significant business and cultural distance with people from the Maghreb is revealed. There is a difference in world view between Eastern Arab immigrants and European residents, as well as a relative diasporal isolation (cultural and business) of labor immigrants. The difference in the situation of the communities under consideration in several European countries is small. It is based on the comparable rootedness of communities, primarily in the respective diasporal networks more than in the local business environment. A long-term forecast for the development of migration to Europe is given, which implies that the dynamics of immigration of Eastern Arabs will not grow, but will even decrease over time.
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Sarabiev, Alexey. "Adaptation of Labor Migrants from the Arab East in EU." Contemporary Europe 100, no. 7 (December 31, 2020): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72020113123.
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The socio-cultural adaptation and economic integration of labor immigrants from the Arab East in Europe remains, until now, an insufficiently studied phenomenon. Meanwhile, this topic is related to solving the issues of increasing the economic and social efficiency of labor immigration to main European cities, and the conclusions of the study may be in demand, including in our country. We have used the method of rapid (three-question) survey of these immigrants. Special attention is paid to labor immigrants in Germany and Bulgaria. A certain disunity between Arab communities from different Mashriq countries, a significant business and cultural distance with people from the Maghreb is revealed. There is a difference in world view between Eastern Arab immigrants and European residents, as well as a relative diasporal isolation (cultural and business) of labor immigrants. The difference in the situation of the communities under consideration in several European countries is small. It is based on the comparable rootedness of communities, primarily in the respective diasporal networks more than in the local business environment. A long-term forecast for the development of migration to Europe is given, which implies that the dynamics of immigration of Eastern Arabs will not grow, but will even decrease over time.
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Abadan-Unat, Nermin. "East-West vs. South-North Migration: Effects upon the Recruitment Areas of the 1960s." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 401–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600213.
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The end of the Cold War has been marked by the re-emergence of nationalism. This article is focused on Turkey and Turkish emigration abroad. It examines integration of second generation immigrants in Western Europe and various forces fostering Islamic identity. It then compares political discourse on immigration in France and Germany. It concludes that the resurgence of ethnic identity as the basis for effective political action in widely divergent societies is a key feature of the post-Cold War period. Immigrants have been actively involved in this general process as witnessed by the role of immigrants in recent conflict in Yugoslavia and Turkey.
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Doerr, Nicole. "How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts." Visual Communication 16, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702850.
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This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.