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Journal articles on the topic 'Illiberal'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Geva, Dorit, and Felipe G. Santos. "Europe's far-right educational projects and their vision for the international order." International Affairs 97, no. 5 (September 2021): 1395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab112.

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Abstract Figures like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and former French National Front leader Marion Maréchal are seeking to establish what we call a new globalist illiberal order. The globalist illiberal agenda extends elements of the globalist project while reclaiming a radicalized view of Christian democracy. Europe's far-right views the global order as composed of strong nations who need to defend their sovereignty on ‘cultural’ issues while protecting their common Christian roots. We trace their project by focusing on two new institutions of higher education, Hungary's National University of Public Service Ludovika (Ludovika-UPS) and the Institut de sciences sociales, économiques et politiques (Institute of Social Sciences, Economics and Politics—ISSEP), based in France and Spain. Through these institutions, globalist illiberals aim to cultivate new leaders outside the liberal ‘mainstream’ and redefine the meaning of Christian democracy. We conclude that surging nationalism among mid- to small powers is not resulting in deglobalization but is fostering illiberal globalization, which has no place for those who do not fit in their exclusionary vision of Christian Europe.

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Holzleithner, Elisabeth. "Reactionary Gender Constructions in Illiberal Political Thinking." Politics and Governance 10, no. 4 (October 31, 2022): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i4.5537.

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Theories of the state, its functions, limits, and legitimacy have been overwhelmingly “liberal” in the past few decades, in a very broad sense of the term. Such theories are inherently open to a diversity of genders, sexual orientations, and ways of living together because they place equal freedom and the right to prosper according to one’s own ideas front and centre. Illiberal political thinking is of a completely different stock. This article focuses on the role of gender and sexuality in such approaches. Both gender and sexuality are pivotal for illiberalism’s defence of an order that is supposed to overcome Western‐style liberal democracy. In contrast to the liberals’ and their like‐minded critics’ quest for social justice in societies that are traversed by structures of oppression and domination, illiberal political thinking offers an utterly different brand of autocratic rule that keeps conventional hierarchies intact. It only takes note of advanced gender theories to either ridicule them or condemn them as a supposed threat to social cohesion. This article exposes illiberal approaches to gender and sexuality, considering the roots and focus of the former on the dichotomy of public/private and illiberals’ aversion to equality and human rights.

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3

Connolly, Sean, Emmet Larkin, Sally Warwick-Haller, Oliver MacDonagh, and Geraldine F. Grogan. "Illiberal Liberators." Books Ireland, no. 157 (1992): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20626539.

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Jardine, Alice. "Illiberal Reporting." Women's Review of Books 9, no. 5 (February 1992): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4021238.

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Taylor, Robert S. "Illiberal Socialism." Social Theory and Practice 40, no. 3 (2014): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract201440327.

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6

Castillo-Ortiz, Pablo. "The Illiberal Abuse of Constitutional Courts in Europe." European Constitutional Law Review 15, no. 1 (March 2019): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019619000026.

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Legal constitutionalism – Political constitutionalism – Emergence of illiberal constitutionalism as a tertium genus – Examination of constitutional courts under three illiberal governments: Poland, Hungary, and Turkey – Illiberal governments’ strategies to seize control of constitutional courts – Illiberal governments’ aim to secure leverage over constitutional judges and restrict the powers of review of the court – Constitutional courts under illiberal rule invert the traditional functions that were assigned to them under the original Kelsenian approach – Instead of a check on power, illiberal constitutional courts become a device to circumvent constitutional constraints and concentrate power in the hands of the ruling actors.

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7

Turmel, Patrick. "Are Cities Illiberal?" Les ateliers de l'éthique 4, no. 2 (April 10, 2018): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1044463ar.

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One of the main characteristics of today’s democratic societies is their pluralism. As a result, liberal political philosophers often claim that the state should remain neutral with respect to different conceptions of the good. Legal and social policies should be acceptable to everyone regardless of their culture, their religion or their comprehensive moral views. One might think that this commitment to neutrality should be especially pronounced in urban centres, with their culturally diverse populations. However, there are a large number of laws and policies adopted at the municipal level that contradict the liberal principle of neutrality. In this paper, I want to suggest that these perfectionist laws and policies are legitimate at the urban level. Specifically, I will argue that the principle of neutrality applies only indirectly to social institutions within the broader framework of the nation-state. This is clear in the case of voluntary associations, but to a certain extent this rationale applies also to cities. In a liberal regime, private associations are allowed to hold and defend perfectionist views, focused on a particular conception of the good life. One problem is to determine the limits of this perfectionism at the urban level, since cities, unlike private associations, are public institutions. My aim here is therefore to give a liberal justification to a limited form of perfectionism of municipal laws and policies.

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8

Ganguly, Sumit. "An Illiberal India?" Journal of Democracy 31, no. 1 (2020): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0016.

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9

Fellman, Michael. "The Illiberal Lincoln." Canadian Review of American Studies 23, no. 2 (September 1992): 195–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-023-02-10.

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10

Innes, Abby. "Hungary's Illiberal Democracy." Current History 114, no. 770 (March 1, 2015): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.770.95.

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11

Mujanović, Jasmin. "Croatia’s Illiberal Turn." Political Insight 10, no. 1 (March 2019): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2041905819838150.

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12

Merli, Franz. "Illiberal Direct Democracy." ICL Journal 14, no. 2 (August 4, 2020): 199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2020-0001.

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AbstractInstruments of direct democracy can be – and are – used to further and strengthen illiberal democracy by restricting minority rights (1). The legal design of these instruments can make this easier or less likely (2).

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13

Kerr, Fergus. "Comment: Illiberal Democracy." New Blackfriars 99, no. 1083 (August 7, 2018): 559–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nbfr.12390.

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14

Hinsey, Ellen, and Rafał Pankowski. "Poland’s Illiberal Challenge." New England Review 37, no. 4 (2016): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ner.2016.0107.

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15

Nesbit, A. "Illiberal peace: promises and problems." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2021): 207–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-207-210.

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16

Meyer, Emilio Peluso Neder. "Constitucionalismo Iliberal." Revista Direito e Práxis 13, no. 4 (December 2022): 2595–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2179-8966/2022/70765.

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Resumo Este artigo discute a viabilidade teórica do conceito de constitucionalismo iliberal. Indo além da pergunta sobre se ele seria um oxímoro, demonstra-se que, ao assumir uma abordagem duplamente normativa e empírica, não é só possível, mas necessário, classificar regimes políticos que se situam entre a democracia e o puro autoritarismo como regimes de constitucionalismo iliberal. Por meio de verificações bibliográfica, comparada e de políticas iliberais concretas, destaca-se que o ponto central do constitucionalismo iliberal é a subversão de instituições jurídicas liberais contra elas mesmas e em prol de fins políticos específicos.

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Ganga, Paula. "Economic Nationalism Goes Global: Illiberal Governments Instrumentalizing Globalization in Eastern Europe." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/wckw3544.

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What are the consequences of electing illiberal leaders for the liberal international order? Traditional responses suggest they either want to increase their influence or change it radically. By understanding the illiberal domestic agenda of economic nationalism and statism in a world of increased financialization, I argue that the economic concentration taking place domestically will result in illiberal leaders instrumentalizing globalization for their political survival. This means these leaders have learned to selectively pick those parts of globalization most likely to sustain their regime—for example, criticizing multilateral organizations such as the European Union while reaping the benefits of EU membership. In this article, I begin by examining the trend of illiberal governments adopting economic nationalism and statism. I then theorize the nuanced ways in which illiberal leaders still use the liberal order for their political survival—in spite of espousing an illiberal economic agenda. I examine this phenomenon with an emphasis on illiberal leaders in Hungary and Poland and provide evidence from the last two decades of economic and political developments in Eastern Europe, as well as explore the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the recent war in Ukraine on the future of illiberal leaders’ approach to globalization.

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Bień-Kacała, Agnieszka. "Nieliberalny sąd konstytucyjny w Polsce na przykładzie wyroku Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w sprawie aborcyjnej, sygn. akt K 1/20." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 69, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.05.01.

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The paper discusses the characteristics of the Constitutional Tribunal as an illiberal constitutional court. After the political remodelling initiated in 2015 and the capture of the Tribunal, this body gained a new role in developing, protecting and stabilizing illiberal constitutionalism. The Tribunal, as an illiberal constitutional court, often adjudicates in panels inconsistent with constitutional rules, is abusively activated by the ruling option and issues judgments that are beneficial to the rulers and justify their constitutionally questionable actions. How an illiberal constitutional court operates is presented in the example of an abortion judgment, file ref. no. K 1/20. This case also shows the illiberal ground of the new system.

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19

Furedi, Frank. "Illiberal Liberalism: A Genealogy." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/wckt3541.

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Illiberalism is invariably associated with right-wing authoritarian or populist movements. Yet at times liberalism itself can take an illiberal turn. This essay explores the historical and philosophical origins of contemporary illiberal liberalism. It suggests that illiberal liberalism was and remains motivated by a powerful anti-democratic impulse that is often expressed as disdain for people’s capacity to act with reason.

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20

Strauss, G. "Liberal or Illiberal Arts?" Journal of Social History 19, no. 2 (December 1, 1985): 361–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/19.2.361.

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21

Boyle, Michael J. "The Coming Illiberal Order." Survival 58, no. 2 (March 3, 2016): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2016.1161899.

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22

Timothy Edmunds. "Illiberal Resilience in Serbia." Journal of Democracy 20, no. 1 (2008): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.0.0054.

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23

de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Illiberal peacebuilding in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1100005x.

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ABSTRACTAngola's oil-fuelled reconstruction since the end of the civil war in 2002 is a world away from the mainstream liberal peacebuilding approach that Western donors have promoted and run since the end of cold war. The Angolan case is a pivotal example of what can be termed ‘illiberal peacebuilding’, a process of post-war reconstruction managed by local elites in defiance of liberal peace precepts on civil liberties, the rule of law, the expansion of economic freedoms and poverty alleviation, with a view to constructing a hegemonic order and an elite stranglehold over the political economy. Making sense of the Angolan case is a starting point for a broader comparative look at other cases of illiberal peacebuilding such as Rwanda, Lebanon and Sri Lanka.

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24

Hartmann, Betsy. "Liberal Ends, Illiberal Means." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2006): 195–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152150601300204.

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Snyder, Quddus Z. "The illiberal trading state." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (January 2013): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312460394.

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Liberal systemic theory is built on the assumption that the system’s dominant configuration is a Kantian confederation of major powers. In addition to being a democratic cluster, the liberal core is also a capitalist club. This article pushes systemic and socialization theory forward by introducing the mechanism of economic competition as an important driver of socialization. The article develops a theory of system-level competition, arguing that it is a distinct and co-equal mechanism of socialization to the established mechanisms of persuasion, inducement, and coercion. The article proposes a three-staged model of socialization that explains how prominent rising powers such as Turkey, India, Brazil, and China are being socialized into the liberal system. At the first phase, competitive pressure, outsiders are led to orient themselves toward the core out of a fear of falling behind and a desire to access network benefits. At the second phase, rushing, outsiders behave in pro-norm ways and make significant concessions in order to gain inclusion in the core’s institutional complex. At the third phase, internalization, external norms become embedded in domestic legal institutional structures and a robust pro-norm domestic coalition emerges. The article uses the case of China to illustrate the model and lend it some initial empirical support in one hard case.

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Hetherington, Philippa, and Glenda Sluga. "Liberal and Illiberal Internationalisms." Journal of World History 31, no. 1 (2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2020.0000.

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27

Malcolm, Noel. "Thomas Hobbes: Liberal illiberal." Journal of the British Academy 4 (August 31, 2016): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/004.113.

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28

Hennig, Anja, and Oliver Fernando Hidalgo. "Illiberal Cultural Christianity? European Identity Constructions and Anti-Muslim Politics." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 15, 2021): 774. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090774.

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This paper refers to the ambivalence of secularization in order to explain why Cultural Christianity can show both a liberal and illiberal character. These two faces of Cultural Christianity are mostly due to the identity functions that, not only faith-based religion, but a particularly culturalized version of religion, entails. Proceeding from this, it will be demonstrated here how Cultural Christianity can turn into a concrete illiberal marker of identity or a resource for illiberal collective identity. Our argument focuses on the link between right-wing nationalism and Cultural Christianity from a historical-theoretical perspective, and illustrates the latter with the example of contemporary illiberal and selective European memory constructions including a special emphasis on the exclusivist elements.

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Pap, András László, and Anna Śledzińska-Simon. "The Rise of Illiberal Democracy and the Remedies of Multi-Level Constitutionalism." Hungarian Journal of Legal Studies 60, no. 1 (March 2019): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2052.2019.60105.

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Abstract This article begins with a brief overview of the characteristics of illiberal democracy proclaimed in Hungary and followed by Poland, the once 'Musterkinder' of European integration and compliance with the EU values and law. In the second part the weaknesses of multi-level constitutionalism is analyzed by addressing the Hungarian and Polish illiberal turn. The third part consists of a country-specific contextual analysis examining remedies to illiberal democracy in a normative focus.

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Zeller, Michael C., and Zsuzsanna Vidra. "Illiberalism, polarisation, resilience, and resistance." Intersections 7, no. 4 (2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.945.

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Illiberal regimes undermine human rights norms that entail equal legal protections of citizens and social groups. Illiberal actors often intentionally drive social polarisation in hopes of bolstering their support and securing their political position. This strains liberal democratic-oriented social resilience and provokes resistance to the illiberal regime. The articles in this special issue, looking at the regimes and societies of Central and Eastern Europe—where the establishment and operation of illiberal regimes is conspicuous, where ‘pernicious polarisation’ (Somer, McCoy, & Luke, 2021) that strains social resilience is often striking, and where resistance is crucial to halt or reverse illiberalisation—address this nexus of concepts. In this introduction, we review the four key concepts that undergird the special issue’s articles.

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Smith, Peter H., and Melissa R. Ziegler. "Liberal and Illiberal Democracy in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 50, no. 1 (2008): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00003.x.

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AbstractThis article examines the incidence of liberal and “illiberal” democracy in Latin America from 1978 through 2004. It demonstrates, first, that illiberal democracy—which combines free and fair elections with systematic constraints on citizens’ rights—became the norm throughout the region. Second, it shows that regime transitions most often ended not in liberal democracy but in illiberal democracy. Third, rare events logit analysis reveals that two variables, hyperinflation and presidential elections, had significant impact on movement toward fuller democracy. As a form of short-term economic shock, hyperinflation generates widespread discontent; given the opportunity to vote, citizens elect reformist opposition candidates who, once in office, remove controls on civil liberties. This scenario substantially increases the likelihood of transition from illiberal to liberal democracy.

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Kauth, Jasper Theodor, and Desmond King. "Illiberalism." European Journal of Sociology 61, no. 3 (December 2020): 365–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975620000181.

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Abstract“Illiberalism” has assumed an invigorated if unanticipated significance in the 21st century. Aspects of illiberalism populate not only states long known as indifferent to such principles as personal liberty, human equality and the rule of law but have expanded in “liberal” democracies as their rulers employ purportedly “illiberal” practices more frequently than in the recent past. Indeed, the term “illiberal” seems to have lost its negative aura in the context of state action. We contend that illiberalism represents either an opposition to procedural democratic norms—as disruptive illiberalism—or an ideological struggle—termed ideological illiberalism. We first discuss the term as used in the vast literature on regime types in the debate on authoritarian/democratic hybrid-regimes. We then turn to the key puzzle in what one may call “illiberalism studies”: the rise of illiberal practices and policies in liberal democracies. To inform our analysis empirically, we investigate the ways in which illiberal arguments and institutions (notably camps) were deployed historically and in immigration policy. We conclude with an example of illiberal policy from modern day Hungary.

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Hendrikse, Reijer. "The Rise of Neo-Illiberalism." Krisis | Journal for Contemporary Philosophy 41, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/krisis.40.2.37158.

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This paper expands on the notion neo-illiberalism, signifying a symbiosis between neoliberal capitalism and variegated illiberal nationalisms, offering deeper reflections on its geopolitics, key drivers, and conceptual puzzles. It is argued that the West has entered an age of political illiberalization, replicating political operating logics of variegated illiberal(izing) regimes elsewhere, corroding domestic institutions and the western-dominated international liberal order, constituting an historic geopolitical shift. Although centrist parties have been variably attracted to the far right, particularly seeing center-right parties reinvent themselves as nationalist challengers to the ‘globalist’ status quo, in power they mostly radicalize the neoliberal encasement of capital, transforming a range of liberal-democratic institutions, procedures, and rights into illiberal political fortifications. Neoliberalism’s illiberal mutation is being realized amidst the intersections of rampant financial offshoring and digitization defining contemporary capitalism, allowing billionaire-class factions to ‘hack’ liberal-democratic governments and operating systems. With the rollout of data-driven technologies increasingly requiring the rollback of liberal protections by design, the fusion of digitizing capitalism and illiberal nationalisms is increasingly escaping accepted notions of liberalism.

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Esteso-Pérez, Alejandro. "Illiberalism, revolution and the 2016 Macedonian elections." Intersections 7, no. 4 (2021): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.828.

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To what extent are social movements capable of steering voters’ choices in illiberal societies? This paper departs from a corruption-based conception of illiberalism, whereby ‘the misuse of public office for private gain’ in the shape of bribery, nepotism, clientelism and misuse of public party funding, presents itself as one of the foremost components of illiberal rule. Through the empirical exploration of Macedonia’s 2016 Colourful Revolution, this paper aims to examine the potential of Anti-Corruption Movements (ACMs) in enhancing the electoral punishment of illiberal elites. Drawing from original survey data and a set of semi-structured interviews with representatives of the Colourful Revolution and members of the Macedonian civil society, this paper aims at shedding light upon the effects of ACMs on electoral behaviour and, ultimately, on the political potential of ACMs in the reversal of a country’s illiberal course. The study finds strong indicators pointing to the Colourful Revolution’s encouraging role in stoking increasingly negative perceptions towards Macedonia’s illiberal government ahead of the 2016 election, but primarily among voters that had not supported the main government party in the previous election.

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Olejnik, Maciej. "Ewolucja reżimu politycznego w Polsce w okresie funkcjonowania rządu Beaty Szydło." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 26 (August 23, 2019): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.26.2.

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Evolution of the political regime in Poland during the functioning of Beata Szydło’s government Liberal and illiberal democracies can be defined on the basis of five criteria distinct in both types of democracy: the rule of law, the government’s control, political elites’ integrity, media freedom and minorities’ protection. The article shows that four out of five criteria constituting illiberal democracy were fulfilled in Poland while Beata Szydło’s government was functioning the rule of law, the government’s control, media freedom and minorities’ protection, whereas only one systemic norm forming illiberal democracy minorities’ protection was fulfilled when the previous governments Donald Tusk and Ewa Kopacz’s governments operated. Thus, it can be stated that the transition from liberal to illiberal democracy took place in the period of the functioning of Szydło’s government.

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Antoszewski, Andrzej. "Demokracja nieliberalna jako projekt polityczny." Przegląd europejski 2 (March 5, 2019): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0788.

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Illiberal democracy seems to be one of the most important topics for political scientists studying the process of postcommunist democratisation. It may be – and often has been – considered as a real alternative for models of democracy developing in the Western political hemisphere. This article focuses on the sources of crisis of liberal democracy and possible political consequences of its replacing by an illiberal vision of political system. Author hypothesises that making illiberal democracy real requires the reinterpretation of main democratic principles, such as representation or separation of powers, as well as abandoning of political consensus, present in consolidated West European democracies after the Second World War, and, in effect, fundamental change of patterns of political behaviour. The question of the future of illiberal democracy is also posed and three possible scenarios are considered.

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Kubas, Sebastian. "Illiberal Democracy in the Comparative Analysis of Hungary and Poland." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 66, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.02.19.

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The article analyzes the concept of illiberal democracy exemplified by two case studies of Hungary and Poland. The thesis of the paper states that their political systems showed signs of immaturity and institutional weakness of liberal democracy that caused the impossibility of rejection of illiberal project of political changes. To explain the breakdown of liberal democracy the paper aims at revealing both social and institutional aspects of transformation. The conclusions of the research let us to formulate the four-staged concept of the development of illiberal democracy in Hungary and Poland. The concept bases on the trajectory that begins with the social frustration of liberal democracy that leads to support for a populist party, which after victorious elections, implement the illiberal pattern of democracy. Methodologically the research benefits from the analytic and synthetic methods, the comparative method and institutional approach.

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Flonk, Daniëlle. "Emerging illiberal norms: Russia and China as promoters of internet content control." International Affairs 97, no. 6 (November 1, 2021): 1925–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab146.

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Abstract This article contributes to the understanding of authoritarian states as norm entrepreneurs of content control norms. These emerging norms challenge the norm literature, which disregards illiberal norms and illiberal actors as norm entrepreneurs. This article focuses on two distinct but coexisting strategies that Russia and China apply for promoting and developing internet governance norms. It shows that these countries use a combination of socialization and persuasion strategies. They employ a sequencing strategy of regional coalition-building in order to create support, after which they expand a norm's range via international organizations. These norm entrepreneurs adapt their strategies to different target groups based on the degree of internalization of the norm. The article shows that a reassessment of norm theory in a broader context allows for extension to illiberal norms and illiberal actors, but also shows the limits since the applicability of strategies such as naming and shaming should be questioned.

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Kostakopoulou, Theodora. "Defending the Case for Liberal Anationalism." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 25, no. 1 (January 2012): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s084182090000535x.

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Nationalism appears to be so entrenched in political life and discourse, that its illiberal face is often deemed to be an exception and unfortunate coincidence triggered by international terrorism. Alternatively, it may be depicted as the result of ill-thought policies which can be reversible. In this paper, I argue that liberal nationalism is conceptually flawed and politically illiberal. Illiberal tendencies are an integral part of it and these cannot be corrected by ‘taming’ unruly nationalism or by articulating ‘benign’ adaptations of it. Because the liberal and illiberal faces are interwoven in complex ways, my suggestion is to look far ahead and beyond it. The territory may be uncharted, but a commitment to a pro-human welfare orientation could open the way for separating liberalism from nationalism and aligning the former with critical democratic politics. The challenge, as I see it, is to articulate a liberal anationalism which by affirming equal human dignity and the importance of non-domination could sustain inclusionary and democratic communities.

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Kühn, Zdeněk. "The Judiciary in Illiberal States." German Law Journal 22, no. 7 (October 2021): 1231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2021.71.

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AbstractThe Article deals with the actual functioning of the judicial power and the limits of its independence facing an illiberal or authoritarian state. The Article offers a skeptical analysis of the past and especially of the judiciary’s future in Central Europe, with a primary focus on Czechia and Slovakia. After a brief excursion into the times before the installment of communist regimes in the late 1940s, attention shifts to the development of the judiciary during the three decades after the fall of communist rule. In this context, the Article deals with different models of administration of the judiciary and shows how they can function in normal democracy and under the conditions of emerging authoritarianism. It also characterizes different perspectives on the judiciary in common law and continental law and posits different capacities of judges to resist authoritarians in various legal cultures. Finally, it sketches future prospects and attempts to define the typology of judiciary models in authoritarian and totalitarian states.

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Larsen, Henrik. "NATO in an Illiberal World." RUSI Journal 166, no. 3 (April 16, 2021): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2021.1945486.

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Karatnycky, Adrian. "The Decline of Illiberal Democracy." Journal of Democracy 10, no. 1 (1999): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1999.0011.

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Hunter, Wendy, and Timothy J. Power. "Bolsonaro and Brazil's Illiberal Backlash." Journal of Democracy 30, no. 1 (2019): 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2019.0005.

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Smith, S. D. "Is the Harm Principle Illiberal?" American Journal of Jurisprudence 51, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajj/51.1.1.

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Wain, Kenneth. "Lifelong Education: Illiberal and Repressive?" Educational Philosophy and Theory 25, no. 1 (January 1993): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-5812.1993.tb00186.x.

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Mckee, Guian A. "Liberal Ends Through Illiberal Means." Journal of Urban History 27, no. 5 (July 2001): 547–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614420102700501.

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Paddock, Troy. "War and the Illiberal Conscience." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 2 (January 1999): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528362.

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Coker, Christopher. "War and the Illiberal Conscience." International Journal 54, no. 4 (1999): 707. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203427.

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Dabscheck, Braham. "Illiberal reformers: Economics as hate." Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, no. 2 (April 24, 2017): 332–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304617706257.

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Riley, Jonathan. "Is Mill an Illiberal Utilitarian?" Ethics 125, no. 3 (April 2015): 781–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/679556.

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