Relevant bibliographies by topics / Illiberal

Academic literature on the topic 'Illiberal'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Illiberal"

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Geva, Dorit, and Felipe G. Santos. "Europe's far-right educational projects and their vision for the international order." International Affairs 97, no. 5 (September 2021): 1395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab112.

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Abstract Figures like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and former French National Front leader Marion Maréchal are seeking to establish what we call a new globalist illiberal order. The globalist illiberal agenda extends elements of the globalist project while reclaiming a radicalized view of Christian democracy. Europe's far-right views the global order as composed of strong nations who need to defend their sovereignty on ‘cultural’ issues while protecting their common Christian roots. We trace their project by focusing on two new institutions of higher education, Hungary's National University of Public Service Ludovika (Ludovika-UPS) and the Institut de sciences sociales, économiques et politiques (Institute of Social Sciences, Economics and Politics—ISSEP), based in France and Spain. Through these institutions, globalist illiberals aim to cultivate new leaders outside the liberal ‘mainstream’ and redefine the meaning of Christian democracy. We conclude that surging nationalism among mid- to small powers is not resulting in deglobalization but is fostering illiberal globalization, which has no place for those who do not fit in their exclusionary vision of Christian Europe.
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Holzleithner, Elisabeth. "Reactionary Gender Constructions in Illiberal Political Thinking." Politics and Governance 10, no. 4 (October 31, 2022): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i4.5537.

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Theories of the state, its functions, limits, and legitimacy have been overwhelmingly “liberal” in the past few decades, in a very broad sense of the term. Such theories are inherently open to a diversity of genders, sexual orientations, and ways of living together because they place equal freedom and the right to prosper according to one’s own ideas front and centre. Illiberal political thinking is of a completely different stock. This article focuses on the role of gender and sexuality in such approaches. Both gender and sexuality are pivotal for illiberalism’s defence of an order that is supposed to overcome Western‐style liberal democracy. In contrast to the liberals’ and their like‐minded critics’ quest for social justice in societies that are traversed by structures of oppression and domination, illiberal political thinking offers an utterly different brand of autocratic rule that keeps conventional hierarchies intact. It only takes note of advanced gender theories to either ridicule them or condemn them as a supposed threat to social cohesion. This article exposes illiberal approaches to gender and sexuality, considering the roots and focus of the former on the dichotomy of public/private and illiberals’ aversion to equality and human rights.
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Connolly, Sean, Emmet Larkin, Sally Warwick-Haller, Oliver MacDonagh, and Geraldine F. Grogan. "Illiberal Liberators." Books Ireland, no. 157 (1992): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20626539.

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Jardine, Alice. "Illiberal Reporting." Women's Review of Books 9, no. 5 (February 1992): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4021238.

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Taylor, Robert S. "Illiberal Socialism." Social Theory and Practice 40, no. 3 (2014): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract201440327.

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Castillo-Ortiz, Pablo. "The Illiberal Abuse of Constitutional Courts in Europe." European Constitutional Law Review 15, no. 1 (March 2019): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019619000026.

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Legal constitutionalism – Political constitutionalism – Emergence of illiberal constitutionalism as a tertium genus – Examination of constitutional courts under three illiberal governments: Poland, Hungary, and Turkey – Illiberal governments’ strategies to seize control of constitutional courts – Illiberal governments’ aim to secure leverage over constitutional judges and restrict the powers of review of the court – Constitutional courts under illiberal rule invert the traditional functions that were assigned to them under the original Kelsenian approach – Instead of a check on power, illiberal constitutional courts become a device to circumvent constitutional constraints and concentrate power in the hands of the ruling actors.
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Turmel, Patrick. "Are Cities Illiberal?" Les ateliers de l'éthique 4, no. 2 (April 10, 2018): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1044463ar.

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One of the main characteristics of today’s democratic societies is their pluralism. As a result, liberal political philosophers often claim that the state should remain neutral with respect to different conceptions of the good. Legal and social policies should be acceptable to everyone regardless of their culture, their religion or their comprehensive moral views. One might think that this commitment to neutrality should be especially pronounced in urban centres, with their culturally diverse populations. However, there are a large number of laws and policies adopted at the municipal level that contradict the liberal principle of neutrality. In this paper, I want to suggest that these perfectionist laws and policies are legitimate at the urban level. Specifically, I will argue that the principle of neutrality applies only indirectly to social institutions within the broader framework of the nation-state. This is clear in the case of voluntary associations, but to a certain extent this rationale applies also to cities. In a liberal regime, private associations are allowed to hold and defend perfectionist views, focused on a particular conception of the good life. One problem is to determine the limits of this perfectionism at the urban level, since cities, unlike private associations, are public institutions. My aim here is therefore to give a liberal justification to a limited form of perfectionism of municipal laws and policies.
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Ganguly, Sumit. "An Illiberal India?" Journal of Democracy 31, no. 1 (2020): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0016.

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Fellman, Michael. "The Illiberal Lincoln." Canadian Review of American Studies 23, no. 2 (September 1992): 195–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-023-02-10.

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Innes, Abby. "Hungary's Illiberal Democracy." Current History 114, no. 770 (March 1, 2015): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.770.95.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Illiberal"

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Dzananovic, Kanita. "Ungern, en illiberal demokrati? : En argumentationsanalys av Viktor Orbáns tal om illiberal demokrati i Baile Tusnad 26 juli 2014." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-43965.

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Lennahan, Jamie Beth. "Escaping illiberal liberalism: A holistic approach to engaging with culture." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3315824.

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Klein, Kerstin. "Illiberal biopolitics, embryonic life and the stem cell controversy in China." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523725.

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Jewell, Jessica M. "Faculty Life in an Illiberal State: Hungarian Collegiate Faculty Work Life Vignettes." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1554619415854043.

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Guzina, Dejan. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state, the case of Serbia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ52322.pdf.

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Guzina, Dejan Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state; the case of Serbia." Ottawa, 2000.

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Canzutti, Lucrezia. "State-diaspora relations in illiberal contexts : the case of the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia." Thesis, University of York, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21998/.

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The thesis investigates the reasons, modalities, and consequences of the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments’ engagement with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia. The case of the Vietnamese in Cambodia is of particular interest because, unlike most existing studies on state-diaspora relations, it examines a group which stands between two illiberal countries and, partly as a consequence of this, does not represent a significant threat and/or resource to either the host-state or the homeland. Furthermore, despite having lived in the host-state for generations, the Vietnamese in Cambodia have been unable to access Cambodian citizenship and hold virtually no documents from Vietnam: they are de facto stateless. This thesis seeks to answer two, interrelated questions: how do the Cambodian state and the Vietnamese state perceive of and engage with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia? What are the implications of their engagement on this diaspora’s enjoyment of citizenship? To answer these questions, the research uses documentary sources from the two governments and eighty-three in-depth interviews with Vietnamese villagers, members of the Association of Khmer-Vietnamese in the Kingdom of Cambodia (AKVKC), representatives of the Cambodian government, experts, and representatives of civil society organisations. Departing from existing perspectives on state-diaspora relations, the thesis argues that the governments of Cambodia and Vietnam have viewed the diaspora as “inconvenient subjects” and engaged, respectively, in the bounded exclusion and the bounded inclusion of the group. Rather than taking full responsibility of the diaspora, the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments have shared the custody of the Vietnamese, alternating care and control and co-governing it through the work of the AKVKC. This deliberately ambiguous strategy has resulted in the Vietnamese’ de facto enjoyment of some citizens’ rights in Cambodia and Vietnam; yet, it has also (re)produced a multi-level liminal space in which the Vietnamese are more easily governable.
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Svatošová, Hana. "Czech transition to and Backsliding from democracy : will "Truth Prevail" over the illiberal challenge?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21469.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
Democracy is in crisis around the world. Boosted by global phenomena such as globalization and the development of internet, along with a series of crises, which widened the gap between the elite and citizens, this trend was characterized by the rise of populism in both mature democracies and post-communist countries. The former model democratizers in Central-Eastern Europe turned into model democratic backsliders. The illiberal tendencies in the region have been generally judged by the Hungarian and Polish playbook. Although not as dramatically, also in Czech Republic democracy has been declining, mostly since the government of Andrej Babiš in 2017 and the reelection of Miloš Zeman president in 2018. This work examines the changes in the official post-1989 discourse through a two-dimensional discourse analysis, and thus explains what are the origins and character of the current democracy crisis, which arenas of democracy have been affected the most thus far, and finally if the “truth will prevail” over the illiberal challenge. Based on the theoretical concepts of democracy, transitology, democratic backsliding, populism and postfunctionalism, and an overview of historical-cultural context, we analyze the rhetorical strategies, domestic policy, and foreign policy dominant in the corpus of selected speeches of the Prime Minister and President. Next, we assess the impact of their new discourse on the arenas of democracy contrasting EIU’s Democracy Index and Freedom House’s Nations in Transit rankings. Overall, we sustain that the rise of the Czech illiberal populists has been rather a consequence than the origin of the current crisis, that the character of their new discourse is particular despite similarities with the backsliding neighbors, and finally, that there is hope for truth to prevail, consisting in a reform of certain arenas of the Czech democracy.
Democracia está em crise em todo o mundo. Reforçado pelos fenómenos globais como a globalização e o desenvolvimento da Internet, junto com uma série de crises, que aumentaram o fosso entre a elite e os cidadãos, esta dinâmica foi caraterizada pela ascensão de populismo em ambas democracias maduras e países pós-comunistas. Os antigos exemplos da democratização na Europa Central e de Leste tornaram-se exemplos de democratic backsliding. As tendências iliberais na região têm sido geralmente julgadas com base na cartilha húngara e polaca. Embora não tão dramaticamente, também a democracia na República Checa tem estado em declínio, sobretudo desde o início do governo de Andrej Babiš em 2017 e a reeleição presidencial de Miloš Zeman em 2018. Este trabalho examina as mudanças no discurso oficial pós-1989 através de uma análise de discurso de duas dimensões, e assim explica quais são as origens e o caráter da crise de democracia atual, quais arenas de democracia têm sido afetadas mais até agora, e finalmente se “a verdade prevalece” contra o desafio iliberal. Com base nos conceitos teóricos de democracia, transitologia, democratic backsliding, populismo e pósfuncionalismo, e um resumo do contexto histórico-cultural, analisamos as estratégias retóricas e as políticas doméstica e estrangeira dominantes no corpus de discursos selecionados do Primeiro-Ministro e do Presidente. Logo, avaliamos o impacto do seu novo discurso sobre as arenas de democracia contrastando os rankings do Índice de Democracia de EIU e de Nations in Transit de Freedom House. Contudo, defendemos que a ascensão dos populistas na República Checa tem sido uma consequência mais do que a origem da crise atual, que o caráter do seu novo discurso é particular apesar de semelhanças com os seus vizinhos em retrocesso, e finalmente que há esperança para a verdade prevalecer, consistindo numa reforma de certas arenas da democracia checa.
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Ali, Irum Shehreen. "Understanding the illiberal democracy : the nature of democratic ideals, political support and participation in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669820.

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Venosa, Robert Donato. ""Freedom Will Win—If Free Men Act!": Liberal Internationalism in an Illiberal Age, 1936-1956." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1588271691660565.

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Books on the topic "Illiberal"

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Vukovich, Daniel F. Illiberal China. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0541-2.

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Taras, Ray. Liberal and illiberal nationalisms. New York: Palgrave Macmmillan, 2002.

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Taras, Ray. Liberal and Illiberal Nationalisms. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596405.

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Luger, Jason. Questioning Planetary Illiberal Geographies. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003348863.

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Liberal and illiberal nationalisms. New York: Palgrave Macmmillan, 2002.

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Coker, Christopher. War and the illiberal conscience. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1998.

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Kapidžić, Damir, and Věra Stojarová. Illiberal Politics in Southeast Europe. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003208327.

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Coker, Christopher. War and the illiberal conscience. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1998.

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Slavophile empire: Imperial Russia's illiberal path. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009.

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Daniel, Bell, ed. Towards illiberal democracy in Pacific Asia. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Illiberal"

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Glasius, Marlies. "Illiberal Practices." In Routledge Handbook of Illiberalism, 339–50. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367260569-27.

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Balch, Alex. "Illiberal Liberalism." In Immigration and the State, 67–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-38589-5_4.

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Vukovich, Daniel F. "On Illiberalism and Seeing Like an Other State." In Illiberal China, 1–41. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0541-2_1.

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Vukovich, Daniel F. "The New Left and the Old Politics of Knowledge: A Battle for Chinese Political Discourse." In Illiberal China, 43–88. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0541-2_2.

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Vukovich, Daniel F. "From Making Revolution to Making Charters: Liberalism and Economism in the Late Cold War." In Illiberal China, 89–128. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0541-2_3.

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Vukovich, Daniel F. "No Country, No System: Liberalism, Autonomy, and De-politicization in Hong Kong." In Illiberal China, 129–66. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0541-2_4.

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Vukovich, Daniel F. "Wukan!: Democracy, Illiberalism, and Their Vicissitudes." In Illiberal China, 167–98. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0541-2_5.

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Vukovich, Daniel F. "The Ills of Liberalism: Thinking Through the PRC and the Political." In Illiberal China, 199–240. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0541-2_6.

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Kim, Seongcheol. ",Illiberal-demokratische‘ Legitimität." In Legitimitätsprobleme, 205–22. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-29558-5_9.

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Dimitrijevic, Nenad. "Illiberal Regime Types." In Routledge Handbook of Illiberalism, 121–41. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367260569-11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Illiberal"

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Sakir, Fairuz Arta Abhipraya, and Dyah Mutiarin. "From Downplaying to Giving Illiberal Responses: Jokowi’s Populist Leadership Amidst COVID-19." In International Conference on Sustainable Innovation Track Humanities Education and Social Sciences (ICSIHESS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211227.033.

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Scheer, Anne. "Learning Obsolescence: Urban School Discipline in the Making and Management of Illiberal Subjects." In 2019 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1429381.

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Scheer, Anne. "Learning Obsolescence: Urban School Discipline in the Making and Management of Illiberal Subjects." In 2020 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1572946.

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Tucak, Ivana, and Anita Blagojević. "COVID- 19 PANDEMIC AND THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHT TO ABORTION." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18355.

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The COVID - 19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 and the reactions of state authorities to it are unparalleled events in modern history. In order to protect public health, states have limited a number of fundamental human rights that individuals have in accordance with national constitutions and international conventions. The focus of this paper is the right of access to abortion in the Member States of the European Union. In Europe, the situation with regard to the recognition of women's right to abortion is quite clear. All member states of the European Union, with the exception of Poland and Malta, recognize the rather liberal right of a woman to have an abortion in a certain period of time after conception. However, Malta and Poland, as members of the European Union, since abortion is seen as a service, must not hinder the travel of women abroad to have an abortion, nor restrict information on the provision of abortion services in other countries. In 2020, a pandemic highlighted all the weaknesses of this regime by preventing women from traveling to more liberal countries to perform abortions, thus calling into question their right to choose and protect their sexual and reproductive rights. This is not only the case in Poland and Malta, but also in countries that recognize the right to abortion but make it conditional on certain non-medical conditions, such as compulsory counselling; and the mandatory time period between applying for and performing an abortion; in situations present in certain countries where the problem of a woman exercising the right to abortion is a large number of doctors who do not provide this service based on their right to conscience. The paper is divided into three parts. The aim of the first part of the paper is to consider all the legal difficulties that women face in accessing abortion during the COVID -19 pandemic, restrictions that affect the protection of their dignity, right to life, privacy and right to equality. In the second part of the paper particular attention will be paid to the illiberal tendencies present in this period in some countries of Central and Eastern Europe, especially Poland. In the third part of the paper, emphasis will be put on the situation in Malta where there is a complete ban on abortion even in the case when the life of a pregnant woman is in danger.
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Reports on the topic "Illiberal"

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Kenes, Bulent. Viktor Orbán: Past to Present. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0001.

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Today, Hungary could be defined as, at best, an “illiberal democracy.” Some even argue that the country is now a crude autocracy. Viktor Orbán is personally described as “irredentist,” “right-wing populist,” “authoritarian,” “autocratic,” and “Putinist.” He’s also been called a “strongman” and a “dictator.” Orbán has outmaneuvered his opponents and tightened his clutch on power. He makes no secret of his plans to rule Hungary for the foreseeable future.
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Wolf, Maximilian. The Great Recoil: Politics after Populism and the Pandemic. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/br0011.

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Paolo Gerbaudo’s Great Recoil presents a timely, wide-ranging and perspicacious, yet focused and detail-attentive summary of the present political conjuncture leading up to the Covid-19 pandemic, an incisive prognosis of the political terrain of the years that will follow it and offers a bold new approach to combating the illiberal populist discourse plaguing the West today — while laying the groundwork for the progressive transformations that need to replace it.
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Terzyan, Aram. The Politics of Repression in Central Asia: The Cases of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/caps-2-2020.

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This paper explores the landscape of repressive politics in the three Central Asian states of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan with an emphasis on the phase of “transformative violence” and the patterns of inconsistent repression. It argues that repressions alone cannot guarantee the longevity of authoritarian regimes. It is for this reason that the Central Asian authoritarian leaders consistently come up with discursive justifications of repression, not least through portraying it as a necessary tool for progress or security. While the new Central Asian leaders’ discourses are characterized by liberal narratives, the illiberal practices keep prevailing across these countries.
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Lajosi, Krisztina. ECMI Minorities Blog. Disinformation, Digital Nationalism and the Hungarian Minority in Ukraine. European Centre for Minority Issues, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/slwe2333.

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The Hungarian minority in Ukraine living mainly in the region of Transcarpathia (Zakarpattia Oblast) has not yet been directly exposed to the horrors of the war. However, roughly since 2014, it has been targeted by online propaganda and disinformation serving the interests of the Kremlin in both Russian and Hungarian media. Several studies have demonstrated how the right-wing media supporting the Hungarian government have come increasingly under Russian influence either directly by translating pieces from Russian media outlets, or indirectly by channeling the talking points of the Kremlin. This digital propaganda has merged with the offline diffusion of ideologies supporting the illiberal democracy that Viktor Orbán declared official policy in Hungary in his infamous speech from 2014. This blog post explores the intricate web of nationalisms that influence political opinions among the Hungarian minority in Ukraine.
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Hicks, Jacqueline. Export of Digital Surveillance Technologies From China to Developing Countries. Institute of Development Studies, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.123.

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There is evidence to show that Chinese companies, with some state credit backing, are selling digital surveillance technologies to developing countries, which are then sometimes used in authoritarian practices. However, there is little direct evidence to show that surveillance technologies sold by Chinese companies have more authoritarian potential than the technologies sold by non-Chinese companies. Some researchers define “surveillance technologies” as including any form of digital infrastructure. There is data to show that developing country governments are contracting Chinese companies to build digital infrastructures. Other researchers define “surveillance technologies” as smart city projects. It is estimated that in 2019, Chinese smart city technologies have been purchased in over 100 countries worldwide. Other researchers look at more specific elements of smart cities: There are estimates that the “AI surveillance” components of smart cities have been purchased in 47-65 countries worldwide, and the “data integration” security platforms in at least 80 countries. None of these figures imply anything about how these technologies are used. The “dual use” nature of these technologies means that they can have both legitimate civilian and public safety uses as well as authoritarian control uses. There is evidence of some governments in Africa using Chinese surveillance technologies to spy on political opponents and arrest protesters. Some authors say that some Chinese smart city projects are actually not very effective, but still provide governments with a “security aesthetic”. Research also shows that Chinese smart city technologies have been sold mostly to illiberal regimes. However, in the wider context, there is also ample evidence of non-Chinese surveillance technologies contributing to authoritarian control in developing countries. There is also evidence that UK companies sell surveillance technologies to mostly illiberal regimes. Some reports consulted for this rapid review imply that Chinese surveillance technologies are more likely to be used for authoritarian control than those sold by non-Chinese companies. This analysis is largely based on circumstantial rather than direct evidence. They rely on prior judgements, which are themselves subject to ongoing enquiry in the literature: Almost all of the reports consulted for this rapid review say that the most important factor determining whether governments in developing countries will deploy a particular technology for repressive purposes is the quality of governance in the country. No reports were found in the literature reviewed of Chinese state pressure on developing countries to adopt surveillance technologies, and there were some anecdotal reports of officials in developing countries saying they did not come under any pressure to buy from Chinese companies.
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