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Academic literature on the topic 'Illyrians against Roman Empire'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Illyrians against Roman Empire"

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Mesihović, Salmedin. "Ovid and Illyricum." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line 7, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2020.2.45.

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The famed Roman poet Ovid was banished from Rome, for unknown reasons in 8 CE, by the first emperor Augustus, to the remote town of Tomis on the Black Sea coast, at the then-outmost eastern border of the Roman Empire. Ovid himself emphasised to have been banished for a mistake and a poem, but did not provide more elaborate details as to what the cause had exactly been. That was the period when the Roman Empire fought a difficult war against the Illyrian rebels and their military and political Alliance led by Bato the Daesitiate. For that reason, Ovid was sent to Tomis not through the Adriatic shore but rather through roundabouts, via Greece and Moesia. Ovid was very sad in Tomis, constantly pleading for amnesty. For that reason, he kept sending letters to influential friends and members of the ruling Augustus family, asking them to advocate for his return. In one of the letters to Germanicus, Ovid described in detail the triumphant procession honouring the victory over the rebelled Illyrians, mentioning also the captured Bato the Daesitate and the kind treatment he had received.

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Gross, Simcha. "Being Roman in the Sasanian Empire." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 3 (2021): 361–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.3.361.

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Over the past several decades, scholars have challenged longstanding assumptions about Christian narratives of persecution. In light of these revisionist trends, a number of scholars have reconsidered the “Great Persecution” of Christians under the fourth-century Sasanian king Shapur II. Where scholars previously argued that the cause of Sasanian imperial violence against Christians was a perceived connection between them and the increasingly Christian Roman Empire, these new accounts reject this explanation and downplay the scope of violence against Christians. This article reexamines Sasanian violence against Christians in the fourth century, navigating between the proverbial Scylla and Charybdis of positivist and revisionist approaches. It argues that the accusations against Christians must be situated within the broader Roman-Sasanian conflict. In this context, fifth-column accusations were a pervasive anxiety, animated—and deployed—by empires and inhabitants alike. Yet, rather than inexorably leading to indiscriminate violence against all Christians, fifth-column accusations operated in a variety of ways, resulting in targeted violence but also, it is argued, in imperial patronage. Seen in this light, concerns for Christian disloyalty were responsible for the drastic vacillations in Christian experience under Sasanian rule during the fourth and early fifth centuries, unparalleled for other non-Iranian Sasanian communities, such as Jews. It was the particular circumstances of Christians, caught between the Sasanian and Roman Empires, that account for their experience under Sasanian rule.

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TEMIN, PETER. "Financial Intermediation in the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 3 (September 2004): 705–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002943.

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I evaluate the effectiveness of financial markets in the early Roman Empire in this article. I review the theory of financial intermediation to describe a hierarchy of financial sources and survey briefly the history of financial intermediation in eighteenth-century Western Europe to provide a standard against which to evaluate the Roman evidence. I then describe the nature of financial arrangements in the early Roman Empire in terms of this hierarchy. This exercise reveals the extent to which the Roman economy resembled more recent societies and sheds light on the prospects for economic growth in the Roman Empire.

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Spruce, Damian. "Empire and Counter-Empire in the Italian Far Right." Theory, Culture & Society 24, no. 5 (September 2007): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276407081285.

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What old Fascisms and new nationalisms circulate in the political spaces of Europe? Through an analysis of their split on immigration policy in 2003, this article examines the myths and ideologies of the two major far right parties in Italy, the Lega Nord and the Alleanza Nazionale. It argues that the anti-imperial mythology of the Lega, based on the defence of Lombardy against the Holy Roman Empire, has led it into a modernist politics of territoriality, borders and homogeneity. On the other hand, the Alleanza Nazionale has used its Fascist heritage, and in particular the mythologizing of the Roman empire, to open up a postmodern imperial politics, involving the expansion of borders, and the incorporation of new peoples and territories. Through the use of interviews with militants and deputies, it looks at how the Alleanza has re-articulated imperial Fascist mythologies within a new pro-European Union discourse, while the Lega has maintained its role of protest against deterritorialization despite the seeming inevitability of the territorial integration.

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SCHWARZ, HANS. "Luther and the Turks." Unio Cum Christo 3, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc3.1.2017.art8.

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Abstract: Confronted with the military advance of the Turkish Ottoman Empire against the Holy Roman Empire, including the siege of Vienna, Martin Luther wrote several treatises on the Turks. Luther rejected the idea of a war in the name of religion against the Ottoman onslaught, seeing instead the defense of the Holy Roman Empire as the duty of the Emperor. Luther understood the Turkish threat as God’s punishment for the laxity of Christians and so called for repentance and a return to the gospel. Luther wanted the Christians to have ﬁrsthand information about Islam and promoted a translation of the Qur’an in German against many obstacles. The Protestant church in Germany is very cautious about deﬁning a present-day application of Luther’s approach.

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Kleyhons, Ferdinand. "Pons et cella penaria – Die Bedeutung Siziliens für die Entwicklung des Imperium Romanum ausgehend von Ciceros „Verrinen“." historia.scribere, no. 13 (June 22, 2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.13.618.

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Pons et cella penaria – The importance of Sicily for the formation of the Roman Empire on the basis of Ciceros “In Verrem”In the year 70 BCE, one of the most renowned trials in Roman history took place: The lawsuit of Gaius Verres, former propraetor of the Roman province Sicilia. Marcus Tullius Cicero, taking up the role of the claimant in this trial, wrote a series of speeches against Verres (“In Verrem”). Therein he stated, among other things, the importance of Sicily for the Roman Empire. As the first Roman province, it introduced the Romans to a new system of governing foreign territory. It functioned as a “bridge” for the conquest of Carthage and, finally, it fed the Roman population and its army. The following paper will examine each of these three steps, as well as use them as a framework to discuss the role of Sicily for the formation of the Roman Empire.

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Šačić Beća, Amra. "Cultural-historical development of the Illirian people of Naresi (civitas Narensium)." Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, no. 41 (January 6, 2022): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-41.6.

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Naresi were the second largest paople in Naronian convent (Narona conventus). Their historical development can be tracked from the late Iron Age to the 3rd century AD. The process of this community’s formation is related to the breakdown of Autariates ethnical complex, which makes them post-Autariat Illyrian people. It seems like Naresi populated areafrom the source of Neretva river in the North to Prenj mountain in the South. Nowadays, it would refer to the area of municipalities: Kalinovik, Konjic, Jablanica and some parts of Prozor-Rama and Nevesinje. Literally, their name could be interpreted as Neretljani. It needs to be emphasized that they belong to Pliny’s Ilyrii proprie diciti, or Illyrians in the narrow sense. Naresi are one of the peoples that became a part of the Illyrian state which can be described as peoples alliance,although sources don’t imply it. They are mentioned in the works of: Pliny the Elder (Gaius Plinius Secundus Maior), Appian of Alexandria (’Aππιανός ’Aλεξανδρεΰς) and Claudius Ptolemy (Κλαύδιος Πτολεμαῖος). Although it’s also not mentioned in thesources, there’s a big probability that Naresi participated in Bato’s revolt (AD 6–9). Their ethnic name appears on two epigraphic sacral monuments. Both monuments are dating from 2nd century AD when Illyrians ethnic awareness was not strong enough. In mentioned century started intensive romanisation of Naresi, which can be concluded based on detailedanalysis of epigraphic monuments from their registration area. Specifically, a large percentage of Aelius (41%) that exist on epigraphic monuments is a good enough proof for that conclusion. Domestic Illyrian names that were given by Naresi in the age of Roman Empire are: Boio, Laiscus, Dazas, Carvus, Iacus, Mandeta, Pines, Temus and Pinnius. In onomastics, Celticnames appear, but statements that Naresi are Celtic- Illyrian are unfounded. In need to be emphasized that Celtic material and onomastics are represented in a very poor percentage and mostly came to teritory of Naresi by trade or matrimonial relations.

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Kee, John. "Writing Edessa into the Roman Empire*." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 1 (2021): 28–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.1.28.

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The Syriac tradition presents an exceptional opportunity to investigate how the people of a late Roman frontier articulated local community affiliation against the backdrop of the larger Mediterranean and Near Eastern worlds. Over the last decade, Syrian/Syriac identity and Roman identity in late antique Syria-Mesopotamia have emerged as topics of increasing interest. In concentrating on ethnicity, however, studies of specifically local affiliations have generally left unexamined the other modes of group identification which may have been equally or more salient. This essay fills that gap by excavating non-ethnic means of constructing local and regional identity in three Syriac texts written in and about Edessa in the pivotal century around 500 CE: the Chronicle of Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite, the Chronicle of Edessa (540), and Euphemia and the Goth. Across their differences in date and genre, these three texts demonstrate a convergent set of strategies for reconciling Edessa and its neighbors to the Roman Empire at large. Crucially, all three project notions of local belonging which focus not on ethnic markers but on particular places: in the first instance, on the city. Drawing from cultural geography’s interdependent concept of “place,” the essay shows how in these texts local identity emerges from the interaction of city, church, and empire; Edessa’s connections to the wider Roman world serve not to negate but to articulate its specificity as a community. Moreover, such place-based means of identification could be extended to frame larger regional communities too, as Ps.-Joshua does in its most distinctive moments.

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Vannan, Eleanor Mary. "The Queen of Propaganda: Boudica’s Representation in Empire." Arbutus Review 12, no. 1 (October 25, 2021): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar121202120187.

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Boudica was an Iceni queen c. 60 CE in Roman-occupied Britain who revolted against the Roman empire. While there is a scarcity of primary sources that document her life, Boudica has remained a dominant figure in conceptualisations of British national identity. This paper examines the works of the Roman historians, the archaeological record, and the depictions of Boudica in different periods and analyses the ability of historians to record events without being influenced by the ideology of their contemporary periods. Through a comparative examination of sources, this paper argues that Boudica should not be approached as a verifiable historical figure but as a tool to understand imperial propaganda.

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Hendria, Ricky, and Sherly Franchisca. "General Retaliation Against The Roman Empire as Seen in William Shakespeare’s Coriolanus." Jurnal Ilmiah Langue and Parole 2, no. 2 (August 19, 2019): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36057/jilp.v2i2.366.

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This reseacrh is titled "General Retaliation Against The Roman Empire As Seen In William Shakespeare's Coriolanus. In this research the author will discuss several issues, namely (1) How is Coriolanus's struggle in defending Rome's empire from enemy attacks? (2) What did Coriolanus do to avenge himself at the Roman empire? (3) What is the story of Coriolanus at the end of the story? the objectives of this research are (1) To analyze Coriolanus' life at the beginning of the story (2) To explain the cause of coriolanus to avenge his Roman empire (3) To study and explain how much Coriolanus's grudge to Rome to the tragic story he experienced. The theory used in this research is literary psychology theory according to Sigmund Freud. This research uses a qualitative method. The object of research is the drama Coriolanus by William Shakespeare. Data sources are divided into two, namely primary data sources and secondary data sources. The primary data source is the drama script itself. Secondary data sources are text texts and several references related to research. The data collection technique is taking notes. The technical analysis of the data is descriptive analysis. The results of the study show the following conclusions. First, the responsibility of a general in maintaining the sovereignty of his kingdom. Second, feelings of resentment arise when a struggle is not properly appreciated. Third, someone's revenge towards others can have fatal consequences and can even end in a tragic death.

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Books on the topic "Illyrians against Roman Empire"

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Bitka za Ilirik. BATHINVS, 2018.

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Mandel, David. War of the Jews: Against the Roman Empire. Independently Published, 2018.

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Kershaw, Stephen. Enemies of Rome: The Barbarian Rebellion Against the Roman Empire. Pegasus Books, 2021.

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Kershaw, Stephen. Enemies of Rome: The Barbarian Rebellion Against the Roman Empire. Pegasus Books, 2020.

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Enemies of Rome: The Barbarian Rebellion Against the Roman Empire. Pegasus Books, 2020.

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Dzino, Danijel. Illyricum in Roman Politics, 229Bc-Ad68. Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Dzino, Danijel. Illyricum in Roman Politics, 229BC-AD68. Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Dzino, Danijel. Illyricum in Roman Politics, 229 BC-AD 68. Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Dzino, Danijel. Illyricum in Roman Politics, 229 BC-AD 68. Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Williamson, Terrance. Pagan and the Jew: The Jewish Rebellion Against the Roman Empire. Terrance D. Williamson. Independently Published, 2018.

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Book chapters on the topic "Illyrians against Roman Empire"

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Bowditch, Phebe Lowell. "Reading Elegy Against the Grain." In Roman Love Elegy and the Eros of Empire, 1–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14800-2_1.

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Cusa, Giuseppe. "Crusades in the Holy Roman Empire (Late 1220s to the Early 1250s)." In Crusading Against Christians in the Middle Ages, 233–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-47339-5_10.

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Croke, Brian. "Illyrians at Constantinople." In Count Marcellinus and his Chronicle, 78–102. Oxford University PressOxford, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198150015.003.0004.

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Abstract In the preface to his chronicle Marcellinus makes clear to his audience that his preoccupation is chiefly with the eastern empire—Orientale tantum imperium. So we might reasonably expect to find little in the chronicle pertaining to affairs in the western empire, and then only in so far as such affairs affected Constantinople and the East. For Marcellinus the perspective and nomen clature of the Chronicle clearly divide East and West. There is a geographical east (Oriens: 418. 3, 420. 2, 484. 1, 529) and west (Occidens: 416. 1,468), as well as an imperial east (Orientale imperium: Praef.; Orientate respublica: 379. 1) and west (Occidentalis respublica: 434, 454. 2; Occidentalie imperium: 392. 1; Occidentale regnum: 424. 3; Hesperium regnum: 454. 2; Hesperium imperium: 476. 2; principatum Occidentis: 465. 2). There are also designated eastern emperors (Orientalibus principibus: 379. 1) and consuls (Orientalium consulum: 521). Not once after 395 does he refer to the Roman empire as a whole but only to its separate halves. However, on the occasions when he identifies himself as specifically Roman it is clearly as a citizen of the Roman empire as a whole, not just the eastern part of it. In speaking of ‘us’ (447. 2), ‘our generals’ (503), ‘this expedition of ours’ (529) and ‘our emperor’ (532, 533) he identifies him self as a citizen of the Roman world as distinguished from its foes,the Huns (447) and Persians (503, 529).’

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Harris, Edward M. "Introduction." In Aeschines And Athenian Politics, 3–6. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195082852.003.0001.

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Abstract The decade that began in 348 B.c. with the fall of Olynthus and climaxed in 338 B.c. in the Battle of Chaeronea marked a decisive turning point in Greek history. Before 348, the Macedonians played only a marginal role in the world of the Greek poleis of central and southern Greece. The kings of Macedon, when not fighting off dangerous pretenders, were forced to devote most of their efforts to securing the kingdoms vulnerable borders against neighboring tribes. Their few attempts at territorial expansion were checked first by the Athenian Empire in the fifth-century, then by the Spartans and the Thebans in the fourth century. But the stalemate of the major Greek powers after the Battle of Mantinea in 362 removed the barriers to Macedonian ambitions. When Philip ascended the throne in 359, he quickly put the affairs of the kingdom in order, developed his military resources, and took advantage of the new opportunity. By 348 he had already made remarkable progress. The neighboring tribes of Paeonia and Illyria had been defeated, the Chalcidian League destroyed, and its leading city Olynthus sacked. Philip had also extended his power southward, leading the Macedonians and his Thessalian allies to victory over the Phocians. Yet these achievements were only a prelude. In the next decade his military victories and diplomatic triumphs established Philip as the undisputed leader of the Greeks. Al though Philip did not live to see his army win its greatest victories in Asia, his legacy proved to be long-lasting: Macedon remained the leading power in Greece until the Roman conquest.

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Frede, Michael. "Origen’s TreatiseAgainst Celsus." In Apologetics in the Roman Empire, 131–57. Oxford University PressOxford, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198269861.003.0007.

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Abstract Origen (184/5-254/5 CE) was a notoriously prolific writer.1 Even taking into account that the ancients tended to measure literary productivity in terms of books, rather than writings, so that a work such as a commentary on John’s Gospel might count not as one, but as more than thirty-two books, Epiphanius’ claim(Panarion, 64. 63) that Origen wrote 6,000 books sounds fantastic, but reflects the correct belief that Origen wrote a great deal. According to Jerome(Against Rufinus, 2. 22), Eusebius in book 3 of hisLife of Pamphilus, listed no fewer than 2,000 books by Origen. Almost all of these writings have been lost; some of them are extant only in fragments; and very few have come down to us in their entirety. One of these is Origen’sAgainst Celsus, or, to be more precise, ‘Against the So-TitledTrue Account of Celsus’, in eight books.

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Goodman, Martin. "Josephus’ TreatiseAgainst A pion ." In Apologetics in the Roman Empire, 45–58. Oxford University PressOxford, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198269861.003.0003.

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Abstract The work in two books preserved in Greek (in part only in Latin) in the manuscripts of Josephus’ writings and commonly known by the titleAgainst Apion contains much explicit apologetic, and the author’s numerous references to his own aims and techniques make this ‘skilfully planned, well-written and clever’treatise a fine test case of the techniques which could be used in defence of a religious tradition.The original title of the work is unknown: the text deals only in the first half of book with the eponymous Apion, and the present title is first attested by Jerome(On Famous Men, 13) only in the fourth century. Before Jerome, the pagan philosopher Porphyry(On Abstinence, 4. 11) described the work as ‘Against the Greeks’, and Origen referred to it as ‘On the Antiquity of the Jews’(Against Celsus, 1. 16; 4. 11), which accurately reflects Josephus’ claims about its contents (cf.Against Apion, 1. 3, 160, 217; 2. 1) and may have been the original title.

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Løland, Ole Jakob. "Paul against Empire." In Pauline Ugliness, 140–76. Fordham University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286553.003.0006.

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The image of a political thinker that arises from Taubes’s readings of Paul is the result of Taubes’s peculiar method of reading Paul through key thinkers of the twentieth-century European thought, such as Nietzsche, Benjamin, and Barth. The political aspects of the philosophers’ readings are brought to the fore by Taubes’s intertwinement of historical and philosophical perspectives, but also of the crossing of the Jewish and the Christian. Taubes’s political Paul is drawn from contradictory meanings within the Pauline epistles, primarily Romans. On one hand Taubes’s Paul is anti-imperial as the apostle’s message amplifies a seething antagonism toward the values of the Greco-Roman world and “declares war” against the Emperor himself. On the other, Taubes’s Paul develops a “nihilism” which is actually “quietist” and withdrawn in relation to direct contestation of actually existing authority. This nihilistic view of the apostle can be further argued for through affinities between readings of biblical scholars of our day and Friedrich Nietzsche, building further upon Taubes’s interpretations of Paul.

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"Provincial Revolts in the Early Roman Empire." In The Jewish Revolt against Rome, 27–44. BRILL, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004216693_003.

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Niccolai, Lea. "Julian the Emperor and the Reaction against Christianity." In Articulating Resistance under the Roman Empire, 219–38. Cambridge University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108753425.011.

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Kaldellis, Anthony. "City and Desert: Cultures Old and New." In The New Roman Empire, 138—C7F1. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197549322.003.0008.

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Abstract This chapter notes the culture that emerged from the fusion of Roman, Greek, and Christian elements, which had overlapping and even competing values that resulted in paradoxes. It starts with the difference in cultures between paganism and Christianity. Despite its extraordinary rise to power, Christianity failed to create a total culture around its institutions, beliefs, and values. Thus, the spokesmen of the Church had always called for a fundamental reorientation of social values. The chapter cites that the Church produced preacher John Chrysostom to advocate repurposing traditional values to serve spiritual ends. It also considers the rise of asceticism, which ran up against nature and the limits of self-denial.

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Conference papers on the topic "Illyrians against Roman Empire"

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Veljković, Žarko B. "O NADIMKU MILUTINOVOG VELIKOG VOJVODE NOVAKA, „GREBOSTREK“." In Kralj Milutin i doba Paleologa: istorija, književnost, kulturno nasleđe. Publishing House of the Eparchy of Šumadija of the Serbian Orthodox Church - "Kalenić", 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/6008-065-5.137v.

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Novak called Grebostrek was a great duke in medieval Serbia during the reign of King Milutin. In 1312/1313 he was the head of the Serbian military forces, was sent by Milutin to help to the Roman Empire in their strike against the invasion of the Turks, where Novak defeated the Turks. The paper gives historical mentions of this military leader and from there it is determined that the original form of his nickname is grѣbostrēkь, which was then transformed into Ekavian grebostrekь (grebòstrēk). It is concluded that this is a warrior’s nickname, that it is a compound of * grѣbъ „deep scratch / cut; furrow ”and * strѣkati“ bosti [, ubosti] ”, and would mean“ the one who stabs / stabs deep cuts / furrows (into enemy force) ”. An etymological possibility is added under the question mark - that the Serbian Grand Duke Novak received his warrior nickname grѣbòstrѣkь first in Greek, which was then translated into Serbian. That possible original warrior nickname in Greek could have read spasm. * Αὐλακοκοπτης „otpr. the one who cuts / cuts furrows / trenches (into enemy force) ”.

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