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Journal articles on the topic 'Ideologen 1825'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 July 2024

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1

Watters, Diane. "Kαλoι κ'αγαθoι (The Beautiful and the Good): Classical School Architecture and Educational Elitism in Early Nineteenth-Century Edinburgh." Architectural History 57 (2014): 277–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00001441.

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Edinburgh's architecturally magnificent and much-admired historic school buildings, often set in opulent grounds, have come to symbolize the city's ongoing dichotomy between ‘normal’ state schools and ‘elite’ private schools. These schools are conspicuously sited in the most culturally prestigious locations in Edinburgh — the New Town, Old Town and Victorian bourgeois suburbs — and their architecture powerfully underpins their ideologies of longevity and tradition. The solidity of the built ‘heritage’ of these schools, however, obscures a story of great educational complexity and change. Many of the historic buildings are no longer used by the present school institutions; some now have alternative uses. Others have changed fundamentally their social and educational status (several, ironically, were originally built by wealthy donors as charitable orphanages for the ‘deserving poor’ and later converted to fee-paying day schools for the middle classes).The complex history of these schools cannot be understood adequately without reference to the early history of their buildings. This article is intended as an initial exploration of these complexities. It focuses on two key Edinburgh case studies: the Edinburgh Academy (‘the Academy’), built to William Burn's design of 1823 and opened in 1824 (Fig. 1); and the Royal High School of Edinburgh (the ‘Royal High’), built to Thomas Hamilton's design of 1825 and opened in 1829 (Fig. 2). It examines the educational origins, brief, architectural design, and early use of these surviving purpose-built schools and, in particular, the associated negotiations and debate of 1822–23 that occurred at a municipal level, which links their controversial pre-histories.

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2

Burnham, Walter Dean, and John Gerring. "Party Ideologies in America, 1828-1996." Journal of American History 87, no. 2 (September 2000): 625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568773.

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3

McSeveney, Samuel T., and John Gerring. "Party Ideologies in America, 1828-1996." Michigan Historical Review 26, no. 1 (2000): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20164911.

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4

Paredes Pando, Oscar. "UNIVERSIDAD, IDEOLOGÍA Y POLÍTICA: CUZCO, 1828-2018." Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas (Cusco), no. 13 (December 31, 2021): 119–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.51343/rfdcp.v4i13.953.

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Durante la existencia de la Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco (UNSAAC), aproximadamente dos siglos estuvo subordinada a las orientaciones filosófico-ideológicas del clericalismo y la escolástica, que dejaban de lado incluso las disposiciones de la república. Desde 1828 el Estado hizo de la universidad una institución pública. El clericalismo empezó a ser desplazado sólo en las últimas décadas del siglo XIX con la introducción del krausismo que impulsaba la “libertad de doctrina”, luego con la formación de los “librepensadores” a cargo de jóvenes cuzqueños formados en Paris, situación que se ahondó con la difusión de los postulados anarquistas. Estas nuevas orientaciones se encumbraron con la primera Reforma Universitaria (1907-1909). Años después, la socialdemocracia y el socialcristianismo, hicieron su presencia y, desde los años sesenta, el marxismo fue más activo, logrando una “politización” generalizada, hasta que la coyuntura internacional adversa condujo a una inercia, aprovechada por el “pragmatismo” como cubierta para la vigente ideología neoliberal.

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5

Shugulbaev, Zh A. "Ideology and the State." Право и государство: теория и практика, no. 12 (2021): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1337_2021_12_210.

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Shugulbaev, Zh A. "Ideology and the State." Право и государство: теория и практика, no. 12 (2021): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1337_2021_12_210.

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7

Shugulbaev, Zh A. "Ideology and the State." Право и государство: теория и практика, no. 12 (2021): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1337_2021_12_210.

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8

Raška, Jakub. "Vzdělanci mezi dělníky. Reflexe sociální otázky v letech 1845–1849 na příkladu vývoje myšlenkového světa a politického osudu dvou knihtiskařů (Stephan Born a Karl Scherzer)." Historia Aperta, no. 47 (December 14, 2023): 31–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/hisape.n47.2.

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Následující studie si klade za cíl postihnout myšlenkový vývoj dvou příslušníků „hledající generace“ intelektuálně a politicky dospívající ve 40. letech 19. století. Sleduje reflexi sociální otázky dvou vyučených knihtiskařů, novinářů a v revoluci i politiků Stephana Borna (1824–1898) a Karla Scherzera (1821–1903). Studie vychází z předpokladu, že se sociální otázka krátce před rokem 1848 stala jedním z ústředních témat středoevropského veřejného prostoru, které do velké míry přispělo ke konkretizaci obsahů formujících se politických ideologií. V dobovém kontextu je sledován náhled na sociální otázku obou aktérů v letech 1845–1849, kdy se tématem intenzivně zabývali. V chronologickém sledu jsou analyzovány jednotlivé etapy jejich života a intelektuálního vývoje ve sledovaném období. V první části je pozornost věnována jejich rodinnému původu a intelektuálním zdrojům, ve druhé části jsou sledovány jejich první pokusy o novinářskou reflexi sociální otázky a ve třetí části jejich názory a osudy v revoluci, kdy oba stanuli na špici organizačních snah dělníků.

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9

Altenberg, Tilmann. "La crisis de la ideología panhispánica en la obra de José María Heredia, "La visión" (1821): una temprana versión desconocida del poema "Las sombras" (1825)." Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica (NRFH) 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/nrfh.v54i1.2313.

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Durante la primera estancia de José María Heredia en México (1819-1821) el ideario político del poeta cubano entra en crisis, dando lugar a una reorientación ideológica, desde una actitud afirmativa ante España hacia una posición abiertamente antiespañola. Este cambio puede notarse por primera vez en una versión desconocida del poema "Las sombras", que se publicó de forma anónima a finales de 1821 en México. La revisión de las manifestaciones textuales de aquella crisis ideológica del poeta en este y otros poemas tempranos sugiere que estamos ante un desplazamiento paulatino, que coincide cronológicamente con una serie de desgracias biográficas concretas.

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10

Nekrasov, I. A. "Внутренняя политика императора Николая I и создание национально-государственной идеологии в 1820–1840-е гг." Вестник гуманитарного образования, no. 1(25) (April 21, 2022): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.063.

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The article examines the process of creating a national-state ideology in the Russian Empire during the reign of Nicholas I. Exactly in this period Russian authorities realized with all seriousness the need to conduct domestic policy on the basis of a stable and stable ideology of the Russian state during this period of Russian history. The predecessors of Nicholas I tried either to erase all past domestic political experience, like Paul I, or were influenced by republican ideas, like Alexander I. In the 1820s. The Russian Empire approached new frontiers in its development, which set the task of resolving a number of internal issues for the Russian tsar and his entourage by creating its own concept of national-state ideology. Under Nicholas I, such important attributes of the state as the anthem "God save the Tsar" appeared, the neo-Russian style in architecture developed, the tsar and his entourage realized for the first time the multinational nature of Russian society. Nicholas I makes an attempt to combine the imperial ideas of the autocracy of the XVIII century with the new realities of the mid – XIX century. At the same time, during the reign of Nicholas I, there was a strengthening of administrative centers of power and strengthening of bureaucratic structures within the state, which, in turn, distanced the monarch from the broad strata of Russian society. During this period, the Russian Empire was able to overcome such a difficult test as the war with the Caucasian highlanders, the main period of which falls during the reign of Nicholas I. The difficulty of creating a national-state ideology was also explained by the fact that Nicholas I, unlike his predecessors, did not consider the Russian nobility as the main pillar of the throne, especially after the events of 1825. В статье рассматривается процесс создания национально-государственной идеологии в Российской империи в период правления Николая I. Именно в этот период русской истории российские власти со всей серьезностью осознали необходимость проведения внутренней политики на основе устойчивой и стабильной идеологии русского государства. Предшественники Николая I старались либо перечеркнуть весь прошлый внутриполитический опыт, как Павел I, либо находились под влиянием республиканских идей, как Александр I. В 1820-е гг. Российская империя подошла в своем развитии к новым рубежам, которые ставили перед русским царем и его окружением задачу разрешения ряда внутренних вопросов с помощью создания собственной концепции национально-государственной идеологии. При Николае I появляются такие важные атрибуты государства, как гимн «Боже, Царя храни», развивается неорусский стиль в архитектуре, царь и его приближенные впервые осознают многонациональный характер российского общества. Николай I делает попытку соединения имперских идей самодержавия XVIII столетия с новыми реалиями середины XIX в. Вместе с тем в период правления Николая I происходит усиление административных очагов власти и укрепление бюрократических структур внутри государства, что, в свою очередь, отдаляло монарха от широких слоев российского общества. Российская империя в этот период смогла преодолеть такое тяжелое испытание, как война с кавказскими горцами, основной период которой приходится на время правления Николая I. Сложность создания национально-государственной идеологии объяснялась еще и тем, что Николай I, в отличие от своих предшественников, не рассматривал русское дворянство как главную опору трона, особенно после событий 1825 г.

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11

Ellis, Richard J. "Party Ideologies in America, 1828-1996. John Gerring." Journal of Politics 61, no. 4 (November 1999): 1182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2647564.

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12

Cattelan, Stefano. "Ideologies of Western Naval Power, c.1500–1815." Mariner's Mirror 109, no. 1 (January 2, 2023): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2022.2124721.

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13

Bloom, Jo Tice, and Andrew R. L. Cayton. "The Frontier Republic: Ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country, 1780-1825." Journal of American History 74, no. 3 (December 1987): 1056. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1902187.

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14

Berlin, Jean V., and Andrew R. L. Cayton. "The Frontier Republic: Ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country, 1780-1825." Journal of the Early Republic 7, no. 1 (1987): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3123440.

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15

Gray, Susan E., and Andrew R. L. Cayton. "The Frontier Republic: Ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country, 1780-1825." Michigan Historical Review 14, no. 1 (1988): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173123.

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16

Rohrbough, Malcolm J., and Andrew R. L. Cayton. "The Frontier Republic: Ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country, 1780-1825." William and Mary Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 1988): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1922348.

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17

Shade, William G., and Andrew R. L. Cayton. "The Frontier Republic: Ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country, 1780-1825." American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (April 1988): 499. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860067.

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18

Volpe, Vernon L., and Andrew R. L. Cayton. "The Frontier Republic: Ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country, 1780-1825." Western Historical Quarterly 18, no. 4 (October 1987): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969393.

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19

Mironov, V. O., and N. V. Zin. "Russian legal ideology of the XVIII century." Аграрное и земельное право, no. 2 (2022): 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1329_2022_2_79.

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20

Mironov, V. O., and N. V. Zin. "Russian legal ideology of the XVIII century." Аграрное и земельное право, no. 2 (2022): 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1329_2022_2_79.

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21

Ivanov, German A., and Aleksandr A. Sautkin. "Language, Subject, Ideology." Santalka 16, no. 1 (March 10, 2008): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/1822-430x.2008.16.1.49-57.

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22

Paes, Tereza. "As cidades coloniais brasileiras – Ideologias espaciais, valores histórico, urbanístico e cultural." GEOgraphia 17, no. 33 (July 16, 2015): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/geographia2015.1733.a13697.

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Não é mais aceitável afirmar que as cidades tenham tido pouca importância no Brasil colonial; muitos sítios históricos remanescentes e uma série de estudos comprovam as particularidades do arranjo espacial, assim como o seu papel destas na articulação da vida colonial em suas dimensões política, social, econômica e ambiental. Passando pelo Brasil colônia, pela permanência da Corte Portuguesa no Rio de Janeiro, de 1808 a 1821, à Independência, em 1822, e durante todo o período do Brasil Imperial até a proclamação da República, em 1889, as cidades ganharam importância, materializaram as formas pensadas pelo reino, e internalizaram ou subverteram as normatizações impostas à vida social. Hoje, a patrimonialização dos sítios coloniais no Brasil estimulou a refuncionalização turística de inúmeras cidades, e incorporou a cultura como uma ideologia espacial nas práticas do planejamento urbano, nas políticas de promoção da imagem e nas estratégias do consumo cultural, tema que ainda carece de uma investigação geográfica mais sistemática. É sobre a constituição desse patrimônio histórico e suas ideologias espaciais, chegando ao período contemporâneo quando os sítios coloniais são valorizados e transformados em territórios turísticos, que este artigo se desenvolve.

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23

Paes, Tereza. "As cidades coloniais brasileiras – Ideologias espaciais, valores histórico, urbanístico e cultural." GEOgraphia 17, no. 33 (July 16, 2015): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/geographia2015.v17i33.a13697.

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Não é mais aceitável afirmar que as cidades tenham tido pouca importância no Brasil colonial; muitos sítios históricos remanescentes e uma série de estudos comprovam as particularidades do arranjo espacial, assim como o seu papel destas na articulação da vida colonial em suas dimensões política, social, econômica e ambiental. Passando pelo Brasil colônia, pela permanência da Corte Portuguesa no Rio de Janeiro, de 1808 a 1821, à Independência, em 1822, e durante todo o período do Brasil Imperial até a proclamação da República, em 1889, as cidades ganharam importância, materializaram as formas pensadas pelo reino, e internalizaram ou subverteram as normatizações impostas à vida social. Hoje, a patrimonialização dos sítios coloniais no Brasil estimulou a refuncionalização turística de inúmeras cidades, e incorporou a cultura como uma ideologia espacial nas práticas do planejamento urbano, nas políticas de promoção da imagem e nas estratégias do consumo cultural, tema que ainda carece de uma investigação geográfica mais sistemática. É sobre a constituição desse patrimônio histórico e suas ideologias espaciais, chegando ao período contemporâneo quando os sítios coloniais são valorizados e transformados em territórios turísticos, que este artigo se desenvolve.

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24

Wilson, Evan. "Book Review: Ideologies of Western Naval Power, c.1500-1815." International Journal of Maritime History 32, no. 4 (November 2020): 1025–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871420977959a.

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25

Duffield, Ian. "Cutting Out and Taking Liberties: Australia's Convict Pirates, 1790–1829." International Review of Social History 58, S21 (September 6, 2013): 197–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000278.

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AbstractThe 104 identified piratical incidents in Australian waters between 1790 and 1829 indicate a neglected but substantial and historically significant resistance practice, not a scattering of unrelated spontaneous bolts by ships of fools. The pirates’ ideologies, cultural baggage, techniques, and motivations are identified, interrogated, and interpreted. So are the connections between convict piracy and bushranging; how piracy affected colonial state power and private interests; and piracy's relationship to “age of revolution” ultra-radicalism elsewhere.

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26

Harlan, Deborah. "BRITISH LANCASTRIAN SCHOOLS OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY KYTHERA." Annual of the British School at Athens 106 (November 2011): 325–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245411000062.

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The island of Kythera (Cerigo) has many well-preserved structures dating from the British protectorate (1815–64): the most striking of these are several stone-built school buildings constructed in 1825–6. Education in these schools was based on a British system, informed by evangelical religious principles that had gained popularity in England in the late eighteenth century, and known as the Lancastrian system after its founder, Joseph Lancaster. Using unpublished archival sources in both Britain and Kythera, this article focuses primarily on the colonial educational system on Cerigo, as embodied in the school buildings. The Cerigo schools are set in the context of socio-political events and ideas in the early nineteenth century: the phenomenon of the Lancastrian school movement, the impact of Protestant missions in the Mediterranean and the colonial initiative of public education in the Ionian Islands. The relationship between the British (officials and missionaries) and the islanders in the establishment and the initial operation of the schools is illustrated by a detailed discussion of teachers, schoolbooks, the number of schools and students, and data regarding the construction of the school buildings. The manifestation of that relationship is shown in the physical form of the British-built school buildings and their placement in the landscape. While the creation of the Cerigo schools may be viewed as a microcosm of British colonial and missionary involvement in the Ionian Islands, it can be demonstrated that subsequent changes in the function of the schools in the Colonial period reflected an increasing alignment with the ideologies of the developing nation-state of Greece.

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27

Gerring, John. "Party Ideology in America: The National Republican Chapter, 1828–1924." Studies in American Political Development 11, no. 1 (1997): 44–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001607.

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Conventional wisdom states that where ideas and values have mattered in American political life they have usually been the product of a single, overarching political culture. The United States, it is argued, has had political conflict but not ideological conflict. Perhaps nowhere is this premise more noticeable than in the study of political parties. According to Du-verger, “[T]he two parties are rival teams, one occupying office, the other seeking to dislodge it. It is a struggle between the ins and the outs, which never becomes fanatical, and creates no deep cleavage in the country.” Everett Carll Ladd writes, “[T]he need to seek support within an overarching ideological consensus, has historically imposed certain characteristics on the major American parties – social group inclusiveness, accommodationism, a ‘non-ideological’ stance vis-a-vis their principal opponents (which, after all, accept the same ideology).”

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28

Reid-Vazquez, Michele. "Caribbean-Atlantic Discourses of Race, Equality, and Humanity in the Age of Revolution." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 6 (May 29, 2019): 507–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719851474.

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As geopolitical warfare intensified in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, free individuals of African heritage increasingly disputed European ideologies that condemned them as naturally inferior and lacking in humanity. With the onset of the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) and the Latin American wars for independence (1810-1825), individuals and groups of African descent circulated their own views. I argue that free Blacks from colonial Saint Domingue, Jamaica, and Cuba employed similar rhetorical strategies across the French, British, and Spanish empires. Their speeches, petitions, and declarations forged distinct Afro-Atlantic counter-discourses that proclaimed their equality and advocated for their human and civil rights.

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29

Mironov, V. O., and N. V. Zin. "Development of Russian legal ideology in the X-XVII centuries." Право и государство: теория и практика, no. 8 (2021): 26–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1337_2021_8_26.

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30

Winlow, Heather. "“Strangers on their own land”: Ideology, Policy, and Rational Landscapes in the United States, 1825–1934." Cartographica: The International Journal for Geographic Information and Geovisualization 48, no. 1 (March 2013): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/carto.48.1.1674.

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31

Nichol, W. "Ideology and the convict system in New South Wales, 1788–1820∗." Historical Studies 22, no. 86 (April 1986): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314618608595733.

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32

Edney, Matthew. "Mathematical cosmography and the social ideology of British cartography, 1780–1820." Imago Mundi 46, no. 1 (January 1994): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085699408592791.

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33

Mironov, V. O., and N. V. Zin. "Legal ideology of Russia in the second half of the XIX century." Аграрное и земельное право, no. 4 (2022): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1329_2022_4_12.

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34

van der Haven, Kornee, and Lotte Jensen. "Inleiding - Geschiedenissen lezen, herlezen en onthouden. Literatuur, geschiedschrijving en ideologie, 1600-1815." Nederlandse Letterkunde 17, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/nedlet2012.2.inle346.

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35

Accampo, Elinor, and Katherine A. Lynch. "Family, Class, and Ideology in Early Industrial France: Social Policy and the Working-Class Family, 1825-1848." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 840. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164373.

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36

Nevlev, Vladislav Vladimirovich, Larisa Vladimirovna Solovyova, Vladislava Igorevna Solovyova, Inna Mikhailovna Nevleva, Anastasia Vladislavovna Nevleva, and Vladimir Kuzmich Nevlev. "Influence of cooperative ideologies on the origin of credit societies in Russia." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 71 (December 25, 2021): 579–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3971.34.

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The aim of the research was to examine the influence of cooperative ideologies on the origin of credit societies in Russia. The emergence of a legal framework for consumer and, later, credit cooperation in Russia came in two ways. The first formal credit union was established in 1831 by Russian military officers banished to Siberia after the December 1825 revolt. Other cooperatives were organized in a Western model by enthusiasts from the wealthy strata. Later, the history of cooperation in consumer credit before the revolution in Russia can be divided into three stages: first, 1831-1860 (before the peasant reform); second, 1861-1904 (after the peasant reform); and third, 1905-1917 (adoption of government regulations on cooperation). To solve the objective set, the authors used the documentary method close to the historical method. It is concluded that analysis of the preconditions of the first cooperative organizations in Russia shows that there were some known forms of primitive cooperation or pre-cooperation over the centuries.

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37

Burrowes, Carl Patrick. "Black Christian Republicanism: A Southern Ideology in Early Liberia, 1822 to 1847." Journal of Negro History 86, no. 1 (January 2001): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1350177.

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Czeglédi, Sándor. "Languages and the U.S. Federal Congress: Attitudes, Policies and Practices between 1789 and 1815." Eger Journal of English Studies 20 (2020): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.33035/egerjes.2020.20.91.

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The present paper examines the link between language and cultural identity by exploring the language-related attitudes, policies and ideologies as reflected in the written records of the U.S. Federal Congress from 1789 until roughly the end of the “Second War of Independence” in 1815. The results are compared and contrasted with the findings of a previous study which examined the founding documents of the United States from a similar perspective. The most salient language policy development of the post-1789 period is the overall shift from the symbolic, general language-related remarks towards the formulation of more substantive and general policies.

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Trochimczyk, Maja. "Patriotyzm w salonie: tradycje śpiewu domowego w rodzinie Marii Szymanowskiej." Studia Chopinowskie, no. 9-10 (March 16, 2023): 4–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.56693/sc.16.

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Tematem niniejszego artykułu jest muzykowanie domowe podczas spotkań w gronie bliskich przyjaciół rodziny Marii Szymanowskiej, u pianistki w Petersburgu (1828–1831) oraz w domu jej córki, Heleny Malewskiej (ca 1832–1838). Pracę zainspirowały dokumentyze zbiorów Biblioteki Polskiej w Paryżu, kolekcji Muzeum Adama Mickiewicza, nr. sygn. 956, 957, 958. Są to rękopiśmienne zeszyty z tekstami pieśni i wierszy patriotycznych, krakowiaków i mazurów, zebranych i spisanych przez Helenę Szymanowską-Malewską oraz jej brata bliźniaka Romualda Szymanowskiego. Modelem dla domowego wykonywania patriotycznych piosenek były niewątpliwie Śpiewy historyczne Juliana Ursyna Niemcewicza, do których Szymanowska skomponowała pięć pieśni, z nich zaś trzy wydano drukiem w 1816 r. Wiedzy o okolicznościach praktykowania tej tradycji w jej salonie dostarcza natomiast Dziennik jej córki, Heleny Szymanowskiej-Malewskiej, powstały w latach 1827–1857 – przed i po ślubie z Franciszkiem Malewskim (1800–1870), przyjacielem Adama Mickiewicza i współzesłańcem, zesłanym do Rosji za działalność w patriotycznym studenckim Towarzystwie Filomatów. Grupowe wykonywanie pieśni narodowych służyło przekazywaniu wiedzy o narodowej historii i ideałach patriotyzmu. Jak dowodzą nowe badania w dziedzinie psychologii muzyki, tego rodzaju śpiew ma też wielorakie pozytywne skutki zdrowotne, psychologiczne i socjalne – wzmacnia zarówno więzi w grupie, jak i indywidualną odporność ciała; prowadzi do pozytywnych zmian emocjonalnych. W omawianym kontekście łączą się zaś trzy istotne aspekty zbiorowego praktykowania muzycznego patriotyzmu: ideologia bezwzględnego samopoświęcenia w walce zbrojnej o wolność ojczyzny, obecna w większości tekstów piosenek z zeszytu o sygn. 956, prowadząca do zniszczenia i zatracenia tkanki biologicznej narodu; postawa kompromisu i ukrycia patriotyzmu w sferze domowej codzienności, umożliwiająca narodowe przetrwanie, oraz potrzeba jednoczenia, wzmacniania więzów społecznych, której sprzyjały humorystyczne przyśpiewki i kuplety.

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Donnelly, James S. "Captain Rock: Ideology and Organization in the Irish Agrarian Rebellion of 1821–24." Éire-Ireland 42, no. 3 (2007): 60–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.2007.0030.

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Mosher, Jeffrey C. "Political Mobilization, Party Ideology, and Lusophobia in Nineteenth-Century Brazil: Pernambuco, 1822-1850." Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 881–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-80-4-881.

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Rudneva, Ekaterina. "Naming People with Disabilities in Contemporary Russian." Antropologicheskij forum 18, no. 52 (2022): 159–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2022-18-52-159-190.

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The study aims to analyse naming people with disabilities in contemporary Russian, depending on context and pragmatics, as well as highlight current ideologies and speakers’ attitudes. The data comprises media and social networks publications, interviews with people with disabilities and their relatives, examples from spontaneous oral speech, and a web corpus. The article analyses linguistic models of forming nominations and changes in discourse, investigates various understandings and uses of the word ‘disabled’ (which remains the most frequent, being inevitable in many contexts), opinions and attitudes of different groups, as well as current ideologies that they take into account, including competing ones (people-first vs identity-first). Principles for choosing labels differ in various discourses. Within smaller social groups, where names play a role of group identity markers, jargon items are often preferred. Public discourse favours the ideology of political correctness and the people-first principle, with the corresponding model and compound nominations consisting of several words. The activist discourse is also characterized by orienting towards the social model of disability and new ideologies (neurodiversity, fighting against ableism, frequently the identity-first principle) and stating clear-cut restrictions. Attitudes of people with different disabilities towards naming vary: some are rather opinionated, while others are indifferent. Modern euphemistic nominations can be perceived negatively because they make disability invisible. In some cases, a label acts as an identity marker or expresses a certain ideology, while in others it is chosen less consciously, but nevertheless can be interpreted using existing ideologies by recipients.

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Melstrom, Tina. "Death and the Body Politic: Burial Reforms and Mourning Practices in Nineteenth-Century Chile." Letras Femeninas 42, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/letrfeme.42.1.0074.

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Abstract In 1821, the Supreme Director of the Chilean Republic (Bernardo O’Higgins) announced a controversial reglamento that established a new national cemetery known as the Cementerio General and attempted to control mourning practices in the new Republic. In addition to responding to growing public health concerns surrounding interments within Church walls and limiting displays of public grief, O’Higgins envisioned using the cemetery as a space from which he could establish a national “Pantheon,” thus serving as a catalyst for regulating the (dead) Chilean body politic in the decades following independence. This paper explores how O’Higgins’s 1821 reglamento, restrained until 1883 by opposition from the Catholic Church, complemented other practices that reinforced patriarchal ideologies privileging elite men in nineteenth-century Latin America. The paper also reveals how the body was a space of transverse oppression that treated the deaths of elite women differently from those of poor or non-Catholic women.

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Gay, Eugenia, Philipp Nielsen, Emanuel Richter, Gregor Feindt, and Ethan L. Menchinger. "Reviews." Contributions to the History of Concepts 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2018.130206.

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To Build a Concept for European History Willibald Steinmetz, Michael Freeden, and Javier Fernández-Sebastián, eds., Conceptual History in the European Space (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2017), 320 pp.Ideals against Practice: A History of Parliamentary Politics in EuropePasi Ihalainen, Cornelia Ilie, and Kari Palonen, eds., Parliament and Parliamentarism: A Comparative History of a European Concept (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2016) xi + 327 pp.The Variety and Complexity of Republican ThinkingMartin Papenheim and Raymonde Monnier, Handbuch politisch-sozialer Grundbegriffe in Frankreich 1680–1820, Heft 21: Politique / République, Républicanisme, Républicain [Handbook of politico-social foundations in France 1680–1820, vol. 21: Politics / Republic, republican, republicanism], ed. Rolf Reichardt, Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink, and Jörn Leonard (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017), 265 pp.Processual Ideology: Vernacular Socialist Discourse in Central and Eastern Europe after StalinPavel Kolář, Der Poststalinismus: Ideologie und Utopie einer Epoche [Poststalinism: Ideology and utopia of an epoch] (Cologne: Böhlau, 2018), 370 pp.Republican Thought in Turkey Centuries of Tradition?Banu Turnaoǧlu, The Formation of Turkish Republicanism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017), 320 pp.

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Gerome, Frank A. "The other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810–1821." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 2 (January 2002): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612750209602044.

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Guarisco, Claudia. "The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810–1821." Hispanic American Historical Review 85, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-85-1-151.

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Maxwell, Kenneth, and Eric Van Young. "The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810-1821." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 3 (2002): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033202.

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Leopold, Joan. "Ernest Renan (1823–1892) From Linguistics and Psychology to Racial Ideology (1840s to 1860s)." Historiographia Linguistica 37, no. 1 (May 1, 2010): 31–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.37.1/2.03leo.

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CHATFIELD, JACK. "Guardians of the Commonwealth: The Ideology of Anti-war Federalism in Connecticut, 1812-1815." Connecticut History Review 52, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44370163.

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Silva, Edjaelson Pedro, and Christiane Teixeira Gomes. "RAZÕES DO ESTADO IMPERIAL PARA A CRIAÇÃO DO CURSO JURÍDICO EM PERNAMBUCO." PARALELLUS Revista de Estudos de Religião - UNICAP 14, no. 35 (January 17, 2024): 721–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/paralellus.2023.v14n35.p721-749.

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This work has as a proposal to discuss the reasons that led the Brazilian ImperialState to create the legal course in Pernambuco, as well as on the aspects thatmade the Law Faculty of Recife, one of the most important centers ofknowledge, modern history and Contemporary art from Brazil. For this, we seekin the structures, policies of the Brazilian Imperial State, the elements for thecreation of the legal course in Pernambuco. Historiographical rescue innewspapers and books, of the evolution of the legal thought of the time, thatwas fomented, in Pernambuco lands, realizing a survey of the proposals ofcreation of the legal courses in Brazil, as well as of the law of 11/08/1827 , Whichcreates legal courses in Brazil. The period of study of this research refers to theyears from 1822 to 1870, although we have to use diachronism to establish atemporal logic for the structure of understanding the facts that marked this newstage of national knowledge. Education in Brazil until the arrival of the royalfamily in 1808 summed up the Jesuit experiences of the Society of Jesus. Withthe advent of Brazil's independence in 1822, ideas about a system of educationof its own began to circulate in Brazil. This system of education, which was onceonly destined for the subjects of the crown, won defenders for its generalization,as a right of every citizen of the new nation. Pernambuco constituted possiblythe main focus of liberalism in the country, which contradicted the absolutismof Dom Pedro I, the ideologies that come every time from Europe and theUnited States, aroused the harsh and rebellious character of one of the mostThe Brazilian state. The choice of the city of São Paulo seems obvious, thealready outstanding port of Santos, the proximity of the crown facilities and thealready incipient infrastructure, the province represented the organization ofpolitics and economic activity, the interests of development of the countryfavored the City. But the choice of Olinda dates back to the year 1800, whenAzeredo Coutinho, bishop of Olinda and acting governor of Pernambuco,founded a modeling seminary. This institute inaugurated in 22/02/1800 wouldhouse in 1827 the then legal faculty. Pernambuco was the main representativeof liberal ideas, had already revolted and persuaded other provinces do thesame. The choice of Pernambuco as the seat of one of the faculties seems upto the moment of this research, as a strategic choice of vigilance ready forpunishment. Dom Pedro I, who had already punished the province ofPernambuco, with detachment from the extensive territory of the District of SanFrancisco, would have the faculty as the eyes of the crown the watch over therebellious province. After the transfer of the faculty of Olinda to Recife, it waspossible to verify a literary production, that would not change the educationalpanorama of the State, would lead to deep discussions about the same. Thissystem of education, which was once only destined for the subjects of thecrown, won not only defenders for its popularization, as it was incorporated,the order of the new studies, among them that of criminal law so stagnant.

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