Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Illiberal'
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Dzananovic, Kanita. "Ungern, en illiberal demokrati? : En argumentationsanalys av Viktor Orbáns tal om illiberal demokrati i Baile Tusnad 26 juli 2014." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-43965.
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Lennahan, Jamie Beth. "Escaping illiberal liberalism: A holistic approach to engaging with culture." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3315824.
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Klein, Kerstin. "Illiberal biopolitics, embryonic life and the stem cell controversy in China." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523725.
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Jewell, Jessica M. "Faculty Life in an Illiberal State: Hungarian Collegiate Faculty Work Life Vignettes." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1554619415854043.
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Guzina, Dejan. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state, the case of Serbia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ52322.pdf.
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Guzina, Dejan Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state; the case of Serbia." Ottawa, 2000.
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Canzutti, Lucrezia. "State-diaspora relations in illiberal contexts : the case of the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia." Thesis, University of York, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21998/.
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The thesis investigates the reasons, modalities, and consequences of the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments’ engagement with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia. The case of the Vietnamese in Cambodia is of particular interest because, unlike most existing studies on state-diaspora relations, it examines a group which stands between two illiberal countries and, partly as a consequence of this, does not represent a significant threat and/or resource to either the host-state or the homeland. Furthermore, despite having lived in the host-state for generations, the Vietnamese in Cambodia have been unable to access Cambodian citizenship and hold virtually no documents from Vietnam: they are de facto stateless. This thesis seeks to answer two, interrelated questions: how do the Cambodian state and the Vietnamese state perceive of and engage with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia? What are the implications of their engagement on this diaspora’s enjoyment of citizenship? To answer these questions, the research uses documentary sources from the two governments and eighty-three in-depth interviews with Vietnamese villagers, members of the Association of Khmer-Vietnamese in the Kingdom of Cambodia (AKVKC), representatives of the Cambodian government, experts, and representatives of civil society organisations. Departing from existing perspectives on state-diaspora relations, the thesis argues that the governments of Cambodia and Vietnam have viewed the diaspora as “inconvenient subjects” and engaged, respectively, in the bounded exclusion and the bounded inclusion of the group. Rather than taking full responsibility of the diaspora, the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments have shared the custody of the Vietnamese, alternating care and control and co-governing it through the work of the AKVKC. This deliberately ambiguous strategy has resulted in the Vietnamese’ de facto enjoyment of some citizens’ rights in Cambodia and Vietnam; yet, it has also (re)produced a multi-level liminal space in which the Vietnamese are more easily governable.
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Svatošová, Hana. "Czech transition to and Backsliding from democracy : will "Truth Prevail" over the illiberal challenge?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21469.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisDemocracy is in crisis around the world. Boosted by global phenomena such as globalization and the development of internet, along with a series of crises, which widened the gap between the elite and citizens, this trend was characterized by the rise of populism in both mature democracies and post-communist countries. The former model democratizers in Central-Eastern Europe turned into model democratic backsliders. The illiberal tendencies in the region have been generally judged by the Hungarian and Polish playbook. Although not as dramatically, also in Czech Republic democracy has been declining, mostly since the government of Andrej Babiš in 2017 and the reelection of Miloš Zeman president in 2018. This work examines the changes in the official post-1989 discourse through a two-dimensional discourse analysis, and thus explains what are the origins and character of the current democracy crisis, which arenas of democracy have been affected the most thus far, and finally if the “truth will prevail” over the illiberal challenge. Based on the theoretical concepts of democracy, transitology, democratic backsliding, populism and postfunctionalism, and an overview of historical-cultural context, we analyze the rhetorical strategies, domestic policy, and foreign policy dominant in the corpus of selected speeches of the Prime Minister and President. Next, we assess the impact of their new discourse on the arenas of democracy contrasting EIU’s Democracy Index and Freedom House’s Nations in Transit rankings. Overall, we sustain that the rise of the Czech illiberal populists has been rather a consequence than the origin of the current crisis, that the character of their new discourse is particular despite similarities with the backsliding neighbors, and finally, that there is hope for truth to prevail, consisting in a reform of certain arenas of the Czech democracy.
Democracia está em crise em todo o mundo. Reforçado pelos fenómenos globais como a globalização e o desenvolvimento da Internet, junto com uma série de crises, que aumentaram o fosso entre a elite e os cidadãos, esta dinâmica foi caraterizada pela ascensão de populismo em ambas democracias maduras e países pós-comunistas. Os antigos exemplos da democratização na Europa Central e de Leste tornaram-se exemplos de democratic backsliding. As tendências iliberais na região têm sido geralmente julgadas com base na cartilha húngara e polaca. Embora não tão dramaticamente, também a democracia na República Checa tem estado em declínio, sobretudo desde o início do governo de Andrej Babiš em 2017 e a reeleição presidencial de Miloš Zeman em 2018. Este trabalho examina as mudanças no discurso oficial pós-1989 através de uma análise de discurso de duas dimensões, e assim explica quais são as origens e o caráter da crise de democracia atual, quais arenas de democracia têm sido afetadas mais até agora, e finalmente se “a verdade prevalece” contra o desafio iliberal. Com base nos conceitos teóricos de democracia, transitologia, democratic backsliding, populismo e pósfuncionalismo, e um resumo do contexto histórico-cultural, analisamos as estratégias retóricas e as políticas doméstica e estrangeira dominantes no corpus de discursos selecionados do Primeiro-Ministro e do Presidente. Logo, avaliamos o impacto do seu novo discurso sobre as arenas de democracia contrastando os rankings do Índice de Democracia de EIU e de Nations in Transit de Freedom House. Contudo, defendemos que a ascensão dos populistas na República Checa tem sido uma consequência mais do que a origem da crise atual, que o caráter do seu novo discurso é particular apesar de semelhanças com os seus vizinhos em retrocesso, e finalmente que há esperança para a verdade prevalecer, consistindo numa reforma de certas arenas da democracia checa.
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Ali, Irum Shehreen. "Understanding the illiberal democracy : the nature of democratic ideals, political support and participation in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669820.
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Venosa, Robert Donato. ""Freedom Will Win—If Free Men Act!": Liberal Internationalism in an Illiberal Age, 1936-1956." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1588271691660565.
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Linna, Lundström Molly. "A durable and instable peace? : Exploring authoritarian modes of peacebuilding in Tajikistan." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175204.
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After independence from the Soviet Union Tajikistan fell into civil war in 1992. The armed conflict ended in 1997 after a peace agreement had been signed between the warring parties. Since, Tajikistan has become increasingly authoritarian, and experts have predicted the renewed onset of war. Yet, peace has been kept for over 20 years. Within peace and conflict research, scholars have turned attention to illiberal ways of ending conflict and building peace. Can two of the concepts from this illiberal turn, illiberal peacebuilding and authoritarian conflict management (ACM), explain the Tajik peace? With the ACM framework as the starting point, this thesis introduces the distinction between containment and termination from the illiberal peacebuilding concept to capture variation. Focus is on how the Rahmon regime attempts to (re)establish control over the ACM domains of discourse, space and economics to manage conflict and build peace in the immediate aftermath of civil war. The results demonstrate how ACM functions in the absence of violence, that there is no linear relationship between violence and termination methods, and that containment first, termination second is often opted for. Two improvements are suggested for the ACM framework. First, that a legal domain is introduced, and second, that the distinction between containment and termination is applied to future research, as it has proven useful in capturing variation. The results suggest that the indicators that supposedly point to a failure of peacebuilding in Tajikistan is in fact indicative of how the peace proliferates. However, violence continues to occur, even though the peace has lasted for two decades. Could this present us with a paradox of peace – one that is simultaneously durable and instable?
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Kamrani, Marjon E. "Keeping the Faith in Global Civil Society: Illiberal Democracy and the Cases of Reproductive Rights and Trafficking." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1268079906.
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Noboa, Campana Eduardo [Verfasser], and Harald [Akademischer Betreuer] Heinrichs. "Designing knowledge-action networks for supporting energy focused sociotechnical change in illiberal democracies : Designing knowledge-action networks for supporting energy focusedsociotechnical change in illiberal democracies:Interfacing science, policy and transformation processes towards sustainability in Andean Countries / Eduardo Noboa Campana ; Betreuer: Harald Heinrichs." Lüneburg : Universitätsbibliothek der Leuphana Universität Lüneburg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1191479544/34.
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Noboa, Campana Eduardo Verfasser], and Harald [Akademischer Betreuer] [Heinrichs. "Designing knowledge-action networks for supporting energy focused sociotechnical change in illiberal democracies : Designing knowledge-action networks for supporting energy focusedsociotechnical change in illiberal democracies:Interfacing science, policy and transformation processes towards sustainability in Andean Countries / Eduardo Noboa Campana ; Betreuer: Harald Heinrichs." Lüneburg : Universitätsbibliothek der Leuphana Universität Lüneburg, 2019. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:luen4-opus-145554.
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Wildeman, Jeremy Donald. ""Either you're with us or against us" : illiberal Canadian foreign aid in the occupied Palestinian territories, 2001-2012." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19595.
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No one theory in international relations can fully describe the complicated actions and motivations formulating a state’s foreign policy. Yet the paradigm that best describes the approach taken by Western governments, such as Canada, when supporting peace building between Israel and the Palestinians is neoliberalism. They did this by sponsoring an Oslo Peace Process with Palestinian development aid in a development for peace model built upon precepts of cooperation and free market trade. That approach to peace building failed though because Israel and the Palestinians never altered their behaviour, remaining mired in a state of violence. Still, Western states continue to provide aid funding based upon the precepts of this model after more than twenty years of failure following the 1993 Oslo Accord. The unique contribution of this research study is to provide insight into why these peace building efforts failed to take hold through an analysis of development aid projects from one Western country, Canada, for a period from 2001 to 2012. Specifically this is done through an account of the experiences of project coordinators from Canadian organisations that ran human rights and poverty reduction projects in that time. By taking the neoliberal paradigm into account, when assessing their experiences we gain insight into the factors that led to Oslo’s undoing, at least via Canada as a sponsor of the Peace Process. In this case failure is built upon a combination of degrees of naivety by aid practitioners and measures taken by Canadian elites to undermine Canadian development aid projects for Palestinians. In particular, from 1993 onward the Canadian government offered unswerving support to Israel, to the point where Canada was either contributing directly to Israeli settler colonialism in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, or else helping to obscure it. Altogether this suggests at a theoretical level that, in spite of employing a strongly neoliberal foreign policy adopting progressive principles such as international law, human rights and cooperation, Canada in reality takes a foreign policy track that favours special or national interests, as well as favoured state allies, all at the expense of cooperation in world affairs or the rights of people being oppressed by an ally. The Canadian case suggests that the progressive elements in neoliberalism might only be applied selectively and not universally by a state, depending on its government’s perceptions of its self-interests.
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Link, Stefan. "Transnational Fordism. Ford Motor Company, Nazi Germany, and the Soviet Union in the Interwar Years." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10393.
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This historical dissertation investigates the international proliferation of Fordism in politically illiberal settings during the 1920s and 1930s. Based on American, German, and Soviet primary sources, it is the first archive-based study of this process. The dissertation's main finding is that the implementation of Ford's ideas and practices was a key component of illiberal modernization drives - that is, projects of state-led economic growth which explicitly fashioned themselves as alternatives to Western liberal capitalism. This point of view is a departure from previous accounts of the global success of Fordism, which subsume the story under the spread of American market capitalism or portray it as a process of quasi-self-explanatory technology transfer. It is also distinct from the well-known approach in history and the social sciences that describes Fordism as a specifically capitalist production regime (in distinction to a later post-Fordism). The argument pursued here requires a re-interpretation of Ford Motor Company's position within the American corporate arena of the 1920s and 1930s. Undertaken in the opening chapter, this re-examination characterizes the production practice of Ford Motor Company as an illiberal strategic alternative to the American business mainstream. Subsequent chapters trace the reception of Ford's political and business writings abroad, reconstruct the Nazi and Soviet motorization effort in the wake of Ford's model, and examine the transfer of Ford's mass production techniques to Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. The empirical results show that motorization and productive efficiency, both associated with Ford's innovations, became hallmarks of illiberal modernization efforts in these countries. The dissertation highlights the importance of non-market motivations for economic actors and policy-makers. It introduces the term illiberal modernism to describe the motivating power of ideology on economic practice during the interwar years.History
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Abrahám, Samuel. "The rise and fall of illiberal democracy in Slovakia, 1989-1998, an analysis of transformation in a post-communist society." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ60947.pdf.
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Soria, Luján Daniel. "21st Century illiberal democracies in Latin America and the Inter-American Democratic Charter: Two models of democracy in the region?" Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115347.
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The Inter-American Democratic Charter (IDC) was adopted in 2001 by member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) as a renewed instrument for the defense of democracy, not only against traditional coup d´etat but also to face serious violations to horizontal accountability. The second assumption took into consideration, as a precedent, the political situation in Peru during Alberto Fujimori's administration (1995-2000), defined as a competitive authoritarian regime by Political Science and Constitutional Law scholars. However, during the last decade to the presentwe find in Latin America several countries with governments where the principle of checks and balances has been eroded as a result of measures adopted by their respective executive branch. This situation suggests the following concerns: The liberal democratic model of the IDC is in crisis? This model has been overcame by illiberal governments that privileges economic and social rights and restraints civil and political rights? Or both models a recondemned to coexist in the region?La Carta Democrática Interamericana (CDI) fue adoptada en el año 2001 por los Estados miembros de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) como un instrumento renovado para la defensa de la democracia, no sólo contra el golpe de Estado tradicional, sino también para hacer frente a las graves violaciones de la responsabilidad horizontal. El segundo supuesto consideró, como precedente, la situación política en el Perú durante el gobierno de Alberto Fujimori (1995-2000), el cual fue definido por los académicos de Ciencias Políticas y Derecho Constitucional como un régimen autoritario competitivo. Sin embargo, durante la última década hasta la actualidad hemos hallado en América Latina varios países con gobiernos en donde el principio de equilibrio de poderes ha erosionado como resultado de las medidas adoptadas por sus respectivas ramas ejecutivas. Esta situación sugiere las siguientes preocupaciones: ¿El modelo democrático liberal de la CDI se encuentra en crisis? ¿Este modelo ha sido vencido por los gobiernos liberales lo cuales privilegian a los derechos económicos y sociales y restringen los derechos civiles y políticos? ¿O ambos modelos están condenados a coexistir en la región?
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Rodríguez, Liliana Narváez. "Why do some illiberal democracies fall into conflict while others do not? : evaluating formal and informal mechanisms of distribution through elite bargaining." Thesis, Brunel University, 2018. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/17242.
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Civil conflict is a complex multi-layered event. As an outcome it represents a product of both the structural framework in place and decision-making between the different elite groups. From a historical neoinstitutionalist perspective, this dissertation will provide an answer as to why some illiberal democracies fall into civil conflict while others do not. It argues that horizontally unequal elites bargain for (re)distribution of political participation, economic assets and social services through formal and informal institutions in order to expand the shares of the goods distributed. The presence of cleavages and grievances amongst groups are enhanced when exclusion through inefficient redistribution takes place; therefore, a bargain failure with the potential to activate violent means, implies a disagreement amongst the elites over the allocation of resources to different societal groups. Bargain failures occur in the presence of non-credible commitments and information asymmetries. Inefficiency in the distribution can also be captured through informal institutions in the form of patronage networks, a side of the transaction spectrum which has been understudied. The contribution of this thesis to the general debate stems from this acknowledgement and alleviates this by incorporating the full spectrum of institutions which operate effectively within illiberal democratic regimes. Patronage networks despite being a fundamental part of how politics is conducted in illiberal democratic regimes have surprisingly been neglected in the contemporary study of conflict onset. By conducting two-level fsQCA along a selection of 21 cases of illiberal democracy across 1980-2012 including cases of ethnic conflict onset, the analysis will show that distribution through patronage networks does play a role in triggering conflict or in aiding to control violence depending on the efficiency of the distribution across grieved groups. Further comparative analysis of a most likely and least likely case for cases of conflict (Thailand and India Bodo conflict) and peace (Namibia and Bolivia) reveals that the effect of the patronage mechanisms when redistributive, plays a larger role as an instrument of preventing violent disputes across horizontally unequal ethnic groups.
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Bardell, Geoffrey. "The role of pre-1945 national and catholic myths in transforming an illiberal Polish political culture into a liberal political culture of opposition under communism." Thesis, Brunel University, 2002. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5105.
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The thesis, in exploring how and why illiberal pre-1945 Polish nationalism and political Catholicism were synthesised into a post-1945 liberal political culture of opposition under communism, argues that this process was much aided by universal myths. The thesis shows how these myths enable political culture to be transmitted over time and to be adapted to take on different values and yet retain legitimacy. In so doing, the research may contribute insights into how the political cultures of other Central East European countries were similarly transformed. Chapter 1 argues that the social anthropological literature on myths provides a theoretical framework to better understand the nature of political culture, its dynamics and its relationship with the process of democratisation. Chapter 2 maps the pre-1945 territory of nationalist and political Catholic illiberal and liberal discourse as reflected in the genesis and meanings of key myths. Chapter 3, in exploring how pre-1945 myths were deployed in 1945-1989 Poland, illuminates the relationship of myths with the dynamics of political culture and democratisation. Chapter 4 explores the 1970-1976 process of dialogue between liberal-leaning dissident Catholic and secular left Polish intelligentsia. The chapter sheds light upon the emergence of a liberal political culture of opposition and argues that the dialogue went beyond expediency. Chapter 5, in demonstrating how and why John Paul II deployed pre-1945 myths, argues that the Pope's preachings found practical expression in the formation of Solidarity. Chapter 6 in exploring the role of pre-1945 myths in influencing Solidarity, argues that these myths acted as vehicles for the union's liberal political culture. Finally Chapter 7 draws together the conclusions of the thesis.
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Ayirtman, Ercan Muzaffer-Selen. "Beyond multiculturalism : a deliberative democratic approach to 'illiberal' cultures." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149818.
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Gidley, Rebecca Anna. "Illiberal Transitional Justice: The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia." Phd thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116880.
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The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) was
created by an agreement between the Cambodian government and the
United Nations with a mandate to put Khmer Rouge leaders on trial
for crimes committed during their 1970s regime. Judicial
responses, such as the ECCC, to periods of mass violence have
been termed transitional justice since the 1990s. Although the
definitions of transitional justice are very broad, the
explanations and analyses offered by the literature contain
implicit assumptions that transitional justice is being
implemented as part of a transition towards liberal democracy. In
this thesis I use the case of Cambodia to challenge these
assumptions and propose a new category of illiberal transitional
justice.
Before the creation of the ECCC began, the Cambodian government
had spent nearly two decades shaping the narrative of the Khmer
Rouge period to suit its political interests. When the United
Nations became involved in discussions for a Khmer Rouge tribunal
the government was concerned to protect itself and this
narrative. The negotiations took place over six years where both
sides competed for control over the mechanism. This competition
for control was then transferred to the national and
international sides of the court once the ECCC became
operational. Although all actors involved in the ECCC frequently
invoked the language of procedure, in practice procedures were
easily dismissed if they were inconvenient. Given this discussion
of the ECCC’s establishment and operation, I consider the court
in light of the expectations of the transitional justice
literature. The ECCC was not adhering to the assumed outcomes
regarding ending impunity, building the rule of law, or
strengthening democracy, and instead these changes were being
actively impeded by the Cambodian government. Rather than
pursuing these expected goals the Cambodian government was using
the ECCC to enhance its international legitimacy and to
strengthen its domestic political control.
I argue that the ECCC should be considered an archetypal example
of illiberal transitional justice. Cases of illiberal
transitional justice sit on a spectrum between liberal
transitional justice, which currently dominates the literature,
and cases of transitional justice employed by repressive regimes,
which are largely ignored in the literature. The ECCC, as a case
of illiberal transitional justice, sits on the boundary between
legitimacy and illegitimacy. The court maintained its legitimacy
through the ongoing UN involvement and adherence to the language
of procedure, but this legitimacy was challenged by the political
interference of the Cambodian government in the court’s
operation. Illiberal transitional justice is a different
conception of what the rules are, how important they are, and
when they are important. In this thesis I challenge existing
assumptions and analyses of transitional justice to create a more
nuanced understanding of how and why transitional justice
mechanisms are employed.
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Levy, David. "The impulse to orthodoxy: why illiberal democracies treat religious pluralism as a threat." Thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/33125.
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Since the late 1990s, governments across the post-Soviet space have redefined freedom of conscience as freedom from "non-traditional" religious groups — part of a broader effort to recast pluralism as a threat to national sovereignty. This dissertation focuses on the Central Asian states of Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, which have restricted such groups as the Jehovah's Witnesses, the Ahmadi Muslim community, and the Chinese spiritual movement Falun Gong. It analyzes why illiberal regimes restrict marginal and apolitical religious groups, which are often more docile than the population at large. Furthermore, it addresses why policies that infringe on civil liberties nevertheless enjoy popular support.
These questions take on greater significance in the midst of the current global retreat from democratic values. Yet they cannot be answered by the prevailing instrumentalist perspective in political theory, which assumes that rational citizens should seek to maximize individual liberties. Popular support for authoritarian figures has prompted scholars to propose non-instrumental motivations, such as national and religious identity. Rather than treat “identity“ as non-instrumental, I propose a relational model of identity politics, wherein pluralism and essentialism represent opposing strategies in a competitive political field. Drawing from Bourdieu's work on public politics, I argue that essentialist claims to authority (e.g. ethnic nationalism, religious populism) appeal to strata with relatively low capacity for autonomous political mobilization. Illiberal regimes propagate essentialist claims on behalf of such strata, and repress even benign forms of pluralism as part of this essentialist social contract.
I investigate these hypotheses by examining recent discourses on religious tradition in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. I employ a dataset of 5,000 public documents (legislation, court rulings, etc.), which I analyze using qualitative coding. In addition, I draw on interviews with government officials and religious leaders collected during fieldwork between 2012 and 2014, and on data from the World Values Survey. I find that the political and religious establishments of both states are erecting new orthodoxies that consecrate the will of their political bases as essential to national self-determination. Thus, illiberal democracies maintain popular support by redistributing authority (symbolic capital, per Bourdieu) to core constituencies at the expense of peripheral constituencies.
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Slanina, Daniel. "Ústavní změny v Maďarsku po roce 2010 ve světle konceptu neliberální demokracie." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-410741.
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The subject of this work is in description of the development and analysis of the logic of the Hungarian regime after 2010, as well as the changes that occurred after the victory of Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party in parliamentary election. In this work, there fundamental research questions will be examined for this purpose, i. e. (1) What constitutional changes have occurred in Hungary and what are their consequences (?), (2) How did the electoral system change and what was the logic and impact of this change (?) and at the same time (3) What character and why is the current regime in Hungary (?). Keywords: Hungary; Illiberal Democracy; Constitution
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Fukuda, Tamotsu. "A liberal turn on illiberal regionalism : the influence of state development in the Asia-Pacific region." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150433.
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Ščeblykin, Kirill. "Pokušení neliberální demokracie v postkomunistické Evropě." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-409250.
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The temptation of illiberal democracy in the postcommunist Europe Abstract This thesis deals with the concept of illiberal democracy. In the first half it sums up the debate from which the concept arose. It describes the difference between liberalism and democracy and it also explains how these two concepts are interconnected. It describes the concept of defective democracies as conceived by Wolfgang Merkel. I also outline the constitutional aspects of the debate about illiberal democracy. In the second half the text applies Merkel's theoretical framework to analyse the cases of Poland and Hungary. The period of time, that was chosen, starts with the moment when parties Law and Justice and Fidesz gained majorities large enough for profound institutional changes. The period ends with activation of article 7 of the Treaty on European union. The text follows the structure of the Merkel's criteria. It analyses, how the voting rights and free access to power were preserved in both countries, if the political decisions are taken by elected representants, if there is a mutual control between the institutions and to what degree can the state power intervene into the private sphere of the citizens. I conclude that both Poland and Hungary could not be called liberal democracies in the period under review. The Polish...
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Richter, Norman. "The losing appeal of liberal democracy and the rise of populism." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/29461.
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urpose: This master's thesis aims to examine a connection between the crisis of liberal democracy
and the rise of populism. It focuses on the conceptual principles of democratic theory
by Diamond, Held, Habermas, Sartori, Mudde, Kaltwasser, Katsambekis, Müller, Jesse and
Dahrendorf, amongst others.
Design: To recognise a decline of liberal democracy, democracy as a process and the importance
of civil society have to be discussed in order to determine why liberal democracy is
losing its appeal. The work of the above-mentioned scholars forms a framework for discussing
the essential characteristics of liberal democracy and populism. The comparison of the European
Parliament election results of 2014 and 2019 shows the different developments of populism.
Germany, as a mature democracy is analysed according the conceptual principles of populism
and whether electoral manifestoes of populist parties relate to democratic deficits.
Results: The results show linkages between populism and the shrinking appeal of liberal democracy,
as well as a slight rise of populistic parties within the EU. Universal requirements for
populism were worked out and applied to verify the German AfD and the Left towards their
populistic extent. Their electoral manifestoes for the 2017 German parliamentary elections
show direct linkages to democratic deficits and in particular to the European Union. A discourse
analysis of the legitimisation of democratic deficits reveals different perspectives.
Research limitation: Due to its practical relevance and for a better scientific containment, this
thesis focuses on liberal democracy relating to left- and right-wing populism. Germany is the
only European Union country used as a case example. Analyses of centrist populism is possible
for a comparison of results. Furthermore, this thesis has the potential to discuss existing models
of democracy in order to find ways to measure democratic deficits.
Practical implications: Today the buzzword populism often carries negative connotations in
Europe when viewed as damaging to liberal democracy. However, as populism is a complex
phenomenon this work also shows its positive effects and offers various perspectives on it. Most
important is the finding that liberal democracy is losing its appeal, which has a growing impact
on the rise of populism. The findings of a link between populism in Germany and the German
perspective on democratic deficits at EU institutional level, may stimulate new discussions on
how to react to populism and increase the quality of EU democracy.Streszczenie pracy Cel: Ta praca magisterka ma na celu zbadanie związku pomiędzy kryzysem liberalnej demokracji a wzrostem populizmu. Skupia się na koncepcyjnych zasadach demokratycznej teorii stworzonej przez Diamond, Held, Habermas, Sartori, Mudde, Kaltwasser, Katsambekis, Müller, Jesse oraz Dahrendorf i wielu innych. Opis: Określenie przyczyny utraty oddziaływania liberalnej demokracji wymaga przeanalizowania następujących kwestii: rozpoznanie upadku liberalnej demokracji, demokracja jako proces oraz wagi społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Przedstawiona praca ma formę badawczą o modelu dyskusyjnym przedstawiającą podstawową charakterystykę demokracji liberalnej i populizmu. Porównując wybory parlamentarne w 2014 i 2019 roku można zaobserwować rożny rozwój populizmu. Obiektem analizy są Niemcy, jako kraj dojrzały demokratycznie, został zbadany pod kątem koncepcyjnych zasad populizmu, a także wyborczych manifestów populistycznych partii politycznych powiązanych z deficytem demokratycznym. Wyniki: otrzymane wyniki przedstawiają powiązania pomiędzy populizmem a znaczącym spadkiem liberalnej demokracji, jak również niewielki wzrost populistycznych partii politycznych w obrębie Unii Europejskiej. Sprawdzono uniwersalne wymogi zaistnienia populizmu i zastosowano je do przeprowadzenia weryfikacji AfD oraz Lewicy pod względem stopnia populizmu. Ich wyborcze manifesty podczas niemieckich wyborów parlamentarnych w 2017 pokazują bezpośrednie powiązania do demokratycznych deficytów a w szczególności do Unii Europejskiej. Analiza dyskursu legitymizacji demokratycznych deficytów odsłania różne perspektywy. Ograniczenie badania: Ze względu na praktyczne znaczenie oraz dla lepszej zawartości naukowej, praca ta skupiona jest na lewicowym i prawicowym populizmie. Niemcy to jedyny kraj Unii Europejskiej użyty jako przykład. Analiza centrowego populizmu możliwa jest w celu porównania wyników. Ponadto praca ta ma potencjał do rozwinięcia dyskusji na temat istniejących modeli demokracji a w konsekwencji znalezienia sposobów mierzenia demokratycznych deficytów. Praktyczne konsekwencje: W dzisiejszych czasach populizm stał się popularnym słowem, które często niesie negatywne skojarzenia w Europie, obserwując jak niszczy on liberalną demokrację. Jednakże w pracy występuje również jako złożony fenomen, który ma także swoje pozytywne aspekty i oferuje różne perspektywy rozwoju. Najważniejszym odkryciem jest 3:9342798544 utrata oddziaływania liberalnej demokracji, spowodowana wzrostem populizmu. Odkrycia związku pomiędzy populizmem w Niemczech a niemiecką perspektywą dotyczącą demokratycznych deficytów Unii Europejskiej na poziomie instytucjonalnym, może wywołać nowe dyskusje na temat sposobów reagowania na populizm oraz podjęcia kroków podwyższenia jakości demokracji UE.
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Martinho, Rui Gabriel Fachadas. "A adesão falhada da Turquia à U.E. e o primeiro critério de Copenhaga: a questão curda e a natureza iliberal do Estado turco como obstáculos à adesão à União Europeia (2013-2017)." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19865.
Full textAbstract:
Com a aceitação da candidatura turca na Cimeira de Helsínquia (1999), Ancara viu-se obrigada a cumprir o primeiro critério de Copenhaga para integrar a União Europeia. Todavia, acontecimentos recentes demonstram que a administração chefiada por Erdoğan não se mostrou verdadeiramente comprometida com a implementação de uma liberalização política capaz de assegurar o respeito pelas minorias, direitos civis e eficaz separação de poderes.
A relevância desta dissertação insere-se no âmbito de uma conjuntura marcada por uma preocupação cada vez maior para com a crescente manifestação de tendências iliberais nas democracias. Embora a inicial promoção de reformas pró-europeias pelo governo de Erdoğan tenha lançado a hipótese de o país enveredar pela liberalização do sistema político e tornar-se num possível modelo de democratização para outros países muçulmanos, estas perspetivas saíram frustradas nos anos vindouros face ao escalar do conflito curdo e concentração dos poderes em Erdoğan.
A questão central levantada pela dissertação é perceber porque é que o governo AKP abandonou as reformas pró-europeias que visavam a liberalização política e harmonização das relações com a comunidade curda na Turquia, sendo observado um afastamento do cumprimento do critério político de Copenhaga com o agravamento do conflito com a minoria curda e manifestação da vertente iliberal da democracia turca com Erdoğan.
Embora se deva ter em conta a atitude negativa de vários Estados-membros europeus face à adesão turca à U.E., e as consequências da questão cipriota para as relações euro-turcas, estas não são as únicas razões que explicam o fracasso da integração da Turquia na UE, pelo que a presente dissertação insiste em olhar para as problemáticas internas da Turquia, vistas como determinantes para se compreender onde falha o cumprimento do primeiro critério de Copenhaga, um requerimento indispensável para qualquer candidato que pretenda integrar a U.E..
A cronologia apresenta-se significativa tanto no âmbito da relação do Estado turco com a minoria curda como das tendências cada vez mais iliberais do governo de Erdoğan. Os eventos da batalha de Kobanî (2014-2015) reacenderam uma vaga de combates entre separatistas do PKK e as autoridades turcas. Em 2013, a vertente iliberal do governo de Erdoğan manifestou-se com maior exposição através do episódio de repressão policial sobre as manifestações de protesto às medidas governamentais iniciadas no Parque Gezi, assistindo-se continuamente a uma vertente mais iliberal do governo AKP que culminou na adoção de um sistema presidencial em 2017 que oficializou o fim da separação de poderes na Turquia.
Concluímos que embora as reformas que prometiam alinhar a Turquia com o primeiro critério de Copenhaga fossem inicialmente úteis para o governo AKP, o crescente abandono das medidas pró-europeias deveu-se à incompatibilidade das mesmas com o interesse de Erdoğan em consolidar a centralização do poder político. Assistiu-se entre 2013 e 2017 à aceleração da vertente iliberal da política turca e agravamento da questão curda por causa do projeto de poder de Erdoğan que, mais do que qualquer posição europeia, impede e impedirá o cumprimento pela Turquia dos critérios de Copenhaga indispensáveis para a sua adesão à comunidade europeia.With the acceptance of the Turkish candidacy at the Helsinki Summit (1999), Ankara was obliged to meet the first Copenhagen criterion to join the European Union. However, recent events show that the administration headed by Erdoğan has not been really committed to the implementation of a political liberalization capable of ensuring respect for minorities, civil rights and effective separation of powers. The importance of this dissertation is applied on a conjuncture marked by an increasing concern about the growing manifestation of illiberal tendencies in democracies, so in this case we address the Turkish case and the illiberal trend of the AKP’s government. Although the initial promotion of pro-European reforms by Erdoğan’s government had launched the hypothesis that the country would go through the liberalisation of the political system and become a possible model of democratization for other Muslim countries, these prospects came out frustrated in the years to come in the face of the escalation of the Kurdish conflict and the concentration of powers in Erdoğan. The main issue raised by the dissertation is to understand why the AKP government abandoned pro-European reforms that aimed at political liberalisation and harmonization of relations with the Kurdish community in Turkey, thus being possible to observe a departure from the fulfilment of the Copenhagen political criterion with the deterioration of the conflict with the Kurdish minority and manifestation of the illiberal tendencies of Turkish democracy with Erdoğan. Although the negative attitude of several European Member States towards Turkish membership must be considered relevant to explain the failure of Turkish integration into the EU, it is not the only or necessarily the main factor, so this dissertation insists on looking at the turkish domestic issues, seen as determinant to understand where compliance with the first Copenhagen criterion required by the E.U. fails, a crucial requirement for any candidate that wishes to join the E.U.. The chronology is significant both to the Turkish state's relationship with its Kurdish minority and the increasingly illiberal tendencies of Erdoğan’s government. Events from the battle of Kobanî (2014-2015) renewed a wave of combats between PKK separatists and Turkish authorities. In 2013 the illiberal trend of Erdoğan’s government was expressed with greater exposure through the episode of police repression over demonstrations of protest to government measures initiated in Gezi Park; gradually we witness a more illiberal trend of the AKP government that culminated in the adoption of a presidential system in 2017, marking the end of the separation of powers in Turkey. We conclude that while the reforms that promised to align Turkey with the first Copenhagen criterion were initially useful to the AKP government, the progressive neglection of pro-European measures was due to the incompatibility with Erdoğan's interest in consolidating the centralization of political power. Between 2013 and 2017, the acceleration of the illiberal trend in Turkish politics and deterioration of the Kurdish issue was due to Erdoğan's power project which, more than any European position, prevents and blocks Turkey's compliance with the criteria of Copenhagen, indispensable for the E.U. membership.
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De, Jager Nicola. "Voice and accountability in one party dominant systems : a comparative case study of Mexico and South Africa." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24736.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the impact of one party dominant systems on liberal democracy in developing countries. It is insufficient to argue that one party dominant systems – systems where one party dominates over a prolonged period - need not be further scrutinised because they occur within democracies. Instead it is contended that the term ‘democracy’ is but one public virtue in a political system and thus needs to be prefixed for it to have meaning beyond a method of government selection. The importance of this is highlighted when looking at two major trends in the understanding of democracy. The first is democracy as rule by the people -a non-authoritarian democracy- where governmental control is limited, and agents of voice and accountability are protected. Voice and accountability refers to citizens being able to exercise power over the process of decision-making and not merely power to select decision-makers. The second type of democracy is rule for the people -an authoritarian democracy- where governmental control extends over all spheres of society, and the operating space for agents of voice and accountability is constrained. Since unchecked centralisation is the anti-thesis of a non-authoritarian democracy, the observed tendency of dominant parties to use their predominant position to further consolidate their control is a concern. The apprehension is, as power is centralised so the operating space of agents of voice and accountability (including political and civil society) is constrained. Despite differences in the type of one party dominant system, whether they be hegemonic (Mexico) or dominant (South Africa) the ruling dominant/ hegemonic party uses similar methods of consolidating dominance – they essentially centralise power through the establishment of (1) economic, (2) political, and sometimes (3) ideological monopolies. These monopolies are established using internal and external methods of control (centralising of political power; party controlled process of political leadership selection; institutional arrangements and electoral amendments, which favour the ruling party; patronage and corporatism), which in turn effectively close down or limit the operating space of civil and political society, especially in developing countries which do not have histories of liberal-constitutionalism, and have vast socio-economic inequalities making them especially susceptible to the manipulation of ruling elites. Although one party dominant systems may initially have a uniting, stabilising effect, if continued they tend to lead towards either the entrenchment of authoritarianism or the establishment of authoritarianism, since dominance is achieved at the expense of competition, and independent and alternative voices. Uncompetitive democracies result in unresponsive governments. Pursuing a liberal democracy, while simultaneously monopolising power is to indulge in serious programmatic contradictions. Eventually something has to give and it is usually liberal democracy. Voice and accountability inevitably become inhibited in one party dominant systems due to the mechanisms of internal and external control used by the dominant or hegemonic party. These mechanisms of control culminate in, as they did in Mexico, there being ‘no life outside the ruling party’. Only when the economic, political and ideological monopolies are dismantled through either economic liberalisation, opposition maintaining its integrity, civil society keeping its independence and societies refusing to be drawn into relationships of patronage, can the space for voice and accountability be prised open again. In the interests of its citizens and the future success of its country, the ruling party of a one party dominant system needs to recognise that it is not the sole channel for the voice of its citizens and to acknowledge the space for agents of voice and accountability. Ensuring that non-authoritarian democracy remains the only game in town in a one party dominant system requires responsive and accountable government and effective agents of voice and accountability.Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Mludek, Ivo. "Negativní, difamující a zesměšňující politické kampaně v ČR v letech 2006 až 2010 a jejich dopady na veřejnou politiku [PRÁCE DOČASNĚ ZNEVEŘEJNĚNA]." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298316.
Full textAbstract:
The phenomenon of political marketing entered - together with democratic political competition - the Czech Republic after 1989. Together with parliamentary elections in 2006 a strong negative election campaigns appeared. The parliamentary elections in 2007 proved a stalemate and they launched a long period of political instability. An unusually sharp and mostly negative election campaign proceeded in the Czech Republic continuously during the years 2006 - 2010. For the first time foreign advisory firms prepared strategies for the biggest political parties - ČSSD and ODS. The election campaigns were characteristic not only of mass enter of negativism imported by the foreign consultants, but also of a great number of anonymous mocking and defamatory political advertisements, the customer and the payer of which was unknown and unable to find. The negative campaigns then introduced both the question of ethical limits in the election marketing and of the harmful influence of opaqueness in contracting and financing the campaigns. The thesis is dealing with regularities of political marketing which got control of Czech political scene in 2006 - 2010, and it formulates hypotheses about the possible effecs of negative, defamatory and mocking political campaigns on the environment of Czech public politics.