Journal articles: 'Ignoranza politica'

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Lee, Joori. "Discrimination, Ignorance, and Aestheticization of Political Life." Journal of English Studies in Korea 34 (June 30, 2018): 127–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46562/ssw.34.5.

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Marder, Lev. "Adam Smith: So what if the sovereign shares in ignorance?" Journal of International Political Theory 14, no. 1 (May 12, 2017): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217705893.

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Unfortunately, Adam Smith’s undeserved legacy as a proponent of laissez-faire and liberal institutions at the international scope inhibits profiting from his refined analysis of international affairs. I argue that the Wealth of Nations’ chapter on colonies contains Smith’s discussion of the sovereign’s adaptation to ignorance in global politics. I examine the sense in which the sovereign is ignorant according to Smith and how sovereigns adapt to ignorance with varying success. His comparative analysis suggests that reduction of one’s share in ignorance is not always desirable, and a priori rejection of ignorance is impractical because it deprives of a potentially advantageous resource. A careful reading of his work enables learning from his approach to global politics, without filtering it through his ideas on the free market.

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Gabriëls, René. "The expertocratic shortcut." Philosophy & Social Criticism 47, no. 1 (January 2021): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720983938.

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Lafont rightly criticizes the expertocratic shortcut, i.e. the expectation that citizens blindly defer to experts. This shortcut is based on the assumptions that citizens are generally politically ignorant. I will argue that it is necessary to address not only the political ignorance of citizens, but also that of politicians, scientific experts and entrepreneurs. Just like politicians, scientific experts often show political ignorance towards citizens. This is the case if they do not consider the perspective of citizens in politically charged research. Unlike Lafont, I believe that if citizens are expected to blindly defer to politicians, there is no expertocratic shortcut, but a form of authoritarianism that fosters populism. Lafont overlooks an expertocratic shortcut: scientific experts who expect politicians to blindly defer to them, i.e. to accept the agenda they set. It is noteworthy that neither Lafont nor her opponents defending an expertocratic shortcut explicitly discuss the tension between capitalism and democracy. They should do so in order to explain which citizens are ignorant and bypassed, and which are not. The socio-economic inequalities inherent in capitalism correspond to the degree of political interest and participation of citizens. Entrepreneurs are often not only politically ignorant towards citizens, but also towards politicians and scientific experts. Their political ignorance is due to the fact that they are most often in a dominant position where politicians, scientific experts and citizens depend on them. This can be traced back to what I call the neoliberal shortcut: the expectation that actors blindly defer to the markets.

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Caplan, Bryan, Eric Crampton, Wayne A. Grove, and Ilya Somin. "Systematically Biased Beliefs about Political Influence: Evidence from the Perceptions of Political Influence on Policy Outcomes Survey." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 04 (September 30, 2013): 760–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001030.

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AbstractMany scholars argue that retrospective voting is a powerful information shortcut that offsets widespread voter ignorance. Even deeply ignorant voters, it is claimed, can effectively punish incumbents for bad performance and reward them if things go well. But if voters' understanding of which officials are responsible for which outcomes is systematically biased, retrospective voting becomes an independent source of political failure rather than a cure for it. We design and administer a new survey of the general public and political experts to test for such biases. Our analysis reveals frequent, large, robust biases in voter attributions of responsibility for a variety of political actors and outcomes with a tendency for the public to overestimate influence, although important examples of underestimation also exist.

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Malik, Kenan. "The politics of ignorance." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 41 (2008): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20084183.

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Ruggiero, Leonard F. "The Politics of Ignorance." Journal of Wildlife Management 77, no. 8 (October 24, 2013): 1489. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jwmg.627.

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Lawler, Peter Augustine. "On the Partisanship of Political Science." News for Teachers of Political Science 48 (1986): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900003366.

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Political scientists, whatever skeptical pretensions they have in theory, cannot help but believe that political knowledge is good for human beings. This belief is based on another: well-informed citizens are better citizens. Scientific enlightenment makes citizens better. Political scientists cannot help but be concerned with the education of citizens.Consider the early survey research that seemed to show American citizens are mostly ignorant and apathetic. Its purpose was not to undermine responsible citizenship by showing that such citizenship is not possible. Instead, its purpose was to make it possible, perhaps for the first time. For some, it signaled the need for a project of citizen education to eliminate ignorance and apathy. For others, the proper conclusion was that democratic normative theory must be reformulated to make the idealism of citizens responsible and effective by locating it within the boundaries of the possible. Either way, it was clear that the significance of the research findings were not viewed as purely or even primarily theoretical. They could and were used to improve political practice, to improve the American regime in accordance with its citizens’ values.

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Doerr, Neriko Musha. "‘Rude speech’ and ‘ignorant audience’: power of ignorance and language politics at an Aotearoa/New Zealand school." Critical Studies in Education 50, no. 3 (September 17, 2009): 323–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508480903161946.

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Petersen, Michael Bang, and Lene Aarøe. "Is the Political Animal Politically Ignorant? Applying Evolutionary Psychology to the Study of Political Attitudes." Evolutionary Psychology 10, no. 5 (December 1, 2012): 147470491201000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147470491201000504.

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As evidenced by research in evolutionary psychology, humans have evolved sophisticated psychological mechanisms tailored to solve enduring adaptive problems of social life. Many of these social problems are political in nature and relate to the distribution of costs and benefits within and between groups. In that sense, evolutionary psychology suggests that humans are, by nature, political animals. By implication, a straightforward application of evolutionary psychology to the study of public opinion seems to entail that modern individuals find politics intrinsically interesting. Yet, as documented by more than fifty years of research in political science, people lack knowledge of basic features of the political process and the ability to form consistent political attitudes. By reviewing and integrating research in evolutionary psychology and public opinion, we describe (1) why modern mass politics often fail to activate evolved mechanisms and (2) the conditions in which these mechanisms are in fact triggered.

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Somin, Ilya. "DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL IGNORANCE." Critical Review 22, no. 2-3 (May 2010): 253–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2010.508635.

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Pincione, Guido, and FERNANDO R. TESÓN. "Rational Ignorance and Political Morality." Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 72, no. 1 (January 2006): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1933-1592.2006.tb00491.x.

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MARDLE, GEORGE, and MERVYN TAYLOR. "Political Knowledge and Political Ignorance: a re-examination." Political Quarterly 58, no. 2 (April 1987): 208–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1987.tb02837.x.

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Mapel, David R. "Innocent Attackers and Rights of Self-Defense." Ethics & International Affairs 18, no. 1 (March 2004): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2004.tb00454.x.

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Imagine that a neighboring state drafts an army of ignorant soldiers, makes them falsely believe that your state poses an imminent threat to their survival or political independence, and then launches them across your border. As a soldier, would you have a right to kill such attackers in self-defense or in defense of your country? In this brief comment, I will focus primarily on the question of whether one may kill “innocent attackers,” that is, individuals who pose a lethal threat through no moral fault of their own, but because they are acting under a combination of duress and nonculpable ignorance.

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Somin, Ilya. "FOOT VOTING, POLITICAL IGNORANCE, AND CONSTITUTIONAL DESIGN." Social Philosophy and Policy 28, no. 1 (November 30, 2010): 202–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052510000105.

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AbstractThe strengths and weaknesses of federalism have been debated for centuries. But one major possible advantage of building decentralization and limited government into a constitution has been largely ignored in the debate so far: its potential for reducing the costs of widespread political ignorance. The argument of this paper is simple, but has potentially important implications: Constitutional federalism enables citizens to “vote with their feet,” and foot voters have much stronger incentives to make well-informed decisions than more conventional ballot box voters. The informational advantage of foot voting over ballot box voting suggests that decentralized federalism can increase citizen welfare and democratic accountability relative to policymaking in a centralized unitary state.Ballot box voters have strong incentives to be “rationally ignorant” about the candidates and policies they vote on because the chance that any one vote will have a decisive impact on an electoral outcome is vanishingly small. For the same reason, they also have little or no incentive to make good use of the information they do possess. By contrast, “foot voters” choosing a jurisdiction in which to reside have much stronger incentives to acquire information and use it rationally; the decisions they make are individually decisive.

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Levenbach, F. David, David E. England, and Charles W. Hartwig. "Introduction to U.S. Government: Prior Levels and Correlates of Political Knowledge." American Review of Politics 8 (January 1, 1988): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1987.8.0.41-61.

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How much do university students know about government and politics in the United States? In what areas of government and politics are students well-informed, and in what areas are they ignorant? To what extent are there systematic variations between students in their knowledge? These are the questions we seek to answer in this paper, which is based on a survey of students who were enrolled in the fall of 1986 in an introductory course in US government. While we initially undertook this study as part of an internal curriculum review, we feel that these results are of interest to political scientists as political educators and political analysts.

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Lynch, Barbara. "What Hirschman’s Hiding Hand Hid in San Lorenzo and Chixoy." Water 11, no. 3 (February 26, 2019): 415. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11030415.

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Implementation of big water projects requires that their funders, contractors, and government officials will move projects forward ignorant of their potential social and environmental costs. Economist Albert O. Hirschman raised the issue of ignorance in a widely-read analysis of the factors driving the project process in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and southern Europe. This ignorance, which Hirschman referred to as ‘the hiding hand,’ led to creativity in the case of the San Lorenzo irrigation system in northern Peru, but had lethal consequences in the case of Guatemala’s Chixoy dam project. While Hirschman saw what he called ‘the hiding hand’ as accidental, examination of documents related to large hydraulic infrastructure projects in Peru and Guatemala suggests that in the late twentieth century it was systematically produced by resistance on the part of international financial institutions to addressing the broader political context for project development, or to adequately addressing potential social and environmental impacts early in the project process.

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Millei, Zsuzsa, and Kirsi Pauliina Kallio. "Recognizing politics in the nursery: Early childhood education institutions as sites of mundane politics." Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood 19, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463949116677498.

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In his inspirational article titled ‘Bringing politics into the nursery’, Peter Moss argues for early childhood institutions to become places of ‘democratic political practice’. In this article, the authors add to Moss’s call and argue that these institutions are sites of ‘mundane political practice’, containing various attitudinal orientations and ideologies, and including many kinds of purposive activities. Recognizing different dimensions of political life in institutional spaces where children lead their lives requires a differentiation between two types of politics: first, official politics and policies that aim to institute certain ideals in early childhood education and care and, second, everyday politics unfolding in communities that involve people as political subjects from birth until death. When the latter is discussed in early childhood research, if at all, it is rarely identified in political terms, which the authors consider problematic. The lacking recognition of mundane politics denies important aspects of children’s agency, which is prejudicial in itself. Moreover, such ignorance may lead to unintended consequences in democratization processes, like the one suggested by Moss. Imposing political ideals without recognizing children’s existing political agencies carries a risk of interfering with their political lives so that some children may feel misrecognized or find their capacities to act hindered or their activities misunderstood. In order to avoid such outcomes, this article is an argument for research and pedagogies that acknowledge and scaffold children’s political agencies at large.

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18

Boult. "THE (VIRTUE) EPISTEMOLOGY OF POLITICAL IGNORANCE." American Philosophical Quarterly 58, no. 3 (2021): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/48616057.

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DeCanio, Samuel, Jeffrey Friedman, David R. Mayhew, Michael H. Murakami, and Nick Weller. "ROUNDTABLE 3: POLITICAL IGNORANCE, EMPIRICAL REALITIES." Critical Review 20, no. 4 (January 2008): 463–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810802642984.

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20

Gilens, Martin. "Political Ignorance and Collective Policy Preferences." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 379–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002222.

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In contrast with the expectations of many analysts, I find that raw policy-specific facts, such as the direction of change in the crime rate or the amount of the federal budget devoted to foreign aid, have a significant influence on the public’s political judgments. Using both traditional survey methods and survey-based randomized experiments, I show that ignorance of policy-specific information leads many Americans to hold political views different from those they would hold otherwise. I also show that the effect of policy-specific information is not adequately captured by the measures of general political knowledge used in previous research. Finally, I show that the effect of policy-specific ignorance is greatest for Americans with the highest levels of political knowledge. Rather than serve to dilute the influence of new information, general knowledge (and the cognitive capacities it reflects) appears to facilitate the incorporation of new policy-specific information into political judgments.

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21

Goering, John M. "Resolute ignorance or political straw man?" Society 25, no. 2 (January 1988): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02695630.

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22

Hamid, Mohammed Hazem. "The theoretical implanting of the concept of political ignorance in Islamic political thought." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 15 (May 11, 2019): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i15.130.

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The political ignorance is an integral concept in political Islamic thought, the research shows that concept is theoretical determination among legitimate assumptions and illustrate its conceptual roots and determinate its indication features, represented by Holy Quran and Honorable Prophet Traditions (Sunnah) described by the principle sources for the political and Islamic sources, from these two divine sources , the political thinkers has derived the concept of political and an endoscopy and analysis of , the study require to divide the thesis into two demand , the first is : the concept of political ignorance in Holy Quran and Honorable Prophet Traditions (Sunnah), the second demand : the conceptualization of the concept of political ignorance

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Azzuhri, Anggi. "Introducing Al-Farabi’s Political Philosophy to the Modern Politics." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 7, no. 2 (December 2, 2022): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v7i2.443.

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Al-Farabi categorized cities, the smallest scale of a political association, into four types: the virtuous city, the ignorant city, the wicked city, the diverted city, and the erring city. Al-Farabi terminology indicates that morality is the red-line that differs the nature of each city, although there is no straightforward statement in his treaties. Despite many admirations by later philosophers on Al-Farabi’s political philosophy, his concept is still considered a utopia. Also, it seems that no historical account mentioned any (Islamic) empire, applying Al-Farabi’s ideas on politics. Even Ibn Khaldun criticized Al-Farabi’s concept based on the pragmatic perspective of civilization. However, this fact does not imply the irrelevancy of Al-Farabi’s politics in the practical realm. The question is only regarding what extent Al-Farabi ideas work with politics, particularly modern politics? This study aims to correlate Al-Farabi ideal concept and modern politics. The methodology of this research is qualitative conceptual analysis since the two variables are in the theoretical realm. It can be concluded that Politics in Al-Farabi’s notion strongly connected with Ethics and Morality rather than Authority. An ideal state can actualize through the collective consciousness of true felicity, by which the type of cities is divided. Although Al-Farabi’s political philosophy is quite unapplicable, particularly in the modern age, its role as the highest political principles is undeniable. The essential aspect of Al-Farabi’s political employment in the modern era is his fundamental idea, i.e., ethical society. Establishing an ethical state is more critical than Al-Farabi’s political application entirely.

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Adler, Sabine. "Ukraine-Ignoranz." osteuropa 72, no. 6-8 (2022): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/oe-2022-0150.

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Aksan, Rofik. "Kekuasaan dan Politik Lembaga Pendidikan Islam." Al-Hiwar : Jurnal Ilmu dan Teknik Dakwah 10, no. 1 (July 28, 2022): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/al-hiwar.v10i1.6898.

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The world of politics and power has become inseparable in policy making in all fields, this also happens in the world of Islamic education. Islamic Educational Institutions that are so widely spread throughout the country are of course a strategic issue in power and politics. The purpose of this article is to find out the extent to which Islamic education influences and influences power and politics in Indonesia. This article discusses several things about the political world in Islamic Education Institutions and discusses the relationship between power politics and Islamic education in Indonesia, the political urgency of Islamic education and the position of Islamic education in Indonesia. In addition, several issues will also be discussed including the Strength of Education, Politics and Power in Education, Islamic Education in Indonesia, Education Patterns in Indonesia, as well as four issues that are closely related to the implementation of power-based education, namely, domestication and ignorance, indoctrination, democracy education, and social integration.

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Topçu, Sezin. "Between 'Greatness' and 'Ignorance'." Anthropology of the Middle East 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2019.140202.

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Focusing on Turkey’s nuclearisation process, which has accelerated over the past decade, this article examines the historical and contemporary relationships that the country’s political decision-makers maintain with risk, the environment and health and ecological disasters. While the transition to nuclear power in the post-Fukushima period is not a dynamic specific to Turkey, it nevertheless operates, in the Turkish case, in a particular geographic, energy and political context. On the one hand, Turkey is a highly seismic country that heavily depends on its neighbours for energy and, on the other, is experiencing a creeping political authoritarianism. This article focuses on the dynamics and specificities of this post-disaster nuclear transition, which will be analysed here as ‘serene nuclearism’, positioned as the polar opposite of ‘reflexive modernisation’, as theorised by Ulrich Beck.

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Schaap, Andrew. "Do You Not See the Reason for Yourself? Political Withdrawal and the Experience of Epistemic Friction." Political Studies 68, no. 3 (September 10, 2019): 565–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719873865.

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The epistemic friction that is generated when privileged subjects are confronted by different social perspectives is important for democratic politics since it can interrupt their active ignorance about oppressive social relations from which they benefit. However, members of oppressed groups might sometimes prefer not to accept the burden of educating the dominant. In circumstances of structural inequality, withdrawing from privileged subjects’ ignorance can be a form of self-preservation. But such withdrawal also has the potential to induce epistemic friction insofar as it depletes the opportunities for active ignorance to reproduce itself. Herman Melville’s tragicomic short story of Bartleby – the legal copyist who ‘would prefer not to’ – has been celebrated by philosophers as emblematic of such resistant withdrawal. Interpreting the story as a dramatisation of the epistemic friction encountered by its narrator makes vivid how such withdrawal can be political.

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Gonzalez Cedillo, Joel Ivan. "FROM IDEOLOGY TO HATE SPEECH AND THE PROBLEM OF EURO-AMERICAN WHITE SUPREMACIST EXTREMISM." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 14, no. 4 (2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2020-4-5-13.

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This article analyzes the relation between ignorance and extremism, and the proposed process, which transforms the ignorance into hate speech the elite uses to achieve their political goals. This type of analysis continues to become more urgent as fascism and ethnonationalism gain popularity in Western societies and in their politics. The article analyzes the definitions of ideology and ideological consistency presented by several academics to understand how extremist ideologies manage to get individuals engaged, and to propose a definition of ideology and extremism. The analysis of manifestos written by two American white supremacist terrorists, who in 2019 murdered twenty-three people in the US are included to demonstrate the relation between the lack of legislation for protecting freedom of speech, ignorance, and the commission of violent deadly attacks on innocents. The conclusion exposes the necessity of legislation that protects freedom of speech and a healthy social coexistence, as well as education and critical thinking skills to avoid the emergence of Euro-American white supremacist extremism. This theoretical and documental research might be used by academics working on ideology and political extremism in Western countries, as well as by policymakers trying to understand the phenomenon of white supremacist extremism.

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Whyte, Jeffrey. "Cybersecurity, race, and the politics of truth." Security Dialogue 53, no. 4 (August 2022): 342–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09670106221101725.

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This article explores the racial politics underwriting cybersecurity’s recent human turn toward the issues of online disinformation and ‘foreign influence’ in US politics. Through a case study of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, this article’s first half considers how contemporary cybersecurity has produced ‘racial division’ as an object of security by framing the BLM movement as a geopolitical vulnerability open to foreign manipulation through social media. In its emphasis on the political protest as a site of insecurity, I argue that contemporary cybersecurity has widened its traditional spatiality ‘beyond the computer’. In the article’s second half, I argue that the racialization of cybersecurity has underwritten a politics of truth ultimately concerned less with parsing true from false, and more with defining the boundaries of secure political knowledge and communication. I argue that contemporary cybersecurity has produced an idealized subject for whom an obligation to possess contingent forms of knowledge becomes a condition of secure political subjectivity. I conclude with a critique of contemporary cybersecurity’s tendency to portray dissident political movements like BLM as ignorant or disinformed.

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Kaukua, Jari Pekka, Akmaral Syrgakbayeva, and Nelya Rushanova. "PROBLEMS OF IGNORANCE IN SPIRITUAL CULTURE AL-FARABI’S PHILOSOPHY." Adam alemi 93, no. 3 (September 15, 2022): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2022.3/1999-5849.04.

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This article provides a brief overview of al-Farabi’s contribution to science. Abu Nasr al-Farabi was the greatest philosopher and scientist of his time. Initially, he completed his studies in Farabi and Bukhara, later he went to Baghdad, where he studied and worked for a long time. During this time, al-Farabi mastered several languages as well as various branches of knowledge and technology. The article identifies specific problems of ignorance in the ethical philosophy of al-Farabi, founder of the actual political, ethical philosophy, especially Farabi synthesis of ancient and Muslim tradition, reveals the place of the Platonic political concepts in his system shows the influence of Farabi’s ideas on the further development of ethical thought in Islam. In addition, the article clearly indicates the thoughts, treatises, where al-Farabi implacably and harshly criticized ignorant, weak and lazy managers, unworthy to lead even small communities. The scientist in his works gives the characteristic features of such a “ruler”.

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Sniderman, Paul M., Michael G. Hagen, Philip E. Tetlock, and Henry E. Brady. "Reasoning Chains: Causal Models of Policy Reasoning in Mass Publics." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 4 (October 1986): 405–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004506.

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Citizens do not choose sides on issues like busing or abortion whimsically. They have reasons for their preferences – certainly they can give reasons for them. But how is this possible? Citizens as a rule pay little attention to politics, indeed take only a modest interest in it even during election campaigns when their interest in politics is at its height. And since they pay little attention to politics, it is hardly surprising that they know little about it. Many, in fact, are quite ignorant of basic facts of political life – such as the identity of the party that controls Congress or indeed the name of the congressman who represents them. Which, of course, raises a question of some interest: how do citizens figure out what they think about political issues, given how little they commonly know about them?

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Code, Lorraine. "Ignorance, Injustice and the Politics of Knowledge." Australian Feminist Studies 29, no. 80 (April 3, 2014): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.2014.928186.

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Bennett, Stephen Earl. "Is the public's ignorance of politics trivial?" Critical Review 15, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2003): 307–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810308443585.

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Bartle, John. "Political Awareness, Opinion Constraint and the Stability of Ideological Positions." Political Studies 48, no. 3 (June 2000): 467–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00270.

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Some studies of public opinion suggest that most people are ignorant about the detail of politics and are simply unable to arrive at a considered vote. They hold that voters are ignorant about the ideological substance of politics, since their opinions do not appear to be constrained by ideas and are unstable over time. However, other studies cast doubt on both the definition of ideology employed in these studies and their operational measures. It is suggested that, once allowance is made for measurement error, the opinions of most voters are constrained and highly stable. This article demonstrates that differences in political awareness result in considerable heterogeneity among the electorate. The opinions of more aware voters are subject to greater constraint and are more stable over time than those of less aware voters. It is therefore suggested that issue-voting models must be applied with caution to less aware voters.

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Ženko, Ernest. "Lessons in Equality: From Ignorant Schoolmaster to Chinese Aesthetics." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, no. 13 (September 15, 2017): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i13.192.

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The postponement of equality is not only a recurring topic in Jacques Rancière’s writings, but also the most defining feature of modern Chinese aesthetics. Particularly in the period after 1980’s, when the country opened its doors to Western ideas, Chinese aesthetics extensively played a subordinate role in an imbalanced knowledge transfer, in which structural inequality was only reinforced. Aesthetics in China plays an important role and is expected not only to interpret literature and art, but also to help building a harmonious society within globalized world. This is the reason why some commentators – Wang Jianjiang being one of them – point out that it is of utmost importance to eliminate this imbalance and develop proper Chinese aesthetics. Since the key issue in this development is the problem of inequality, an approach developed by Jacques Rancière, “the philosopher of equality”, is proposed. Even though Rancière wrote extensively about literature, art and aesthetics, in order to confront the problem of Chinese aesthetics, it seems that a different approach, found in his repertoire, could prove to be more fruitful. In 1987, he published a book titled The Ignorant Schoolmaster, which contributed to his ongoing philosophical emancipatory project, and focused on inequality and its conditions in the realm of education. The Ignorant Schoolmaster, nonetheless, stretches far beyond the walls of classroom or even educational system, and brings to the fore political implications that cluster around the fundamental core of Rancière's political philosophy: the definition of politics as the verification of the presupposition of the equality of intelligence. Equality cannot be postponed as a goal to be only attained in the future and, therefore, has to be considered as a premise of egalitarian politics that needs to operate as a presupposition. Article received: May 21, 2017; Article accepted: May 28, 2017; Published online: September 15, 2017Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Ženko, Ernest. "Lessons in Equality: From Ignorant Schoolmaster to Chinese Aesthetics." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 13 (2017): 149-162. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i13.192

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Kim, Hyeonwoo, and Jong Hyuk Lee. "Ignoring Political Ignorance : Effects of Actual Political Knowledge and Perceived Political Knowledge on Political Participation." Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies 64, no. 4 (August 31, 2020): 210–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20879/kjjcs.2020.64.4.006.

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Caro, Jason S. "Looking over Your Shoulder: The Onlookers of Hegel's Phenomenology." Political Studies 45, no. 5 (December 1997): 914–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00119.

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The vexed issue of the end of history has again emerged with Fukuyama's celebrated text. But Fukuyama is only the latest in a line of such Hegelian thinkers. How have such philosopher-historians come to know that history has ended? In returning to their source, Hegel's Phenomenology, these theorists are found to ruthlessly fashion the very history that they relate. Using techniques akin to Foucaultian disciplines, the historical onlookers impersonate, disinform and reconfigure unwilling individuals to advance in history. This guidance becomes especially problematic when it is shown that the Hegelian onlookers are ignorant of their profound impact on history. When such influence is combined with ignorance the thinkers of the end of history appear quite harmful.

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Jeon, June. "Invisibilizing politics: Accepting and legitimating ignorance in environmental sciences." Social Studies of Science 49, no. 6 (September 9, 2019): 839–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312719872823.

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Although sociologists have explored how political and economic factors influence the formation of ignorance in science and technology, we know little about how scientists comply with external controls by abandoning their prior research and leaving scientific innovations incomplete. Most research in science and technology studies (STS) on ignorance has relied on structural and historical analyses, lacking in situ studies in scientific laboratories. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article examines the habitus of ignorance as a mechanism of the social production of ignorance. Scientists have a set of dispositions that establish practical contexts enabling them to ignore particular scientific content. Leaders of the organization repeatedly legitimate the abandonment of unfinished projects, while ordinary laboratory scientists internalize the normalized view that the scientific field is inherently opportunistic and that unfunded research should be left undone. A cycle of legitimation and acceptance of ignorance by actors at distinctive positions within the organization provides a mechanism of social control of scientific knowledge. As the mechanism is habitually self-governed by the rules of the game of current scientific institutions, the result is an indirect, although deeply subjugating, invisible and consolidating form of political and economic domination of the scientific field.

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Bharadwaj, S. "Dylan Thomas’s “In the White Giant’s Thigh”:A Wild Love of Art Song." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 12, no. 4 (August 31, 2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.12n.4.p.91.

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In the poem “In the White Giant’s Thigh,” Dylan Thomas projects the contemporary poets’ wild passion for Eliotian amoral art song and their suffering and the contradistinction of his own occasional love of Yeatsian Grecian altruistic art song and his delight. The poem is at bottom optimistic as it offers the metaphysical and the metempirical wild lovers an alternative process of art song and also carries salvation to transcend their sorrowful failure. It is Thomas’s faith in the Yeatsian process of transfiguration and transformation, the possibility of deliverance from the bondage of experience and ignorance that assures him of success and appeal in his art songs, that Auden repudiates in his metaphysical process of transgression and transmigration and his immortal vision of aesthetic amoral art song. The poem implies that Auden, as a result of his continual ignorance of the human reality of life and death, his stoic love of metaphysical art and reality, loses his grandeur and literary reputation and stoops to the level of a common man susceptible to hatred and indignation, violence and vengeance like the victims of his art songs, the political, the war and the Movement poets who remain equally ignorant of the metaphysical process and the reality of breath and death.

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Zucchini, Francesco. "L'ATTIVITÀ LEGISLATIVA DEL PARLAMENTO ITALIANO: CONSOCIATIVISMO? POLARIZZAZIONE?" Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 27, no. 3 (December 1997): 569–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200025107.

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IntroduzionePochi termini politologici hanno avuto altrettanto successo nella polemica politica italiana della parola consociativismo. Nonostante la sua origine specialistica, che non rimanda a nessuna nozione giuridica né ad alcuna dottrina politica o sociale, è difficile assistere ad un dibattito politico senza che qualcuno dei partecipanti non lanci alla parte avversa l'accusa di essere consociativo. Strano destino. Il successo ha un prezzo per gli uomini come per i concetti: coniato da Lijphart (1968) per rendere conto dell'esistenza di democrazie stabili e relativamente felici, che la scienza politica degli anni '50 (Almond 1956) ignorava e per le quali al tempo stesso prevedeva un tribolato avvenire, il termine consociativismo ha assunto nel nostro paese una connotazione quasi esclusivamente negativa. Consociativa è la spartizione partitica, la corruzione, l'immobilismo, la mancanza di rigore finanziario. In breve, consociativa pare essere stata tutta la Prima Repubblica e consociativi tutti i guai da essa prodotti.

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Isanović, Adla. "Sarajevo: Politics and Cultures of Remembrance and Ignorance." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, no. 14 (October 15, 2017): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i14.199.

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This text critically reflects on cultural events organized to mark the 100th anniversary of the start of the First World War in Sarajevo and Bosnia & Herzegovina. It elaborates on disputes which showed that culture is in the centre of identity politics and struggles (which can also take a fascist nationalist form, accept the colonizer’s perspective, etc.), on how commemorations ‘swallowed’ the past and present, but primarily contextualizes, historicizes and politicizes Sarajevo 2014 and its politics of visibility. This case is approached as an example and symptomatic of the effects of the current state of capitalism, coloniality, racialization and subjugation, as central to Europe today.Article received: June 2, 2017; Article accepted: June 8, 2017; Published online: October 15, 2017; Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Isanović, Adla. "Sarajevo: Politics and Cultures of Remembrance and Ignorance." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 14 (2017): 133-144. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i14.199

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Alinia, Minoo. "White ignorance, race, and feminist politics in Sweden." Ethnic and Racial Studies 43, no. 16 (June 27, 2020): 249–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1775861.

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Page, Benjamin I. "That Same Old Song: Somin on Political Ignorance." Critical Review 27, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2015): 375–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2015.1111689.

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Hess, David J. "The Sociology of Ignorance and Post‐Truth Politics." Sociological Forum 35, no. 1 (December 13, 2019): 241–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/socf.12577.

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BURCH-BROWN, JOANNA M. "Clues for Consequentialists." Utilitas 26, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820813000289.

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In an influential paper, James Lenman argues that consequentialism can provide no basis for ethical guidance, because we are irredeemably ignorant of most of the consequences of our actions. If our ignorance of distant consequences is great, he says, we can have little reason to recommend one action over another on consequentialist grounds. In this article, I show that for reasons to do with statistical theory, the cluelessness objection is too pessimistic. We have good reason to believe that certain patterns of action will tend to have better consequences, and we have good reason to recommend acting in accordance with strategies based on those advantageous patterns. I close by saying something about the strategies that this argument should lead us to favour.

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Lollen, Nyajum. "Emergence of Indian National Congress and Its Role in State Politics of Arunachal Pradesh." Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 3, no. 1 (2018): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.56405/dngcrj.2018.03.01.04.

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he political activities in Arunachal Pradesh are of recent origin as it remains unexposed to outer world for long time. Traditional socio-political institutions of various tribal communities were primarily responsible for managing people’s day-to-day affairs. People of Arunachal (erstwhile NEFA) were ignorant about the party politics and election system for a long time since independence but it doesn’t mean that they have no idea about the Indian National Congress. Before the emergence of modern polity in NEFA, some sections of people have an idea about the INC because of its active participation in Indian struggle for independence. However, the initiation of political party formation in the state started with the visit of Kumarasami Kamraaj, then president, AICC in 1967, at Pasighat where he talked about the necessity of foundation of Congress party in the state. With this backdrop, the paper aims to trace the emergence and growth of Indian National Congress, popularly known as “Congress” in Arunachal Pradesh. The data for the study were gathered through already available literature on state politics in Arunachal Pradesh and through face-to-face interview with some of the eminent political personalities of the state who played vital role in political development of Arunachal Pradesh.

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Davidson, Lawrence. "Islamophobia, the Israel Lobby and American Paranoia: Letter from America." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (May 2011): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0005.

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The phenomenon of Islamophobia has now surfaced as a factor in American politics. While disturbing and damaging of people's lives and reputations, the phenomenon is not unique. It can be seen as but the latest eruption of paranoid political thinking that periodically arises in American history. In turn, seeing the fate of the nation threatened by conspiracies and anti-American elements is made easier and more destructive by high levels of ignorance and insularity among large numbers of Americans. This latest round of paranoid politics, coming now in the form of Islamophobia, was triggered by the attacks of 11 September 2001 and quickly exacerbated by American Zionist groups, both Jewish and Christian, whose dislike of Muslims also has a long history.

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Keohane, Kevin. "Ignorance." Social Policy & Administration 25, no. 1 (March 1991): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.1991.tb00349.x.

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Bishop, Ryan, and John W.P. Phillips. "Ignorance." Theory, Culture & Society 23, no. 2-3 (May 2006): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327640602300232.

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Gul, Faruk, and Wolfgang Pesendorfer. "Partisan politics and election failure with ignorant voters." Journal of Economic Theory 144, no. 1 (January 2009): 146–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jet.2008.04.005.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Ignoranza politica'

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