Academic literature on the topic 'Immigrants – Europe – Political activity'
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Journal articles on the topic "Immigrants – Europe – Political activity"
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Kostyleva, Aleksandra. "Socioeconomic factors of the instances of crime among “new” immigration in the United States (late XIX – early XX centuries)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.4.33156.
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The primary task of this research is to elucidate the reasons for stereotyping “new” immigrants as dangerous criminals and anarchists in society of the United States. The subject of this research is criminality within the immigration environment, while the object is the immigrants from Southeast Europe and Asia who came to the United States in the second half of the XIX century and surpassed the immigrants from Western and Northern Europe. The author refers to the analysis of social and economic situation of “new” immigrants as the factors that impacted the rise of crime rate in the immigrant quarters. Special attention is given to organized criminal activity and radical political movements, as well as their influence upon the public image of “new” immigrants. The conclusion is made that the representatives of “new” immigration were involved in various unlawful actions, from minor administrative offenses and crimes against private property to murders, robberies and creation of organized criminal communities. An important place among the factors that affected criminalization of immigrants from Southeast Europe and Asia was held by social isolation of immigrant communities, problematic assimilation, and tough economic situation due to intense competition on the job market and high unemployment rate. At the same time, “new” immigrants were no different from the local dwellers in disposition to commit crime: criminal rate among immigrants did not exceed average in the country.
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Ponedelko, G. "Immigration in Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-80-92.
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The article considers the problems of Spanish immigration within the period of 1981–2015, namely, its dynamics, latest tendencies and socio-economic characteristics (including changes in nationality, gender, age and educational structures of immigrants). Primarily, the stress is made on an in-depth analysis of the following main features of immigrants’ population in Spain: the levels of their incomes, the unemployment rate, the living standards. The author makes a conclusion that Spanish immigrants constitute not only a majority of poor population in the country but they are also ones of the poorest in Europe. It is particularly evident against the background of their impact upon the economic activity and employment’s rate of the country’s population and economic growth. At the considered period all the mentioned indicators were noticeably higher for immigrants than for local labor force, not saying of the positive immigrants’ influence on the growth and rejuvenation of Spanish people. Secondly, a considerable part in the article is devoted to the analysis of the immigration policy of Spanish government during the considered period of time. The author singles out the specific stages of this policy and shows that its contents and approaches modified in strict dependence of political factors. The Spanish Socialist Working Party was the beginner of the immigration policy in 1985 which always had the most liberal character particularly when it was concerned to the immigrant social and labor integration based on human rights equality. On the contrary, immigration policy of the now ruling conservative Partido Popular has more pragmatic, selective and rigid approach to foreign labor force legislation.
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Balicki, Ks Janusz. "Christian-Muslin co-operation in a secular age. Areas of collaboration." Chrześcijaństwo, Świat, Polityka, no. 20 (May 13, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/csp.2016.20.1.03.
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In recent years, the Muslim population in Europe has increased in a significant way due to the large inflow of immigrants from Muslim countries caused by the war in Syria and the activity of the Islamic State. In the long history of Christian-Muslim relations, these two religions, with their respective political powers, were involved in many conflicts. Europe has become very secular and lost some of her Christian values. It would be interesting to see if the influxof Muslims with strong religious values creates an opportunity for Christians to co-operate in some areas and to strengthen common beliefs. The aim of this article is to identify possible areas of co-operation between Christians and Muslims in the secular Europe and the basic conditions that must be met to make this co-operation possible. The answer is given through the analysis of the following issues: main disputes between Christian churches and liberallegislation regarding marriage, family values and the protection of human life; analysis of the world wide Muslim beliefs and attitude to family and protection of life; analysis of the co-operation of Christians and Muslims at the UN, in different States or NGOs in the area of legislation protection as well as the co-operation of Christians and Muslims in Great Britain at the basic level. At the end of the article, the main results and conclusions are presented.
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Herda, Daniel. "Correcting Misperceptions." Teaching Sociology 45, no. 2 (December 27, 2016): 152–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0092055x16681647.
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The current analysis examines the degree to which a classroom activity using student response systems (SRS) can improve the accuracy of commonly held demographic misperceptions. Overestimation of religious, racial, and immigrant minority population sizes is pervasive in the United States and Western Europe, and such inaccuracies predict more negative intergroup attitudes. This study introduces an interactive SRS-based activity designed to teach students about demographic realities and then tests its effectiveness for correcting misperceptions. Experimental results indicate greater accuracy in students’ estimates of the Jewish and Muslim population sizes five weeks after taking part in the activity. Their perceptions were improved significantly relative to peers who participated in a non-SRS version of the exercise and to those who were absent on the day of the exercise. Overall, the results indicate that the sociology classroom, aided with SRS, can be an effective arena through which to combat demographic misperceptions and improve intergroup understanding.
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Kinyakin, Andrey A., Dmitry A. Kotov, and Sergey A. Stepanov. "Measuring the far-right in Europe: comparative analysis of the xenophobic and anti-immigrant sentiment in Germany, Poland and Russia." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2021 (April 14, 2021): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.21.2.
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The rising significance of the far-right as political actors is one of the most noticeable political trends in Europe within the recent decades. It causes constant research activity aimed at the analysis of nature of public support of right-wing forces. However, the researchers, dealing with the issues of assessing the public support of the far-right in different European countries frequently have confront the problem of lack of relevant measurement tools, as well as efficient methodology for valid cross-country analysis. This stems not only from different “political background” and “political environment”, connected with political traditions and political practices, but also from the nature of public support of the far-right, having not only “overt”, but also “covert” component. Whereas “overt” component is on the surface and is good measurable (mainly by conventional tools such as polling), the “covert” one, encompassing the in-depth social sentiments, is hardly measurable. This pose real problem for assessing the genuine amount of public support far-right forces taking into account the fact, that “covert” component is to be crucial in achieving that goal. In October 2020 to tackle this problem by the international group of researchers there was initiated the research project, aiming at development of the specific research methodology on the combination of traditional and “digital” research methods such as comparative analysis, expert interviews and “social media listening” (SML) for analysing the xenophobic and anti-immigrant sentiments in three European societies – in Germany, Poland and Russia as a “covert” component. The accomplishment of the research project is expected to provide not only the insights into specifics of the public support of the far-right in different European countries by assessing the “covert” component, but also help to assess its genuine (gross) scale as well as to single out the factors influencing the public support of the far-right by putting emphasis on the ongoing political and social processes. The research project is expected to deliver the information for elaboration of the gauges (indicators) for valid cross-country analysis of the far-right politics in different countries allowing to overcome some research “weak points” – ranging from huge differences in political traditions to scarcity of relevant data. The aim of this article is to present and discuss the elaborated methodological approach.
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Moroz, Olga. "Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.
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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.
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Dzyra, Olesya. "ACTIVITIES OF THE UKRAINIAN AID SOCIETIES IN CANADA IN 1918–1939s." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1 (December 17, 2020): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-31-73-78.
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The article analyses and systematizes the information about the charitable work of Ukrainian public organizations in Canada in the interwar period, with the purpose to facilitate the complicated process of removal, departure and further settlement of compatriots overseas. In general, such aid societies were divided into three types, namely those that fulfilled their functions to simplify the immigration process, those who financially supported their members in case of illness, accident, or death, and those who were founded for social and political purposes, but also directly supported their supporters, built orphanages, shelters, and schools, as well as fed and provided clothing to the extremely impoverished countrymen. Thus, the first aid society gave as much help as possible to everybody willing to leave for Canada, the second engaged in mutual insurance of their membership, and the third donated funds for the benefit of the diaspora. Immigration aid societies were promoted by the Canadian authorities, funded by shipping and railway companies that were particularly interested in immigration from Eastern Europe after the 1925 railway agreement with the Canadian government, and received dividends from it. The organizations that provided the mutual insurance service operated at the expense of mandatory membership fees. In addition to membership fees, other public organizations received funds from voluntary donations from members, supporters, and sponsors. And finally, this type of activity was not the main one. These organizations were both local and dominion in nature, both working on a temporary and permanent basis. Despite of common goal, they could be divided by religious or political affiliation. And yet they combine representatives of the diaspora for a good mission – to make life easier for newly arrived Ukrainian immigrants.
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Fox, Vashti Jane. "“Never Again”: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Melbourne in the 1990s." Labour History 116, no. 1 (May 1, 2019): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.10.
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An upsurge of fascist and anti-fascist activity in Australia in the early part of the twentieth century has received sustained historical attention. Yet scholarly historical coverage of the latter part of the century has been minimal. This article demonstrates the ongoing existence of both a far-right movement and a concomitant anti-fascist opposition by focusing on Melbourne in the 1990s. It draws from interviews with anti-fascist activists and from campaign paraphernalia and press reports. It introduces the group National Action (NA), identifies its political tactics and shows how it rebranded fascist traditions from Europe and the USA by drawing on iconic figures and symbols of the Australian labour movement, anti-immigrant racist tropes and on white Australian nationalism. Anti-fascist groups were loose collections of left activists and organisations animated by memories of the racist horrors of World War II. This article shows that, over time, loosely affiliated ant-fascist groups were influenced by various overseas currents of thought about political practice. These included notions of a United or Popular Front, direct and indirect action, “no platforming” and “squaddism” respectively. The analysis draws on contemporary trends in international anti-fascism studies.
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Pettinicchio, David, and Robert de Vries. "Immigrant Political Participation in Europe." Comparative Sociology 16, no. 4 (August 3, 2017): 523–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341436.
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This paper compares participation in different forms of political action between natives, immigrants and non-citizen immigrants using data from thirteen European countries across six waves of the European Social Survey. The authors highlight problems associated with previous categorizations of political action, and find that when political action is disaggregated and relative participation between groups is examined, that immigrants’ patterns of participation are not substantially different from those of natives. When comparing citizen immigrants to non-citizen immigrants, previous research has suggested that citizenship acts as a “ticket” to non-institutional, unconventional, confrontational forms of political action. The authors’ findings instead suggest a more complicated relationship between immigrant/citizenship status and preferences for political action since citizenship may facilitate participation in both so-called institutional and extra-institutional activities depending on the context of action.
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El-Diwany, Tariq. "Global Trap." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 1 (April 1, 1998): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i1.2208.
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This book presents a most readable perspective on economic and social trendsin the coming century. Though retaining a European focus throughout, the materialspans the world and supports arguments that are of relevance to individualsin whichever continent they may live. The authors describe an incessant marchtoward globalization in finance and industry, a march that is forcing politicalchange upon a Europe that is simply unprepared, a march toward the GlobalTrap.Opening the book, the reader finds himself in San Francisco’s Fairmont Hotel,an oasis of luxury in a desert of mere wealth, where the world’s leading thinkersand elder statesmen have gathered to discuss the future of our planet for anappropriate fee. A most plausible economic horror story follows. In the not-toodistantfuture, machines will replace humans in so many spheres of industry thatthere will be sufficient work for only 20 percent of the developed world’s population.In this 2080 society the 20 percent shall surround themselves with electronicsecurity and wire fences and the 80 percent will be doped with welfarepayments, trivial game shows, and other such “tittytainment.” Amusing catchphrasesspice Global Trap, trivializing yet somehow succeeding in summarizinga whole worldview. One immediately recognizes “MacWorld versus Jihad”as the much predicted confrontation between free market capitalism and Islam.The authors’ main concerns are expounded in a serious manner. They discussthe nature of the massive modem conglomerate whose control lies beyond thereach of national government. Moving their production to the least expensivelocations, these seemingly anonymous entities by default produce their wares inthose countries where environmental protection and employee rights are at aminimum. In another discussion, one’s attention is turned to the speculatorwhose activity impacts upon so many significant areas of modem life.Much attention is paid to the rapidly widening gap between the rich world andthe poor world, a gap which threatens the survival of both. In a sobering portrayalof one possible European future, the barriers are raised against floods ofcheap imports and of immigrants wishing’that they too could share the livingstandards of the rich world. But the immigrant finds himself in the midst of adifferent kind of economic nightmare, a world in which life on a human scale isno longer possible or profitable. in which the individual is enslaved in mortgagedebt, works at maximum output, or, does not work at all. Feeling that they nolonger have a voice in their own destiny, the indigenous population turns towardradical political solutions, toward the protectionist, the xenophobe, and the fascistDoes any of this sound familiar? Of course, the genre of doom and gloom hasa long pedigree, but this is not intellectual pornography for those awaiting theend of the world. There is little, if any, wild extrapolation of current trends inorder to predict future despair. Instead, the authors present well-researched factto support their forecast of what might be if solutions are not found in time ...
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Immigrants – Europe – Political activity"
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López, Salinas Anabel. "Exploring Transnational Economic, Social, and Political Participation of Mexican Immigrants in Oregon." PDXScholar, 2016. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2703.
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Using a mixed methods approach and expanding on the literature on immigrants' transnational civic engagement, this research explores the paths and barriers to Mexican immigrant civic, economic, political, and social engagement in both immigrants' communities of origin in Mexico and communities of residence in Oregon, a relatively new destination for Mexican immigrants. The majority of the adult Mexican population only arrived to the state of Oregon over the last 15 years. Today Latinos represent the largest racial-ethnic minority, twelve percent of the state population, with Mexicans making up 90 percent of this Latino population. Most of the Mexican immigrants in Oregon come from rural communities in Mexico, have an indigenous background, experience low levels and literacy, and up to 90 percent of the adult Mexican population is undocumented (King et al., 2011). This research modifies Paasche and Fangen's framework to better capture the civic engagement of Mexican immigrants in Oregon who lack legal status in the US and who come from an indigenous background.
The conventional wisdom is that immigrants are more engaged in their new communities the longer they have lived there, the more educated and well paid they are, and the better they speak English. Yet the majority of Mexican migrants in Oregon lack these attributes as well as legal status, but still appear to be strongly engaged in both Mexico and in the United States. Immigrants organize to pursue economic, political, and socio-cultural transnational goals in Mexico and in the U.S. Politicians, researchers, and activists in both Mexico and the United States have noted the growing importance of these migrant groups as bridges between the two nations (Rivera Salgado et al., 2005, p. 3). Transnational organizations provide immigrants with the opportunity to be civically involved with the development of their communities of origin, and at the same time also participate in social, economic and political issues in the United States. Civic participation by Mexican immigrants is of importance to Oregon's future because the majority of these immigrants have settled permanently in the United States with their families and have and will continue to affect public policy that will shape Oregon's future.
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van, Geffen Robert. "Essays on the career paths and legislative activity of Members of the European Parliament." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3736/.
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Being a politician has become a profession for many. With the development of the European Parliament (EP) into an influential institution at the European level, building a career in the EP has become an interesting option for politicians. This thesis studies the different career paths of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and explores how these career paths and MEPs’ ambitions have an impact on their participation in the legislative process and thereby the way they represent citizens. This thesis is based on three empirical research papers. The first paper identifies two career paths that MEPs might follow, in addition to the three others which are generally used, and links these to the activities of MEPs in parliament. I find that an MEP’s career path and ambitions are relevant in explaining certain legislative behaviour across member states and party groups. The second paper looks at the career ambitions of MEPs and finds that MEPs’ career paths are also the result of expressed ambitions by politicians themselves, despite their dependence on party leadership and the second-order nature of EP elections. MEPs looking to pursue a career in the EP are more actively involved in the parliament’s activities. This higher level of participation and acquired policy influence is rewarded when MEPs stand for re-election. The third paper looks at the group of MEPs who become lobbyists after their time in parliament. Building on what is known from Washington, this paper finds that being on a powerful committee, from a smaller political group and having a longer tenure make it more likely that an MEP becomes a lobbyist. The findings across the three papers support the idea that the career paths and ambitions of politicians provide an important explanation when trying to understand an MEP’s willingness to invest resources in the EP’s legislative process.
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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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de, Rooij Eline A. "Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
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Hörner, Julian. "National parliamentary scrutiny of European Union affairs : explaining divergence of formal arrangements and actual activity." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3301/.
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The role of national parliaments in the European Union (EU) has gained prominence in the last decade among academics and practitioners alike in relation to the alleged democratic deficit of the EU. The existing literature has largely focused on the formal powers of national parliaments. However, the formally strongest parliaments are not necessarily the most active, and vice versa. This thesis argues that this divergence between formal rights and actual activity exists because not formal scrutiny powers, but public Euroscepticism, the presence of parties for which Europe is salient and which care deeply about Europe (‘issue entrepreneurs’) as well as internal party cohesion on the EU are the most important factors influencing activity. Public Euroscepticism leads to more debate and resolutions when issue entrepreneurs are present and when parties have a coherent position on Europe. Recent measures and future plans to further increase the formal powers of national parliaments might not lead to more activity and might thus not help to ameliorate the democratic deficit. Methodologically, this thesis relies on computer-assisted content analysis, multilevel models as well as elite interviews. Each of the three papers focuses on a different aspect of parliamentary activity. The first paper focuses on the ‘communication function’ of parliaments and presents an analysis of parliamentary debates in EU affairs. The second paper quantitatively analyses the determinants of parliamentary activity in the form of resolutions, relating to the government control or ‘scrutiny function’. The third paper investigates parliamentary scrutiny activity in-depth in a case study of the ‘Fiscal Compact’. The thesis argues that national parliaments should mostly concentrate on their communication function in EU affairs, while other functions might best be carried out by the European Parliament. It thus suggests that different parliamentary functions can best be fulfilled by different institutions in the EU multilevel system.
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HARALDSSON, Amanda. "Media discrimination and women's political representation : experimental evidence of media effects on the supply-side." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74306.
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Defence date: 07 March 2022Examining Board: Prof. Klarita Gërxhani (European University Institute); Prof. Marta Fraile (Spanish Scientific Research Institute); Prof. Maria Edström (University of Gothenburg); Prof. Fabrizio Gilardi (University of Zurich)
Women continue to be underrepresented in politics, even in countries with relatively high gender equality such as within the borders of Europe. A major contributor to this underrepresentation is that women have lower political ambition than men, i.e., women are less interested in and willing to become political candidates. Moreover, the political domain remains highly masculinised, undervaluing the issues that disproportionately impact women and undervaluing feminine leadership traits. Both men and women in politics are part of perpetuating the stereotypical and limited image of what politics is and what politicians should do. Women’s descriptive (numeric), symbolic and substantive political representation are therefore harmed by supply-side factors. In this thesis, supply-side refers to those factors that impact the choices of potential political candidates and actual political candidates in ways that limit the quantity and quality of women’s political representation. This thesis tests the potential impact of media discrimination against women on the supply-side of women’s political representation. Media discrimination in political news includes underreporting on women, using stereotypical gender portrayals, disproportionately criticising female politicians and objectifying women. While the literature gives reason to expect both politically activating and deactivating effects of discrimination exposure on women, there are extremely few studies testing potential media effects on men and women’s political ambition. Likewise, there are extremely few studies testing whether gendered campaign environments impact the way future candidates choose to behave within the political domain. Using data from two experimental studies and content analyses, this thesis highlights both the resilience of women in the face of media discrimination, and simultaneously the way media discrimination hinders progress towards putting femininity on an equal footing with masculinity in the political domain.
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Wu, Amy. "The Cultural Legacy of Communism in Entrepreneurship: Entrepreneurial Perceptions and Activity in Central and Eastern Europe." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1752.
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Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, this paper examines differences in entrepreneurial perceptions (fear of failure, opportunity perception, self-efficacy, public opinion) between CEE and non-CEE countries, before and after the 2008 recession, as well as the effects of these perceptions on entrepreneurial motivation and overall levels of activity. The results suggest that CEE countries have systematically more pessimistic outlooks in terms of fear of failure and opportunity perception, but no difference from non-CEE countries in self-efficacy and public opinion. Additionally, most of the difference in fear of failure and opportunity perception, along with an increase in necessity-motivated entrepreneurship, comes after the recession, suggesting less durability and resilience of optimistic entrepreneurial perceptions in CEE countries. Finally, there is evidence of a higher threshold for a perceived opportunity to become a business reality in these post-socialist CEE countries.
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Battiston, Simone, and SBattiston@groupwise swin edu au. "History and Collective Memory of the Italian Migrant Workers� Organisation FILEF in 1970s Melbourne." La Trobe University. School of European and Historical Studies, 2004. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20070823.143852.
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This doctoral dissertation seeks to investigate the reasons that lay behind the rise, success and
decline of the Italian-run migrant workers� organisation FILEF during the 1970s in
Melbourne by reviewing and discussing some significant historical events. It does so in light of the existing literature, archival data and a string of oral accounts gathered from former and current key FILEF members and collaborators. It is hereby offering a better understanding of an otherwise poorly researched area of the Italian-Australian left-wing grassroots organisations in post-war Australia. The thesis has been divided into two parts, including introduction and conclusion. Part One (Chapters 1-5) reviews the historical and political background (in both Italy and Australia) that favoured the establishment of FILEF in Australia, including Melbourne, in the early 1970s; Part Two (Chapters 6-9) presents an
analysis of the historical development and socio-political role of FILEF Melbourne between 1972 and 1980.
Chapter One reviews the theoretical context, the representation of the history of FILEF in
previous publications, primary and secondary sources, the research strategy and methodology. Chapters Two and Three anchor the history of FILEF Melbourne to their respective background in Italy and Australia. That is, Chapter Two examines the post-war Italian emigration and its politicising by the Italian Left; Chapter Three focuses on the postwar emigration of Italians to Australia and outlines a profile of the Italian-Australian community. Chapter Four maps the route of the Italian-Australian Left in the 1950s and 1960s, that is from Italia Libera to the Lega Italo-Australiana. Chapter Five reviews the circumstances that led the establishment of the PCI in Australia respectively.
Chapter Six examines the origins and grassroots activism of FILEF in Melbourne in the 1970s, especially by looking at three areas of activity: migrant press, migrant welfare and
migrant politics. Chapter Seven researches the vulnerability of FILEF to the pressures of
conservative quarters by recounting the �Italian communist move in� (1975) and the federal
funding cut (1976) episodes. Chapter Eight, thoroughly revisits the Salemi case (1977), while
Chapter Nine explores the effects of the case and Salemi�s deportation on FILEF towards the
end of the 1970s.
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Deede, Sara Elizabeth. "Activism and Identity: How Korea's Independence Movement Shaped the Korean Immigrant Experience in America, 1905-1945." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/174.
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The Korean Independence Movement was a four decades long endeavor from 1905 to 1945 by Koreans to liberate Korea from Japanese colonization. Korean immigrants in America played a vital role in the movement. They contributed money, organized patriotic activities in their communities to raise awareness and issued appeals for support to the U.S. government. Throughout the years, and from generation to generation, Korean immigrants remained loyal to Korea's cause for liberation. This study discusses how this intense patriotic involvement to their homeland affected Koreans immigrants' experiences in America, namely, how such intense overseas nationalism shaped their Americanization process. Korean immigrants have told about their experiences in the form of memoirs, short narratives, interviews and speeches. These provide many first-person perspectives from which to understand Korean immigrants' changing senses of community, patriotism and acculturation. Many of these sources have come available in the last twenty years, but academic scholars have left these source largely untouched. Historians of Korean immigrant history often discuss the political components of the K.I.M. Although recognizing the importance of the Korean Independence Movement to Korean immigrants, scholars have, nonetheless, said very little as to how this movement affected them socially. This study examines how America influenced historical developments culturally by shaping the attitudes of Korea's most politically active nationalists--the Korean immigrants in America. Furthermore, this study argues that Koreans in America utilized the K.I.M. for much more than Korean independence and that their motives evolved throughout the decades. The early immigrants used the K.I.M. as a means to establish a Korean community and establish social networks while the later activists, particularly after 1919, used their demonstrations to broadcast their distinct Asian identity as well as their assimilation and loyalty to America. More simply put, Korean patriotism and Korean immigrant "Americanization," are intimately connected.
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Wand, Benjamin Joseph. "Thietmar of Merseburg's Views on Clerical Warfare." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4540.
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The tenth-century German bishop was more than just a spiritual leader, he was also a territorial lord with secular power. These bishops also lived in an environment where violence was sometimes a way of life. His culture contained a social dynamic that saw violence as a tool for defending and maintaining honor and as a mechanism for dispute resolution. Therefore, some bishops behaved violently, either to defend their diocese from threats or to serve their own political intrigues. In some instances bishops were said to be more skilled in warfare than secular lords. However, while some clergy participated in warfare and violence, others sought to limit it through application of canon law and peacemaking. With some clergy participating in violence and others decreeing that it be banned, there were mixed messages regarding clerical violence in this era.
The bishop's role in warfare and violence, especially in Germany, has only been partially addressed by modern scholars. This deficit is part of an overall shortage of medieval German military scholarship. Furthermore, the historiography on bishops in the central Middle Ages (c. 900-1200) has generally covered two narratives: the bishop as a territorial lord or his role as a church reformer. This leaves a gap in scholarship that describes how an individual bishop justified or rationalized clerical participation in violence and warfare, including his own. This paper addresses that need by reporting how one German bishop, Thietmar of Merseburg (b. 975, 1009-18), reflected on and portrayed clerical violence and warfare in his Chronicon.
Thietmar's attitudes towards violence were as complex as the times in which he lived, and were influenced by his secularism and religiosity. When it came to his justifications for clerical violence and warfare, Thietmar was more concerned about the clergyman's ability to perform as a military leader, and whether or not the violent actions were justified on their own merits. While he sometimes conveyed unease with some acts of clerical violence, and at times was careful to note distinctions between secular and spiritual realms, nevertheless he did not criticize a member of the clergy for violence on the basis of his religious station nor spiritual beliefs. Indeed, Thietmar was a torn individual, struggling with his religious convictions while living in a world where violence was habitual, and where he saw it as his duty to protect his flock. In this regard Thietmar should be considered a realist.
Books on the topic "Immigrants – Europe – Political activity"
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Stories and reflections of immigrant activists in Europe. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2009.
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Alois, Weidacher, ed. In Deutschland zu Hause: Politische Orientierungen griechischer, italienischer, türkischer und deutscher junger Erwachsener im Vergleich ; DJI-Ausländersurvey. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 2000.
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A, Pojmann Wendy, ed. Migration and activism in Europe since 1945. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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Deborah, Reed-Danahay, and Brettell Caroline, eds. Citizenship, political engagement, and belonging: Immigrants in Europe and the United States. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 2008.
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Migration policies and political participation: Inclusion or intrusion in Western Europe? Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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Immigrant politics: Race and representation in Western Europe. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2012.
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1950-, Hochschild Jennifer L., and Mollenkopf John H. 1946-, eds. Bringing outsiders in: Transatlantic perspectives on immigrant political incorporation. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009.
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The politics of citizenship in Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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Social capital, political participation and migration in Europe: Making multicultural democracy work? New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
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Citizenship in European cities: Immigrants, local politics, and integration policies. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Immigrants – Europe – Political activity"
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Morales, Laura, and Marco Giugni. "Political Opportunities, Social Capital and the Political Inclusion of Immigrants in European Cities." In Social Capital, Political Participation and Migration in Europe, 1–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230302464_1.
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González-Ferrer, Amparo. "The Electoral Participation of Naturalized Immigrants in Ten European Cities." In Social Capital, Political Participation and Migration in Europe, 63–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230302464_4.
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Eißel, Dieter. "Masses of Immigrants to Europe and Political Reactions: Influence on African Migration." In Immigration Policy and Crisis in the Regional Context, 123–45. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6823-1_8.
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Laignelot, Jean-Baptiste, and Nicolas Delmas. "The growing influence of topical issues in legislative activity: limited political, but innovative and responsive, initiative." In Schuman Report on Europe, 139–43. Paris: Springer Paris, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0451-4_21.
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Malinen, Sanna, Aki Koivula, Teo Keipi, and Arttu Saarinen. "Shedding Light on People’s Social Media Concerns Through Political Party Preference, Media Trust, and Immigration Attitudes." In Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 199–221. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_10.
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AbstractThe emergence of fake news has systematically challenged traditional media institutions as disinformation and misinformation are increasingly utilised in political attacks on social media. As in many countries, also in Finland, the emergence of current counter media sites is closely connected to the rise of the anti-immigration movement, and immigration policies and immigrants have been targets of the massive social media disinformation and misinformation campaigns. By employing a nationally representative survey (N = 3724) from Finland, this study investigates how three social-media-related concerns addressing misinformation and disinformation are explained by political party preferences, media trust, and immigration attitudes. We found that the supporters of the populist party, the Finns, had more critical views on freedom of expression and monitoring of hateful content on social media. Moreover, they were less concerned with the flow of fake news on social media. Based on mediation analysis, we found that trust in traditional media and attitudes on immigration are lowest among the supporters of the Finns, which also explained their different views on fake news, freedom of expression and hateful content monitoring. Even though the independent variables were highly inter-correlated, they also associated individually with social media users’ perceptions. We argue that the accumulation of negative immigration attitudes and low trust in the media is reflecting attitudes towards social media among the supporters of populist parties. The results underline the populist right-wing communication strategy, which questions the reliability of mainstream media, undermines professional journalism, criticises political correctness, and appeals to those who are most frustrated with mainstream media and critical towards immigration.
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Cruciani, Sante. "Saggio introduttivo. Critica del fordismo e dinamiche del potere nella ricerca transnazionale di Bruno Trentin (1926-2007)." In Studi e saggi, 15–47. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-282-9.01.
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The essay traces Bruno Trentin's political biography and intellectual research from a transnational perspective. Through the work notebooks (1953-1995), the diaries on the CGILGeneral Secretary (1988-1994), the activity in the European Parliament (1999-2004) and the following two years, the elaboration of The Freedom Comes First(2005) is rooted in a long term criticism against the subalternity of the communist and social-democratic culture to the Fordist model. It is also based on the necessity of a libertarian socialism, based on the centrality of the person and on the unavoidable link between work and knowledge. What stands outis the originality of Trentin's political thought, the intellectual circuit in which his research is developed and his vision of a federal Europe in the international system following the Cold War and the aftermath of September 11th, 2001.
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Ertör, Irmak, and Pinar Ertör-Akyazi. "Towards Just and Sustainable Blue Futures: Small-Scale Fisher Movements and Food Sovereignty." In Ocean Governance, 385–402. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20740-2_17.
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AbstractOceans and seas have been vital food sources for both coastal and terrestrial communities for thousands of years. Traditionally, the main actors were small-scale fishers adopting more ecologically-benign fishing practices either for their own subsistence or small-scale commercial use and livelihood. Members of small-scale fishing communities frequently combine other socioeconomic activities such as small-scale agriculture and animal husbandry with their fishing activity as well. Thus, they usually have broader and different understandings and narratives regarding their relations and interdependency with the fish and the seas compared with industrial capture fisheries targeting the most profitable commercial fish species using more destructive gears and high technological capacities. In this chapter, we aim to shed light on their past and present—as well as highlight their existence as a rather neglected and marginalized social group, their political agency and their global movement for food sovereignty in order to uncover their social, political and ecological roles for the future of oceans, coastal communities, and the society in general. Our research methodology relies on participant observation and action methods based on 3 years of continuous work with small-scale fishing cooperatives in Turkey, Spain and Europe, as well as following and collaborating with the WFFP (World Forum of Fisher People) members both in Europe and globally. We conducted more than 80 interviews with key actors from fisheries sector including policy makers, NGOs, members of fishing cooperatives, and fisheries and marine scientists that inform this investigation. We claim that even though small-scale fishing communities are usually neglected actors of the ‘present’ in most mainstream marine policies, narratives and agendas such as the Blue Economy, their ‘presence’ in ocean governance is of utmost importance and their future existence needs to be ensured for an ecologically, socially and economically just ocean governance.
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Miedema, Frank. "Science for, in and with Society: Pragmatism by Default." In Open Science: the Very Idea, 109–27. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_4.
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AbstractTo rethink the relation between science and society and its current problems authoritative scholars in the US and Europe, but also around the globe, have since 1980 implicitly and increasingly explicitly gone back to the ideas of American pragmatism. Pragmatism as conceived by its founders Peirce, James and Dewey is known for its distinct philosophy/sociology of science and political theory. They argued that philosophy should not focus on theoretical esoteric problems with hair-splitting abstract debates of no interest to scientists because unrelated to their practice and problems in the real world. In a realistic philosophy of science, they did not accept foundationalism, dismissed the myth of given eternal principles, the unique ‘scientific method’, absolute truths or let alone a unifying theory. They saw science as a plural, thoroughly social activity that has to be directed to real world problems and subsequent interventions and action. ‘Truth’ in their sense was related to the potential and possible impact of the proposition when turned in to action. Knowledge claims were regarded per definition a product of the community of inquirers, fallible and through continuous testing in action were to be improved. Until 1950, this was the most influential intellectual movement in the USA, but with very little impact in Europe. Because of the dominance of the analytic positivistic approach to the philosophy of science, after 1950 it lost it standing. After the demise of analytical philosophy, in the 1980s of the previous century, there was a resurgence of pragmatism led by several so-called new or neo-pragmatists. Influential philosophers like Hillary Putnam and Philip Kitcher coming from the tradition of analytic philosophy have written about their gradual conversion to pragmatism, for which in the early days they were frowned upon by their esteemed colleagues. This new pragmatist movement gained traction first in the US, in particular through works of Bernstein, Toulmin, Rorty, Putnam and Hacking, but also gained influence in Europe, early on though the works of Apel, Habermas and later Latour.
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Laurence, Jonathan. "A Politicized Minority." In The Emancipation of Europe's Muslims. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691144214.003.0003.
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This chapter addresses the growth of Political Islam and transnational religious NGOs in Western Europe. While the European receiving states were granting a de facto monopoly of religious representation to the diplomatic envoys of immigrants' sending states, competing networks of well-organized activists with a more conservative, politicized view of Islam also flourished on the margins of religious community life. Political-Islam federations also provided prayer spaces, imams, lecturers, and social activities and established what may best be described as an Islamist subculture. Although such organizations may represent a relatively small membership base in terms of the local Muslim population, they often control a sizable proportion of the registered Muslim religious associations and prayer spaces where mosque-going Muslims congregate to socialize and pray.
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"The political discourse." In Immigrants and National Identity in Europe, 134–50. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203167496-10.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Immigrants – Europe – Political activity"
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Aydınlı, İbrahim. "Refugee Question and The Right to Work and Social Security of Refugees in Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01744.
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Turkey faces various problems because of her distinctive geo-strategic importance have made her a transit country. The most important of those are migrations towards Europe due to socio-economic disasters like starvation, poverty or unemployment as well as geopolitical disasters like war or internal turmoils. Although the political and economic dimensions of migration are prominent, these are not the focus of this study. The issue in here is to identify whether immigrants, whose number has almost reached almost five million as wars and political chaos within neighbouring countries have forced a huge number of people to flee to Turkey, have right to work and social security according to the Turkish law.
In this vein, the paper aims to clarify the content of the right to work and social security for immigrants in the long-term, instead of the short-term social assistances in accordance with human rights and social policy implementation in Turkey. For doing so, the paper firstly deals with Turkey’s commitment to the international law. Secondly, it analyzes the regulations related to the right to work and social security within the national law. Finally, the paper discusses the problems occur during the implementation of law and regulations and suggests solutions for overcoming such problems.
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Lipatov, A. V., and O. A. Kazakevich. "FORMATION OF THE IMAGE OF ALEXANDER NEVSKY AMONG SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE CULTURAL SPACE OF THE CITY: ON THE EXAMPLE OF VOLGOGRAD." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/13.
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The article considers the main milestones of the military and political activity of prince Alexander Nevskiy reflecting the most important milestones of the Russian people's struggle for independence and saving of the Orthodox faith in the XIII century. The public need in saving historical and cultural memory led to the erection of memorable places and objects of cult architecture in honor of A. Nevskiy, including in modern Volgograd. On the basis of the existing objects of the cultural space of Volgograd, the methodological ways of A. Nevskiy's image formation as the defender of medieval Russia and the notion of confrontation with the aggressive aims of Western Europe and the Mongol-Tatars are offered.
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Juhász, Péter, and Tahir Mammadov. "Covid-19 impact on the profitability of the EU27 banking sector." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.1.
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Due to COVID-19, economic activity decreased considerably all across Europe. Our paper reviews the various pandemic effects and changes in the European banking sector. Using a dataset merged from four different secondary databases, we created a panel of countryquarters with 513 items covering the period 2016 Q1 – 2020 Q3 including the effects of the first wave of the pandemic. Correlation analysis revealed that during the pandemic, the connectedness of the banking system to the macroeconomy increased, and that the open economies had a more stable banking system. Performance fluctuations on the national banking system level increased, and banking performance became more closely linked to quarterly GPD growth. Covid-19 had a significant adverse effect on the banking sector's profitability on top of the standard macroeconomic fallbacks. Data also underpin that the countries where citizens had stronger trust in their government (political system, legal system, police) suffered less due to the Covid-19 crisis than other EU27 members. High-trust EU27 countries lost less in GDP, import, export, and banking profitability during the first wave of the pandemic. However, this might be partly also a result of some cultural characteristics linked to geography.
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Marchenko, Nataliya. "Northern Sea Route: Modern State and Challenges." In ASME 2014 33rd International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2014-23626.
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It is well-known that navigating the waterway from the primary trade hubs in northern Europe to the Asia-Pacific ports and contrariwise along the Russian Arctic Coast (Northern Sea Route - NSR) is much shorter and faster, than southern ways via Suez or around Africa. The NSR can significantly save costs (through saving time and fuel) and avoids the risk of attack by pirates. In addition, an increase in oil and gas activity in the North, forecasts of global warming and an ice-free Arctic have stimulated interest in Arctic navigation. However, Arctic transportation poses significant challenges because of the heavy ice conditions that exist during both the winter and summer. The profitability of using the NSR is called into question if possible high tariffs are included in the cost estimates. For many years, the NSR was principally used for internal Russian transport and since the end of the 1980s up until 2010, it was in stagnation with total amount of cargo transported annually stood at less than two million tons. Important political decisions in the 90s and increased economic feasibility intensified traffic and freight turnover. In 2013, the NSR Administration (NSRA) was established, new rules for navigation were approved and tariff policies were modified. In 2013, the NSRA issued 635 permits to sail in NSR waters, and 71 transit voyages have since been completed. The total amount of transit cargo was 1.36 million tons. More than 40% of the total number of permits were issued to vessels without ice class [1] according to the Russian Maritime Register of Shipping [2]. There are strong technical requirements for vessels attempting to sail the NSR; regardless, several accidents occurred in 2012–2013. Two vessels were dented by ice in the Chukchi Sea in 2012. A tanker was holed in September 2013 and created a real danger of an ecological disaster from fuel leakage for several days. Despite the expectation of an ice-free Arctic, the ice conditions in 2013 were rather difficult, and the Vilkitsky Strait (a key strait in the NSR between the Kara and Laptev seas) was closed by ice for almost the entire navigation period. In this paper, we review the current situation in the Russian Arctic, including political and administrative actions, recent accidents and the associated conditions and lessons learned.
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Sabo, Helena maria. "DEVELOPMENT OF ICT EDUCATION IN ROMANIA." In eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-136.
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Abstract. Computerized education is a pedagogical strategy adapted / adaptable to the policy model education in the post-cultural model of society. At the operational level, the process involves the concept of assimilation and exploitation of new information technologies in activities designed to level the educational system in the context of specific activities. This are: computerized and “computerial” literacy; ownership of knowledge in the studied disciplines of profile information, making management education, application of computer assisted instruction, teaching method or as a special educational means integrated into any teaching strategy. Cumulative contributions show that important progress has been achieved in Europe, particularly in the development of ICT in education, while one is notable heterogeneity of practices and policies presented in agreement with different political priorities, ideals and educational funding. In Romania, a characterization in general terms, might read: The educational system will undergo significant changes, as the main orientation and design of a system of permanent education. As routine tasks in any field of activity will be taken over by computers, the individual will have more free time to train. At this training will add competition increasingly harshness, which will require the use of leisure time for qualification. In essence, computerization is not limited to teaching a new method, which would enter into the traditional methods. Through their social role, designated the concept of “computer culture” signifies transforming computerization of education system by education, not only as a form of organization, but also as contents. Finally we should mention that the importance and complexity of the process of computerization of education requires attention to the state level. It is appropriate to develop a concept of implementing information technologies in education that would reflect all aspects of the process, its directions and propose to exploit resources, that Romania has already today in an efficient way.
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Burgio, Gianluca, and Giovanna Acampa. "Paradigmi relazionali nello spazio urbano: il caso-studio del centro storico di Palermo." In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Roma: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8031.
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In questo scritto analizzeremo le modalità attraverso le quali vengono sovvertite, con piccole
azioni dei cittadini, le regole che disciplinano gli spazi urbani. Partendo dal caso studio del
centro storico di Palermo illustreremo come la “conquista” anche temporanea, di strade e
piazze possa permettere una rivitalizzazione ed una rivalutazione dei luoghi.
Il nostro interesse è rivolto a comprendere come si siano sviluppati processi di ri-conquista dello
spazio urbano, che hanno permesso di “addomesticare” alcuni spazi della città, modificando usi
e configurazioni comuni, che estrapolati dal contesto abituale sono stati inseriti in nuove
relazioni.
La scelta di prendere Palermo come caso studio deriva da alcune caratteristiche di questa città:
la prima caratteristica può essere individuata nelle sue radici storico-culturali che in qualche
modo favoriscono l’insediamento di nuove comunità; l’altra caratteristica è che le forme di
scambio con abitanti di diverse culture avvengono, non in periferia, ma in centro. Questo rende
la città siciliana un caso non unico ma atipico nel panorama europeo, dove si tende ad avere
una spinta centrifuga e quindi una emarginazione delle popolazioni non locali e dei ceti meno
abbienti.
Da questo punto di vista il centro di Palermo può essere considerato come una sorta di spugna,
che riesce non solo ad assorbire nuove comunità ma anche ad attrarre esponenti del ceto
sociale medio. A differenza di altre città europee, dove si sono innescati processi di
gentrification grazie agli interventi strutturali promossi dalla pubblica amministrazione, a
Palermo il processo di riqualificazione è dovuto a piccole azioni promosse dai residenti.
L’inversione della tendenza degenerativa che era in atto e l’inversione dell’andamento dei
valori immobiliari non è dovuta quindi ad una politica integrata, quanto alla libera iniziativa delle
fasce sociali più deboli. In this script we’ll describe the everyday,little actions of the citizens that break the rules of the
urban areas’ organization.
Starting from the Old Town of Palermo, that we used as the example in our analysis, we’ll show
how the “conquest”, even just temporary, of streets and squares could achieve a revitalization
and a revaluation of quarters. Our focus is on understanding how revitalization/ re-conquest of urban areas has taken place.
By altering people preconcieved ideas of areas of the city, this process achived the
“domestication” of some areas that, out of their usual context, are inserted in new relations.
Our choice to take Palermo as example derives from some typical characteristics of this city: the
first one is due to its historical-cultural origins which, in some way, favor the settlement of new
comunities; the second is that the way of live among population of different cultures develops in
the centre of the city, not in the suburbs. These features make Palermo not unique, but atipical
compared to the rest of Europe where immigrants and lower-class people, are generally forced
to the external areas of towns.
From this point of view we can imagine Palermo’s Old town as a sponge which is able not just
to absorb new comunities, but also to attract people from the middle classes. In European cities
gentrification processes are started thanks to projects realized by the Public Administrations, On
the contrary in Palermo this process generates from actions of the inhabitants themselves.
The change of degenerative trend and the increasing value in the Real Estate Market is
therefore not caused by a political action, but thanks to the initiative of the lower class.
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Vlada, Marin, and Adrian Adascalitei. "ROMANIAN EXPERIENCE IN COURSES DEVELOPMENT. SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT: VISION ON LEARNING - GRIGORE C. MOISIL, 110 YEARS AFTER BIRTH." In eLSE 2016. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-16-264.
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Motto: "The only source of knowledge is experience. Learn from yesterday, live for today, hope for tomorrow. The important thing is not to stop questioning." Albert Einstein (1879 - 1955) "I am for new things, but, more, than the things that are new today , I appreciate the things that will be new starting tomorrow." Grigore C. Moisil (1906-1973) CONTENT 1. The need for computer and concepts 2. Development of sciences and evolution of university courses 3. Grigore Moisil, the father of Romanian Informatics 4. Grigore Moisil's vision on learning The need for computer was not the dream of a scientist or an inventor, was the medium (product) that are combined and used a variety of effective solutions offered by science and technology to solve practical problems that faced in the period 1940-1960 the powerful nations of the world: USA, USSR and UK. The main issues that were major and urgent even were military-defense and conquest of outer space, the last issue is still a major problem for defense. Factors that influenced the conception, design and development of computer systems are all factors scientific, technological, social, cultural, economic, political, military, etc. At the level of individuals in a society, it can be said that the destiny and their lives are influenced by the factors outlined above. Factors that influenced the conception, design and development of computer systems are all factors scientific, technological, social, cultural, economic, political, military, etc. Un example would be October 4, 1957, when the Soviet Union launched the Sputnik satellite in outer space ( 83.6 kg), Earth's first artificial satellite, when US leaders were concerned about a Soviet first strike could be a preemptive strike; It was when the US Department of Defense Military began several research projects; Consequently, on 31 January 1958 was launched Explorer 1 (14 kg), the first artificial satellite launched by the US, Soviet satellites being third after Sputnik 1 and 2 . At the level of individuals of a society, we can say that destiny and their lives are influenced by the factors mentioned above. No need to come up with arguments or examples, simple study of biographies of scientists, art, etc., who lived in different periods of history will be enlightening for anyone. About Grigore C. Moisil: He was a member of the Romanian Academy, of the Academy of Bologna, and of the International Institute of Philosophy. Moisil was a professor of mathematical logic and computer science at the University of Bucharest, and taught in various universities in Europe and America. His early contributions were in mathematics and later he devoted his scientific activity to mathematical logic and computer science. He pioneered the application of mathematical logic to computer science. In the 1950s, Prof. Moisil developed a new structural theory of finite automata and proposed what he called "the trivalent Lukaszewiczian algebra applied to the logic of switching circuits", an important contribution to the development of computer science in those early years. Some of his books were translated in several languages. At a time when cybernetics was thought of as "reactionary bourgeois science directed against working class" Prof. Moisil used his scientific authority to personally encourage the Romanian scientists to build the first computer, that appeared in 1957. (Excerpts from the biography produced by the IEEE Computer Society, who "is proud to recognize Grigore C. Moisil as a Computer Pioneer" in 1996)
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Egorova, Maia, and Tamara Ruiz. "STUDENTS’ MOTIVATION AT DIFFERENT PHASES OF GETTING HIGHER EDUCATION (THE CASE OF RUSSIA)." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/13.
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"The problem of motivation is one of the most important in determining the driving mechanisms that force a person to learn, work, master something new. Motivation to work is one of the key elements of challenging yourself on the way to self-development. Motivation has deep psychological and moral roots and is a complex multifaceted phenomenon that often defies logical comprehension. In addition, it is an ephemeral, elusive thing; it is not a permanent feature of a person in one or another area of his activity. Accordingly, it is the problem of origin, retention, and in a good scenario of strengthening the motivation that is in one of the first place among the tasks that modern teachers face. Rapid scientific and technological development and progress in various fields of knowledge, new scientific and technical discoveries and the need for new high-tech developments require specialists with a high level of education and high-quality professional training. This applies not only to scientific and technical spheres, but also to natural-applied and humanitarian areas. All this makes higher education today a prestigious and extremely attractive goal for most young people, making young people use their studies at a university as a social lift for further personal development and career development. At the same time, a situation is observed when entering universities, many young people are faced with a serious problem of lack of motivation to learn, or they are demotivated in the learning process, which often leads to a very low level of quality of their studies, and sometimes makes them interrupt study for academic leave or give it up completely. Pedagogical science has accumulated a wealth of experience in studying this problem, however, the modern challenges of a changing world require pedagogy to constantly monitor changes and search for new approaches to solving the problems that students have in the course of obtaining higher education. The authors study this problem, taking as an example Russia, which is a country at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, where features of European and Eastern culture are combined in people. The authors approached the issue from several important angles. The article analyzes the socio-economic and political characteristics that affect the motivation for learning among young people. Particular attention is paid to the state of the current Russian society, spiritual and moral guidelines of young people, their goals and views on life and their own future. The authors emphasize the importance of family, religion and spiritual and moral development in the issue of motivation to work and study. The authors come to the conclusion that the problem of lack of motivation is based on a combination of reasons, but its root is primarily in the family upbringing of the student, as well as in his moral component and emotional and psychological maturity of the individual. The article provides an overview and some of the changes in student motivation associated with the COVID-19 pandemic and online learning. It is important to note that in the course of their research, the authors relied on their many years of experience in teaching at higher educational institutions in Russia."
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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.
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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.
Reports on the topic "Immigrants – Europe – Political activity"
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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.
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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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Arora, Sanjana, and Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.
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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.