Journal articles on the topic 'Identity politics – Case studies'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Identity politics – Case studies.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Identity politics – Case studies.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Kizelbach, Urszula. "Eroticism—Politics—Identity: The Case of Richard III." Text Matters, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/texmat-2013-0028.
Full textAbstract:
Richard III’s courtship of Lady Anne in William Shakespeare’s King Richard III is a blend of courtly speech and sexual extravaganza. His sexual energy and power of seduction were invented by Shakespeare to enhance the theatrical effect of this figure and, at the same time, to present Richard as a tragic character. Richard’s eroticism in Act 1 Scene 2 makes him a complicated individual. Playing a seducer is one of the guises he uses to achieve his political aims on the one hand, and, on the other, the pose of a sexually attractive lover enables him to put his masculinity to the test. Throughout the scene Richard is haunted by his deformity that, together with his villainy, makes him a stranger to the world and an enemy to his family and the court. In order to overcome his self-image of a disproportional cripple he manifests his sexuality towards Anne to boost his self-esteem and to confirm that the lady will accept him despite his obvious physical shortcomings. This article uses Georges Bataille’s theory of eroticism and erotic desire to characterize Richard as a tragic individual and to explain the reasons behind his unexpected sexual behaviour in the seduction scene.
2
Lye, Colleen. "Identity Politics, Criticism, and Self-Criticism." South Atlantic Quarterly 119, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 701–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8663603.
Full textAbstract:
If one of French Maoism’s main contributions to the sixties’ cultural turn was a theory of the relative autonomy of ideology, one of US Maoism’s main contributions was identity politics. A product of the application of Mao’s theory of contradiction to US circumstances, identity politics also represented a reinvention of ideology critique by US Third World and Black feminist movements, though in this case directed to practical ends.
3
Ukhra, Aunil, Yana Syafriyana Hijri, and Ifan Taufikurrohman. "Isu Politik Identitas dan Dinasti Politik dalam Kampanye Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2020." Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um019v6i2p350-361.
Full textAbstract:
This study was intended to explain the phenomenon of identity politics and political dynasties in the holding of simultaneous elections in 2020. The focus of this study was looking at the issue of identity politics and political dynasties in several regions, including Solo, Medan, South Tangerang, and Central Kalimantan, which were case studies of identity politics and political dynasties issue in the 2020 elections. This research used a type of qualitative research with a descriptive approach. Data was obtained through literature studies by looking at previous research based on the same topic and news in the mass media about the issue of identity politics and political dynasties. The study found that identity politics and political dynasties still occurred in some regions, i.e., in Solo, Medan, South Tangerang, and Central Kalimantan. In addition, hate speech, black campaigns, and hoax issues had sprung up with different models through social media and billboards.
4
Kebadze, Nino. "FRANCOIST POLITICS OF FEMALE IDENTITY: THE CURIOUS CASE OF LIDA VERONA." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 11, no. 2 (June 2010): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2010.512753.
Full text
5
Klem, Bart. "Islam, Politics and Violence in Eastern Sri Lanka." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 3 (August 2011): 730–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191181100088x.
Full textAbstract:
This article bridges Sri Lankan studies and the academic debate on the relation between contemporary Islam and politics. It constitutes a case study of the Muslim community in Akkaraipattu on Sri Lanka's war-ridden east coast. Over two decades of ethnically colored conflict have made Muslim identity of paramount importance, but the meanings attached to that identity vary substantively. Politicians, mosque leaders, Sufis and Tablighis define the ethnic, religious and political dimensions of “Muslimness” differently and this leads to intra-Muslim contradictions. The case study thus helps resolve the puzzle of Sri Lankan Muslims: they are surrounded by hostility, but they continue to be internally divided. Akkaraipattu's Muslims jockey between principled politics, pragmatic politics and anti-politics, because they have to navigate different trajectories. This article thus corroborates recent studies on Islam elsewhere that argue for contextualized and nuanced approaches to the variegated interface between Islam and politics.
6
Merino, Asunci—n. "Politics of Identity and Identity Policies in Europe: The Case of Peruvian Immigrants in Spain." Identities 11, no. 2 (April 2004): 241–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10702890490451983.
Full text
7
Lim, Elisha. "Personal Identity Economics: Facebook and the Distortion of Identity Politics." Social Media + Society 7, no. 2 (April 2021): 205630512110174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211017492.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines Facebook’s role in the treatment of marginalized identity as currency. Recent examples of solidarity statements and corporate social responsibility rhetoric treat disenfranchised racial and gender identities as value-added competitive market quantities to boost brands. This trend also incentivizes marginalized actors to capitalize on their own disenfranchisement in pursuit of visibility and career advancement. The resulting identity politicking replaces communal care, grassroots social ties, solidarity, and interdependence with isolating market competition. This article diverges from scholars who trouble the differential value of identity—by troubling the valuation of identity itself. Facebook normalizes identity as private property in what I call a transition from identity politics to “personal identity economics.” I coin this concept and break it down into the following four factors: (1) The optimization of difference beginning in the 1970s, (2) Facebook’s algorithmic invasion of market logic into intimate aspects of life starting in the mid 2000s, (3) Ads Manager’s economization of identity into legible economic units, and (4) neoliberal corporate social responsibility rhetoric of “social good” as a profitable asset.
8
Vorster, Nico. "Human Identity, Political Recognition and Social Symbiosis: A Public Theological Perspective." International Journal of Public Theology 12, no. 2 (July 19, 2018): 260–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341538.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Muslim radicalization has forced western states to rethink policies on integrating minority communities into their societies. As a result, some European countries are in the process of replacing the traditional multiculturalist state paradigms with a civic integration model. This article warns against integration policies that: i) create parallel societies; ii). impose the identity of the majority group on minority groups; iii). or impose a difference-blind universal identity on all its citizens. Drawing on the Christian-informed political philosophies of John Althusius and Charles Taylor, the case is made for an inclusionary political mindset that addresses the challenges of globalization and pluralization. The approach proposed is termed symbiotic politics and is based on a common respect for political values such as human dignity, equality and freedom that are essential for human coexistence, a shared commitment to non-aggression and mutual aid, and the political recognition of collective identities.
9
Lensink, Jip. "Contextual Theology as Heritage Formation: Moluccan Culture, Christianity, and Identity." Exchange 50, no. 3-4 (December 14, 2021): 238–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341601.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article uses the case of Moluccan Protestantism to argue that contextual theology is not merely a postcolonial theological movement, but in some cases also can be understood as part of a larger post-independence political nation-building project of heritage formation. I show how in two key political periods the interests of the Moluccan Protestant church (GPM) and the Indonesian government coalesced. The word ‘heritage’ is central to the Moluccan contextual discourse, and the development of contextual theology resembles practices of heritage formation, being a controlled political process of careful selection of cultural forms, aimed at a sense of ‘authentic’ local identity. The development of a Moluccan contextual theology partakes in the socio-political effort of preservation of Moluccan cultural heritage. At the same time, and paradoxically, the heritage frame in which Moluccan contextual theology is embedded, also hinders the theological goal of contextualization. This article is based on anthropological research into Moluccan theology. Its innovative contribution and relevance lies in the interdisciplinary postcolonial perspective, that understands Moluccan contextual theology as both a theological exercise of inculturation and as a religious expression of Indonesia’s heritage politics.
10
Wirman, Hardi Putra, Nunu Burhanuddin, and Maiza Elvira. "Chinese Muslim at Political Crossroad: The Case Study of the Jakarta Regional Head Election 2017." Islam Realitas: Journal of Islamic and Social Studies 8, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/islam_realitas.v8i2.5988.
Full textAbstract:
As ethnic minorities who adhere to the majority belief (Islam), ethnic Chinese Muslims in Jakarta are faced with a complex identity crisis, especially in the area of political participation. In the 2017 Jakarta regional elections (Pilkada), ethnic Chinese Muslims were faced with a political situation, whether to choose leaders from ethnic Chinese or leaders from the Muslim community. This situation puts them in a dilemma. However, ethnic Chinese Muslims have survived the complicated politics of ethnicity, even though regional election politics has caused a crisis of identity politics in Jakarta. Based on the research results, Chinese Muslims in Jakarta were able to survive despite the difficulties caused by their identity. This research is important because there are not many studies that specifically discuss the survival strategies of Chinese Muslims in Jakarta. This research is a socio-political research. To collect data, the methodology used is in-depth interviews with several informants. The results of the interviews and data are then processed using a qualitative and analytic approach. This is done in order to show how the Chinese Muslim ethnic group have survived the complicated political situation in Jakarta
11
Illner, Peer. "Who’s Calling the Emergency? The Black Panthers, Securitisation and the Question of Identity." Culture Unbound 7, no. 3 (October 28, 2015): 479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.1572479.
Full textAbstract:
This article intervenes in a debate in cultural disaster studies that interprets disasters as objects, whose study opens up an understanding of societies’ fears, anxieties and vulnerabilities. Widening the scope of disaster studies, it proposes to view disaster not as an object but as an optics, a matrix that frames elements of social life as an emergency. Presenting the case of the American Black Panther Party for Self-Defense through a framework of security studies, the article explores the Black Panthers’ politics as a process of societal securitisation that allowed African Americans to mobilise politically by proclaiming an emergency. It traces a political trajectory that ranged from an early endorsement of revolutionary violence to the promotion of community services and casts this journey as a negotiation of the question of identity and ontological security in times of crisis. Drawing on Black studies and on stigma theory, it suggests finally, that the Panthers’ abandonment of violence represented a shift from identity-politics to an engagement with structural positionality.
12
Neofotistos, Vasiliki P. "Postsocialism, Social Value, and Identity Politics among Albanians in Macedonia." Slavic Review 69, no. 4 (2010): 882–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003767790000989x.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, Vasiliki P. Neofotistos analyzes the reappropriation of the term Šiptar, a derogatory Macedonian term for Albanians, by male members of the Albanian community in the Republic of Macedonia. Neofotistos shows how the reappropriation of the ethnic slur reflects constellations of social value, that is to say, larger systems of meaning and action concerning who and what is valued in life, that have emerged with Macedonian independence. Albanian men tap into familiar divisions found in the larger Macedonian society and create meaningful forms of collectivity as they deal with rapid social, economic, and political change in the context of Macedonia's postsocialist transformation of social practices and ideals. This case study of Macedonia sheds light on the dynamics of social relations within socially marginalized groups.
13
Yeros, Stathis G., and Leonardo Chiesi. "Trans Territorialization: Building Empowerment beyond Identity Politics." Social Sciences 11, no. 10 (September 21, 2022): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11100429.
Full textAbstract:
Transgender/gender non-conforming (TGNC) people and especially people of color face homelessness and housing precarity in the United States at much higher rates than other LGBTQ+ people. In response, during the past decade, TGNC-centered organizations have spearheaded new forms of housing activism, such as cooperatives and Community Land Trusts, building spaces with distinct spatial and aesthetic characteristics. This paper situates those spaces within histories of LGBTQ+ placemaking. It advances the notion of trans territorialization through the analysis of a case study, My Sistah’s House, an organization led by TGNC people of color in Memphis, Tennessee. We analyze trans territorialization as an activist form of spatial appropriation distinct from the better-studied gayborhood model. We assess its generalizable characteristics at three distinct but interrelated scales: dwelling units, community, and cultural embodiment.
14
Montoya, Manuel, and Lucio Lanucara. "The Politics of Identity and Regional Integration – Updating Global Perspectives." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 230–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2021-0012.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Regional integration (RI) is an essential part of the discourse on the global economy, viewed often as a “stumbling block” or “building block.” However, little research exists that connects RI in the context of a politics of identity (PoI), which can be used to describe the evolving tensions between national sentiment and regional economic cooperation. This paper performs a Web of Science and Google Scholar review of 136 articles to determine how RI is discussed in the context of PoI. Our review demonstrated that the conceptual frameworks normally used to think about PoI are underexpressed in the context of RI. We discuss why this is the case and identify themes to illustrate the connection. We then suggest conceptual frameworks to enhance the discussion of PoI as it relates to RI, particularly as it relates to the teaching of RI across learning groups.
15
Amoamo, Maria. "Empire and Erasure: A Case Study of Pitcairn Island." Island Studies Journal 8, no. 2 (2013): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.284.
Full textAbstract:
Over the past few decades the Pacific region has undergone many changes through decolonization and postcolonial adjustment. Political change in new and existing Pacific nations is marked by efforts to reclaim identities, histories and futures. The smallest Pacific community with a separate identity is Pitcairn Island, the last British “colony” in the Pacific. Using critical ethnography this case study of Pitcairn examines the notion of erasure in relation to the history and politics of colonization and decolonization. Erasure is inextricably tied to the issue of power; the imbalance of power and the scrutiny of processes of social negotiation between centre and periphery. This paper argues that erasure has not been sufficiently well theorized in either island studies or postcolonial studies. As a subnational island jurisdiction the issue for Pitcairn is how to reclaim identity, maintain autonomy without sovereignty, and create a sustainable future for its small island community.
16
Sáez-Mateu, Ferran. "Democracy, Screens, Identity, and Social Networks: The Case of Donald Trump’s Election." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 3 (May 3, 2017): 320–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217708585.
Full textAbstract:
The unexpected election of Donald Trump as the new U.S. president is situated in a complex and unprecedented intersection of ideas regarding democracy, identity, and social networks, all against the background of the omnipresent and cultural centrality of the digital screen. In this article, we will try to analyze these links through the concept of the paraphragmatic screen, an unusual term from the Greek that is found in Plato’s famous myth of the cave. Our thesis is that the paraphragmatic screen that hosts social networks is not merely interactive. It is also a porous surface that no longer serves only to communicate in the traditional sense but also for senders and receivers to negotiate what is and is not real or true. Using it changes the rules of the game for political communication and even for politics itself while it also generates new types of negotiable identities, as much at the individual level as at the collective.
17
Alhourani, Ala Rabiha. "Aesthetics of Muslim-ness: Art and the Formation of Muslim Identity Politics." Journal of Religion in Africa 48, no. 3 (December 5, 2018): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340142.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe paper explores two opposing yet simultaneous forces of aesthetics as transformative and constitutive force of Muslim identity politics, religiosity and cultural style in Cape Town The ethnography focuses on Muslim artists in Cape Town, namely Thania Petersen and twin brothers Hasan and Husain Essop, whose artworks embody a ‘social drama’ of a lived experience of Muslims’ ongoing individual and collective active engagement with and appropriation of the plurality of competing discourses that are religious and secular, local and global. The discussion unpacks the ways in which the artworks of Petersen and the Essop brothers serve as a transformative force and as a politic of authenticity to Muslim identity, religiosity, and cultural style. The paper offers an appreciative but critical reading of Talal Asad’s idea of an anthropology of Islam. Taking into consideration the incommensurable diversity and internal contradiction that could be conceived as Islamic discursive traditions, this paper argues that the aesthetics of Muslimness is what inspires coherence within and across diverse, contradictory Islamic traditions.
18
Downing, Lisa. "The body politic: Gender, the right wing and ‘identity category violations’." French Cultural Studies 29, no. 4 (October 28, 2018): 367–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155818791075.
Full textAbstract:
The post-Brexit, post-Trump climate in the EU has seen a series of challenges from the right wing of politics to the liberal consensus of recent years (e.g. the rise of Gert Wilders in the Netherlands and the increased support for Alternativ für Deutschland in the 2017 German election). This article examines the gendering and embodiment of the new far right in France and the UK. It offers a comparative focus on two recent political challengers from the right who are female: Marine Le Pen (born 1968), the leader of the Front national in France since 2011, and Anne Marie Waters (born 1977), the Islam-critical candidate who was runner-up for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) leadership in the UK in 2017, and who has since started her own political party, For Britain. The article focuses on media coverage of, and self-representation by, these two figures. It argues that the discourse of the ‘right’ and ‘left’ wings has, historically, been gendered on the basis of assumptions that women are naturally more inclined towards consensus-building, collectivity and compassion (and therefore left-wing politics), by dint of their biological function as child-bearers and traditional gender role as care-givers. Right-leaning women have been treated as anomalies, by both feminist political analysts and the mainstream media. Feminist concerns over the very existence of right-wing women is suggested by books such as second-wave feminist Andrea Dworkin’s Right-Wing Women (1983), the more recent edited collection by Paola Bacchetta and Margaret Power, also called Right-Wing Women (2013) and, in the French context, Claudie Lesselier and Fiametta Venner’s L’Extrême Droite et les femmes (1997). Le Pen and Waters appear as doubly aberrant, doubly exceptional figures – firstly as (far-)right-wing women and secondly as (far-)right-wing female leaders. The article considers the stakes of our categorical understandings of (gendered and political) identity more broadly. Specifically, by introducing the original critical concept of ‘identity category violation’, it analyses the ways in which the recent trend for identity politics on the left in the West, often under the banner of ‘intersectionality’, leads to over-simplified understandings of how categories of gendered, sexual, class and race-based identities are assumed to determine political affiliation.
19
Newton, Richard. "The Spooky Politics of Dark Truths." Religion & Theology 25, no. 3-4 (December 3, 2018): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-02503007.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract As social theory garners cache in departments of Religious Studies, scholars find themselves unclear about how to address the notion of truth. This paper approaches truth as an opportunity to explain the role of truth-claims in erecting and razing social boundaries. It begins by reframing or “signifying on” Alan Race’s typology of exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism in order to register social formations rather than soteriological criteria. Then it reviews moments in African American cultural history in order to explain the ways people mediate identity politics though truth-claims. Readers will visit three, race-centered debates over memorials on college campuses in the United States of America as case studies for demonstrating this perspectival shift. In so doing, the paper presents an alternative model for the kind of analytical social commentary Religious Studies scholars may provide their publics.
20
Popadeva, T. I. "The Politics of Language in Constructing Civil Identity: Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 4 (September 9, 2021): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-4-79-91-106.
Full textAbstract:
Civil identity is one of the most significant factors in modern political practice. Today’s identity formation and development of large national groups is less based on a cultural and historical foundation and increasingly depends on political technologies. Among them, the construction of new languages plays an important role. The article studies the Bosnian language policy, which, contrary to forming a common civil identity, as a result of the politicization of linguistic norms becomes a factor in creating a “forge of hatred”. Drawing on constructivist social theories, the author summarizes Bosnian linguistic practices and examines them through the prism of symbolic interactionism and negative feedback systems. Particular attention is paid to situations when the desire for effective communication motivates speakers to abandon ethnically colored linguistic markers and situations in which the language acts as a defense against the internal “other.” Applying the criteria for distinguishing between language and dialects, the author concludes that the phonetic principle of the Serbo-Croatian language formation made it possible, after the destruction of Yugoslavia, to turn this linguistic continuum into an identification weapon to delimit the citizens of one country. This experience helps analyze the politicization of literary interpretations and linguistic norms in other regions of the world, where there are also examples of the growth of xenophobia, nationalism, and intolerance resulting from a differentiating language policy.
21
Marbun, Kevin Nathanael, and Jonah Silas. "Modalities and Identity Politics of The Marbun Clan In Humbang Hasundutan Regency." International Journal of Social Sciences Review 3, no. 1 (September 17, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.57266/ijssr.v3i1.90.
Full textAbstract:
In the Humbang Hasundutan Regency Local Leaders Election, the identity of the Marbun clan was used as a tool of political struggle to win candidates. The considerations underlying this research are the experience of the Marbun clan who lost in the previous two elections and the impact felt by the defeat, specifically: an uneven development focus and officials from the Marbun clan who rarely occupy positions in the government. Identity politics can be understood as a tool of political struggle of an ethnicity in an effort to achieve a goal. Identity politics is used as a tool based on two aspects, there are: based on similarity of identity and based on similarity of interests. The author uses qualitative methods with case studies. Data collection is obtained from the results of collecting primary data and also secondary data. Primary Data is obtained from the results of recorded and collected interviews. All the data obtained are analyzed qualitatively so that what is contained behind a reality can be revealed. The result of this study is that the clan plays a role in a person's political life so that the identity politics of the Marbun clan is used as a tool of political struggle from candidates in the main way to gain support through an approach to the Marbun clan group, called PTMI (Parsadaan Toga Marbun Indonesia) Humbang Hasundutan Regency and Mabun clan figures because of the community's obedience to these figures and the nature of loving and helping each other among the siblings of the three clans on Toga Marbun, they are: Lumban Batu, Banjarnahor, and Lumban Gaol.
22
D'Cruz, Glenn. "‘Class’ and Political Theatre: the Case of Melbourne Workers Theatre." New Theatre Quarterly 21, no. 3 (July 18, 2005): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x05000114.
Full textAbstract:
Traditionally, class has been an important category of identity in discussions of political theatre. However, in recent years the concept has fallen out of favour, partly because of changes in the forces and relations of capitalist production. The conventional Marxist use of the term, which defined an individual's class position in relation to the position they occupied in the capitalist production process, seemed anachronistic in an era of globalization. Moreover, the rise of identity politics, queer theory, feminism, and post-colonialism have proffered alternative categories of identity that have displaced class as the primary marker of self. Glenn D'Cruz reconsiders the role of class in the cultural life of Australia by examining the recent work of Melbourne Workers Theatre, a theatre company devoted to promoting class-consciousness, in relation to John Frow's more recent re-conceptualization of class. He looks specifically at two of the company's plays, the award-winning Who's Afraid of the Working Class? and The Waiting Room, with reference to Frow's work on class, arguing that these productions articulate a more complex and sophisticated understanding of class and its relation to politics of race and gender today. Glenn D'Cruz teaches drama and cultural studies at Deakin University, Australia.
23
TURNER, OLIVER. "‘Threatening’ China and US security: the international politics of identity." Review of International Studies 39, no. 4 (February 8, 2013): 903–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000599.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractChina's increasing capabilities are a central focus of modern day US security concerns. The International Relations literature is a key forum for analyses of the so-called ‘China threat’ and yet it remains relatively quiet on the role of ideas in the construction and perpetuation of the dangers that country is understood to present. This article reveals that throughout history ‘threats’ from China towards the United States, rather than objectively verifiable phenomena, have always been social constructions of American design and thus more than calculations of material forces. Specifically, it argues that powerful and pervasive American representations of China have been repeatedly and purposefully responsible for creating a threatening identity. It also demonstrates that these representations have enabled and justified US China policies which themselves have reaffirmed the identities of both China and the United States, protecting the latter when seemingly threatened by the former. Three case studies from across the full duration of Sino-American relations expose the centrality of ideas to historical and contemporary understandings of China ‘threats’, and to the American foreign policies formulated in response.
24
Solomon, Joshua Lee. "Remnants of Manshūkoku (Manchukuo): Imamura Eiji, Korean Identity under Japanese Imperialism, and Postcolonial Asian Studies." International Journal of Korean History 27, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 11–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2022.27.1.11.
Full textAbstract:
This paper takes Imamura Eiji (1911–?) as a case study in developing a theory of minor literary style and pedagogical poetics in Japaneselanguage Manshū literature. At the same time, it grapples with reading Japanese-language Manshū literature with postcolonial reflexivity. Imamura Eiji was an ethnic Korean who was an active participant in the Japanese language literary community of Japan-occupied Manchuria. While he is best known for his short story “Travel Companions,” this paper contends that his work and position within the Manchukuoan state can be better understood through the juxtaposition of multiple of his diverse works, including another short story entitled “New Womb.” Borrowing from Elleke Boehmer’s “postcolonial poetics,” I approach these texts from the perspective of not merely what politics they attempt, but also how they do so aesthetically and technologically. I conclude that Imamura produced a form of minor style observable in other contemporary literary production as well. While previous work on Imamura has laser focused on decoding his ethnic politics, I argue that we must aim for a more careful and critical reading by remaining aware of the contemporary politics of the academic field and relationality between scholar and text.
25
ERGUN, AYÇA. "Politics of Romanisation in Azerbaijan (1921–1992)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 20, no. 1 (November 30, 2009): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309990290.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWriting systems are used as, and considered to be, important tools and symbols of political discourses of their time. This article presents a historical overview of the alphabet changes in Azerbaijan and shows how the alphabets were associated with the discourses of modernisation, nationalism and national identity construction. In the early twentieth century, the discussion on the need to shift from the Arabic alphabet to the Roman was actually an extension of the wider debate on national identity and language coupled with the will to modernise and progress. In 1940, the Soviet regime imposed the shift from the Roman alphabet to the Cyrillic in a top-down manner. This change was neither negotiated nor discussed among the intellectuals and there was almost no room for the expression of critical views. With the introduction of glasnost and perestroika in the late 1980s, intellectuals started to question to what extent the Cyrillic alphabet and the Russian language could represent the Azerbaijani language, civilisation, and national identity. In 1991, Azerbaijan adopted the Roman alphabet. The case of Azerbaijan shows that alphabet changes are symbolic acts to deny and/or reject the previous political and cultural heritage and its legitimacy and tools for undermining its prominence in the new processes of transformation and change.
26
Pype, Katrien. "Sounding the Cape: Music, identity and politics in South Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 49, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 545–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2015.1071087.
Full text
27
Wang, Ya Ko, Glyn Jones, and Mihaela Cristina Ionescu. "The history and future of identity politics and popular culture in East Asia1,2." East Asian Journal of Popular Culture 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/eapc_00054_7.
Full textAbstract:
This research note is the abridged version of the keynote speech delivered at the Second Conference of the East Asian Popular Culture Association (EAPCA II), on 4 December 2020 at the National Taiwan Normal University (NTNU) workshop for the twentieth anniversary of the International Taiwan Studies Center, College of Liberal Arts, NTNU, Taipei, and its audio-recorded version with live discussion took place online on 11–12 January 2021, at Kyushu University, Fukuoka, Japan. The oral keynote speech covered five parts. The first part sketches the geographical and conceptual idea of East Asia, with inclusion of a dichotomous self-concept based on gender identification. The second part covers a brief description on the history of the region, paying attention to the comparison between China’s and Japan’s development paths. This is followed by five selected case studies on Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Hong Kong and Taiwan that single out some of the specificities of their popular culture products. The fourth section contextualizes these specificities against the background of five characteristics of the region’s popular culture and identity politics. The concluding remarks reiterate the main points.
28
Kanna, Ahmed. "Making Cadres of the “City—Corporation”: Cultural and Identity Politics in Neoliberal Dubai." Review of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (2009): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100000665.
Full textAbstract:
The contributions by Bishara, Deeb and Harb, Silverstein, and Winegar explore the ways non-state actors confront nationalist state projects. If these projects are not always foregrounded, the modernist nationalist state is nevertheless always in the background in each case, inviting an examination and critique of the “political commodifications of culture.” Here, I take a different approach to the culture concept in struggles between modernizing states and their subjects. Particularly suggestive in Winegar’s piece on Egypt and Deeb and Harb’s on Lebanon is the ethico-cultural dimension ofthaqafa, its injunction to the would-bemuthaqqafto self-regulate, to refine the sensibilities, and so on. As the authors point out, there is an arguably Eurocentric and statist bias whenthaqafais deployed in this way. Part of this aspect ofthaqafais an implicit condescension toward “folk” (i.e., non-state) traditions, which are represented as retrogressive.
29
Dressel, Björn, Raul Sanchez-Urribarri, and Alexander Stroh. "Courts and informal networks: Towards a relational perspective on judicial politics outside Western democracies." International Political Science Review 39, no. 5 (November 2018): 573–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118807065.
Full textAbstract:
This special issue proposes a relational approach to the study of judicial politics outside of Western democracies. The articles illuminate how common political interests, ideas, social identity, family and professional ties and even patron–client obligations between judges and other actors shape a variety of phenomena of interest to the study of judicial institutions, in terms of how the judiciary is organised and administered, how judges are appointed and make decisions, and the prospects for judicial reform. Collectively, the articles explore the informal dimension of judicial politics in a systematic fashion, through rich empirical case studies in very different contexts. Thus, they help structure a new comparative agenda for research on informal judicial politics outside of the West.
30
Wilson, Nicole J., Leila M. Harris, Joanne Nelson, and Sameer H. Shah. "Re-Theorizing Politics in Water Governance." Water 11, no. 7 (July 16, 2019): 1470. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11071470.
Full textAbstract:
This Special Issue on water governance features a series of articles that highlight recent and emerging concepts, approaches, and case studies to re-center and re-theorize “the political” in relation to decision-making, use, and management—collectively, the governance of water. Key themes that emerged from the contributions include the politics of water infrastructure and insecurity; participatory politics and multi-scalar governance dynamics; politics related to emergent technologies of water (bottled or packaged water, and water desalination); and Indigenous water governance. Further reflected is a focus on diverse ontologies, epistemologies, meanings and values of water, related contestations concerning its use, and water’s importance for livelihoods, identity, and place-making. Taken together, the articles in this Special Issue challenge the ways that water governance remains too often depoliticized and evacuated of political content or meaning. By re-centering the political, and by developing analytics that enable and support this endeavor, the contributions throughout highlight the varied, contested, and important ways that water governance needs to be recalibrated and enlivened with keen attention to politics—broadly understood.
31
Yin, Xiaoqing, and Jørgen Delman. "Individualisation and Politics in China: The Political Identity and Agency of Private Business People." European Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (2008): 39–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805808x333910.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe article considers the dynamics in the nexus between the Chinese party-state and private entrepreneurs. It develops in response to both globalization and market reforms which promote accelerated individualisation and disembedding of citizens anchored in the new capitalist economy, such as private business people. It is argued that informal political agency is part of the political dynamics of the nexus and that it develops through critical tension between private business people and the autocratic party-state. This is illustrated through the case of Sun Dawu, a Hebei businessman turned political activist. Referring to both Bech and Bech-Gersheim's and Baumann's discussions about the effects of the twin processes of globalisation and individualisation, one of the main conclusions is that Sun Dawu has engaged in 'self-politics' through creating a sub-political or 'peg' community where he and others can exert informal political agency. The construction of such a community is an example of how assertive private business people may exploit the dynamics of the state-private business nexus through critical tension.
32
Barton, Greg, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Nicholas Morieson. "Religious and Pro-Violence Populism in Indonesia: The Rise and Fall of a Far-Right Islamist Civilisationist Movement." Religions 12, no. 6 (May 29, 2021): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060397.
Full textAbstract:
The first quarter of the twenty-first century has witnessed the rise of populism around the world. While it is widespread it manifests in its own unique ways in each society, nation, and region. Religious populism, once rarely discussed, has come to take a more prominent role in the politics of a diverse range of societies and countries, as religious discourse is increasingly used by mainstream and peripheral populist actors alike. This paper examines the rise of religious populism in Indonesia through a study of the widely talked about, but little understood, Islamic Defenders Front (FPI—Front Pembela Islam). The case study method used to examine the FPI provides a unique insight into a liminal organization which, through populist and pro-violence Islamist discourse and political lobbying, has had an outsized impact on Indonesian politics. In this paper, we identify the FPI as an Islamist civilizationist populist group and show how the group frames Indonesian domestic political events within a larger cosmic battle between faithful and righteous Muslims and the forces that stand against Islam, whether they be “unfaithful Muslims” or non-Muslims. We also show how the case of the FPI demonstrates the manner in which smaller, liminal, political actors can instrumentalise religion and leverage religious rhetoric to reshape political discourse, and in doing so, drive demand for religious populism. The paper makes two arguments: First, the FPI is an example of a civilizationist populist movement which instrumentalises religion in order to create demand for its populist solutions. Second, that as Islamic groups and organisations in Indonesia increasingly rely on religio-civilizational concepts of national identity, they become more transnational in outlook, rhetoric, and organisation and more closely aligned with religious developments in the Middle East.
33
Inwood, Heather. "Towards Sinophone Game Studies." British Journal of Chinese Studies 12, no. 2 (August 6, 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51661/bjocs.v12i2.219.
Full textAbstract:
The editor’s introduction discusses progress so far and possible future directions in the emerging field of Sinophone game studies, taken to mean the study of games – in this case, specifically video, computer, digital, or electronic games – in a Sinophone context, including mainland China and the broader Chinese-speaking world. Recent industry figures and news stories related to video gaming in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) paint a picture of continued expansion and growing global ambitions, albeit tempered by the regular introduction of fresh government regulations surrounding game content, gaming permissions for under-18s, game streaming, and game license approval. The eleven contributions to this issue, however, reflect the diversity of possible approaches to the study of Sinophone gaming, focusing not just on the often-conflicting politics and economics of the PRC games industry, but also exploring Taiwan’s flourishing indie game scene, political uses of games in Hong Kong, game-based representations of online and offline realities, issues in the transnational adaptation and localisation of games, and more besides. Sinophone game studies is a highly fruitful area of academic research that is intrinsically inter- and cross-disciplinary in nature and well placed to respond to some of the most pressing issues of our time, whether they be international conflict, ecological crisis, identity politics, minority rights, or even the development of disparate virtual worlds into a cross-platform ‘metaverse’ in which many of us may one day live our lives.
34
Smyth, Lisa. "Narratives of Irishness and the Problem of Abortion: The X Case 1992." Feminist Review 60, no. 1 (September 1998): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177898339398.
Full textAbstract:
This paper considers the ways in which discourses of abortion and discourses of national identity were constructed and reproduced through the events of the X case in the Republic of Ireland in 1992. This case involved a state injunction against a 14-year-old rape victim and her parents, to prevent them from obtaining an abortion in Britain. By examining the controversy the case gave rise to in the national press, I will argue that the terms of abortion politics in Ireland shifted from arguments based on rights to arguments centred on national identity, through the questions the X case raised about women's citizenship status, and women's position in relation to the nation and the state. Discourses of national identity and discourses of abortion shifted away from entrenched traditional positions, towards more liberal articulations.
35
Jacobson, Robin Dale. "The Politics of Belonging." American Politics Research 39, no. 6 (June 28, 2011): 993–1018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x11411648.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores how interest groups decide policy positions through case studies of three organizations’ shifting stances on the issue of immigration. In all three cases, the AFL-CIO, the Sierra Club, and the Christian Coalition, issue positions are signaling mechanisms central to the construction of an organizational identity. Leadership considers the message the stance on a policy issue sends to potential constituents and allies. Organizational agendas are one tool used by leaders to craft new narratives about what the group stands for, who the group represents, and who belongs. Key determinants of leaderships’ calculation over redrawing the boundaries of inclusion and representation and what signal an issue stance will convey includes organizational strength and a reading of a shifting political terrain. An evolutionary metaphor, instead of a rational actor model, is better suited to understand this critical component of interest group behavior, agenda setting.
36
Kamitsuka, Margaret D. "Feminist Scholarship and Its Relevance for Political Engagement: The Test Case of Abortion in the US." Religion and Gender 1, no. 1 (February 19, 2011): 18–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-00101002.
Full textAbstract:
This essay explores how gender studies in academe, including in religious studies, might remain relevant to ongoing feminist political engagement. I explore some specific dynamics of this challenge, using as my test case the issue of abortion in the US. After discussing how three formative feminist principles (women’s experience as feminism’s starting point, the personal is political, and identity politics) have shaped approaches to the abortion issue for feminist scholars in religion, I argue that ongoing critique, new theoretical perspectives, and attentiveness to subaltern voices are necessary for these foundational feminist principles to keep pace with fast-changing and complex societal dynamics relevant to women’s struggles for reproductive health and justice. The essay concludes by proposing natality as a helpful concept for future feminist theological and ethical thinking on the subject.
37
Vlăsceanu, Mihaela. "Imperial Identity Seen Through Art. The Case of Maria Theresa – Considerations." Gender Studies 20, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 128–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/genst-2022-0009.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract During the reign of Maria Theresa (1740-1780) a reassessment of the role women played in a closed society occurred. The main question this article aims to answer is how one can identify these changes by analysing images with high symbolic value, which celebrated and presented Maria Theresa in instances of official relevance, images produced in a period when nations were designing themselves. The present article seeks to underline some of the most representative ideas on how the monarchical identity of Maria Theresa was constructed in art to serve political and propagandistic functions, in an age considered the richest in formal expressions, that is the Baroque, or the ‘Late Baroque’. Hereditary successor to a long line of Holy Roman emperors, Maria Theresa changed the perspective on monarchy and constructed a different identity, that of female agency. Metaphorical images and realism define the analysed portraits in order to demonstrate how the political and the natural body of the monarch combined to illustrate power and aristocratic descent. In my study, the theoretical works on the role Maria Theresa played as female heir to the throne of the Habsburg Empire (rex femineus) are to be viewed as main sources of the imagery surrounding her natural and political body. What I propose is an inquiry into the iconographic representations of Maria Theresa’s body of state, which was public and eternal, and thus privileged as a site of discourse for absolutist statehood.
38
Vermeersch, Peter. "Ethnic minority identity and movement politics: The case of the Roma in the Czech Republic and Slovakia." Ethnic and Racial Studies 26, no. 5 (September 2003): 879–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0141987032000109078.
Full text
39
Adam, Ronald, and Zainal Abidin Bagir. "The Indigenous Politics of Justice: The Case of the Sedulur Sikep Movement in Central Java." Jurnal Kawistara 12, no. 2 (October 5, 2022): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/kawistara.67991.
Full textAbstract:
The struggle by indigenous people to protect their land from capitalist expansion is often reduced by scholars to two contrasting models: class politics and identity politics. This reduction has partially come from how scholars separate between the cultural/spiritual and the political-economic dimensions of these struggles, which are often more complex in reality. Based on an empirical study of the Sedulur Sikep movement in Pati, Central Java, the purpose of this article is to understand what the indigenous politics of justice looks like in practice as they defend their land and way of life against the cement mining industry. This study uses a qualitative approach combining four months of field observations with two Wong Sikep households and interviews with 20 Wong Sikep individuals from 15 households in Baturejo Sukolilo Village, Pati Regency, Central Java. This article discusses two findings from the study. First, the cultural/spiritual and political-economic dimensions are inseparable in the lives of Wong Sikep. Such inseparability is manifested through the agricultural system as the core of Wong Sikep life, derived from the teachings of their ancestors (culture/spirituality) as well as their practical needs (political economy). Second, this inseparability forms the basis of their adoption of both the politics of recognition and redistribution in their resistance to cement mining. The article concludes with recommendations for future studies about the Sedulur Sikep movement in particular and for indigenous justice movements more broadly.
40
Desportes, Isabelle, and Dorothea Hilhorst. "Disaster Governance in Conflict-Affected Authoritarian Contexts: The Cases of Ethiopia, Myanmar, and Zimbabwe." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 10, 2020): 343–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3127.
Full textAbstract:
Disaster governance in conflict areas is of growing academic concern, but most existing research comprises either single case studies or studies of a variety of country contexts that group all types of conflict together. Based on three case studies, this article offers a middle-ground scenario-based approach, focusing on disaster governance in authoritarian contexts experiencing low-intensity conflict. Low-intensity conflict is characterized by intense political tensions and violence that is more readily expressed in ways other than direct physical harm. Inspired by Olson’s (2000) maxim that disasters are intrinsically political, this article explores the politics of disaster response by asking what is at stake and what happened, unpacking these questions for state, civil society, and international humanitarian actors. Using data from a total of one year of qualitative fieldwork, the article analyzes disaster governance in 2016 drought-ridden Ethiopia, marked by protests and a State of Emergency; 2015 flooded Myanmar, characterized by explosive identity politics; and 2016–2019 drought-ridden Zimbabwe, with its intense socioeconomic and political turbulence. The study’s findings show how framing and power processes in disaster governance—comprising state and non-state actors—largely lean toward the state, with the consequence that political interests, rather than needs assessments, steer who and what will be protected from disaster impact.
41
Jung, Deok Hee. "A Study of Paul’s Identity in Acts." Expository Times 130, no. 3 (July 26, 2018): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618792181.
Full textAbstract:
In Acts, Luke describes Paul as a holder of multiple identities—Jew, Greek, and Roman. Paul’s behavior can be described as that of an opportunist by switching his own identity in Philippi and Jerusalem. However, Paul’s behavior can be discussed as a context-dependent representation of self. As the case of Lucian shows, an individual’s identity is fluidly constructed in religious, cultural, and political contexts. According to Luke’s portrayal, Paul also presents himself as a Jew in the Jewish religious context but as a Roman citizen in Roman political situations.
42
Hussein, Jeylan Wolyie. "Frame analysis of the politics of identity and conflict at territorial frontiers: the case of Jarso-Girhi in Eastern Ethiopia." African Identities 15, no. 1 (May 9, 2016): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2016.1175921.
Full text
43
Wuest, Jo. "The Scientific Gaze in American Transgender Politics: Contesting the Meanings of Sex, Gender, and Gender Identity in the Bathroom Rights Cases." Politics & Gender 15, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 336–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000338.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn this article, I examine how conflicts over transgender bathroom rights have ignited debates concerning the fundamental nature of transgender identity. Through an institutional and discursive analysis of North Carolina's House Bill 2 or “bathroom bill,” the Title IX case inGloucester County School Board v. G. G.,and similar federal court cases, I explore how and why forces both on the right and in the LGBTQ movement have come to rely on scientific expertise to legitimate their conceptions. As conservatives have marshaled evidence to challenge notions that transgender identity is innate, LGBTQ and transgender organizations as well as the American Civil Liberties Union have crafted a “born this way” biopolitical construction of transgender identity. I find that at their core, these conflicts are over the meanings of gender and sex in relation to transgender identity. Conservatives posit sex as biologically rooted and gender as a psychological phenomenon, whereas transgender advocates subsume gender identity into the definition of sex in arguing that constitutional and federal civil rights law must recognize gender identity as a biologically constitutive element of sex. I conclude by noting the limits of a liberal assimilationist and litigation-centric transgender politics and by exploring alternatives to this biopolitical form of transgender political identity.
44
Bekhradnia, Shahin. "The Tajik case for a Zoroastrian identity." Religion, State and Society 22, no. 1 (January 1994): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499408431629.
Full text
45
Klinken, Adriaan van. "Homosexuality, Politics and Pentecostal Nationalism in Zambia." Studies in World Christianity 20, no. 3 (December 2014): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2014.0095.
Full textAbstract:
Building upon debates about the politics of nationalism and sexuality in post-colonial Africa, this article highlights the role of religion in shaping nationalist ideologies that seek to regulate homosexuality. It specifically focuses on Pentecostal Christianity in Zambia, where the constitutional declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation has given rise to a form of ‘Pentecostal nationalism’ in which homosexuality is considered to be a threat to the purity of the nation and is associated with the Devil. The article offers an analysis of recent Zambian public debates about homosexuality, focusing on the ways in which the ‘Christian nation’ argument is deployed, primarily in a discourse of anti-homonationalism, but also by a few recent dissident voices. The latter prevent Zambia, and Christianity, from accruing a monolithic depiction as homophobic. Showing that the Zambian case presents a mobilisation against homosexuality that is profoundly shaped by the local configuration in which Christianity defines national identity – and in which Pentecostal-Christian moral concerns and theo-political imaginations shape public debates and politics – the article nuances arguments that explain African controversies regarding homosexuality in terms of exported American culture wars, proposing an alternative reading of these controversies as emerging from conflicting visions of modernity in Africa.1
46
Lee, Taeku. "FROM SHARED DEMOGRAPHIC CATEGORIES TO COMMON POLITICAL DESTINIES." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 2 (2007): 433–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070245.
Full textAbstract:
Little controversy remains about the profound shifts in the demographic landscape of the United States since the mid-1960s. Far more controversial is whether this transformation will bring about a new politics of race. This paper argues that a key to settling this debate is a clearer specification of the “identity-to-politics” link: the nexus between a population defined by shared racial and ethnic labels and a collective group politics based on those definitions. The paper articulates some potential pitfalls in how this nexus is commonly specified in empirical research and proposes an approach that distinguishes five key processes that are typically lumped together in linking shared demographic categories to common political destinies: definition, identification, consciousness, venue selection, and choice. The paper describes an example of this approach (the case of ethnoracial classification and the empirical measurement of race) and concludes by discussing its potential utility and limitations.
47
Jensen, Oskar Cox. "Of Ships and Spectacles: Maritime Identity and the Politics of Authenticity in Regency London." Nineteenth Century Theatre and Film 46, no. 2 (June 9, 2019): 136–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748372719851329.
Full textAbstract:
This article considers three case studies – the first aqua-drama at Sadler's Wells in 1804, the naumachia in Hyde Park of 1814, and the launching of HMS Nelson at Woolwich, also in 1814 – in order to discuss maritime spectacle in Regency London. I identify an essentially political distinction between the representation of ships and the role of sailors, linked to wider questions of authenticity as understood by contemporary London audiences. I argue that the Thames riverscape itself contributed to Londoners' self-identification as nautically literate connoisseurs, unlikely to acclaim spectacles they perceived to be inauthentic. By this reading, the maritime spectacles of early nineteenth-century London constitute a misstep in a longer and more successful history of nautical theatre and melodrama, that remained fundamentally entangled with questions of democratic representation, the real versus the represented, and London's maritime identity.
48
Bobrowicz, Ryszard, and Mattias Nowak. "Divided by the Rainbow: Culture War and Diffusion of Paleoconservative Values in Contemporary Poland." Religions 12, no. 3 (March 5, 2021): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030170.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last decade, representations of the rainbow were repeatedly disputed in Poland, revealing the country’s ongoing socio-political changes and its drift away from the generally liberal and secular values of the European mainstream. These cases show a political growth and an increasing social diffusion of Polish ‘national paleoconservatism.’ The aim of this article is to (1) discuss the intellectual roots of this distinct form of conservatism built upon the confrontational notions of national identity, patriotism, and Catholicism; (2) propose a novel concept in the studies of Polish politics (‘national paleoconservatism’); and (3) present the social diffusion of such conservatism based on conflicts over representations of the rainbow. By combining the historical and intellectual background with the contemporary case studies, the authors aim to facilitate a deeper understanding of the vitality of national conservative ideas among internationally unknown conservative intellectuals, who participate in a discursive ‘culture war’ against their liberal, progressive and secular opponents in present-day Poland. The ideological conflicts revolve around the meaning of Polish national identity, the essential character of the country’s culture, and the position of Poland within the framework of European integration.
49
Mang, Pum Za. "The Politics of Religious Conversion among the Ethnic Chin in Burma." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 3 (December 2018): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0227.
Full textAbstract:
Through an analysis of some possible reasons for religious conversion among the ethnic Chin in the western frontier of modern-day Burma to Christianity from their old religion that historically shaped and impacted Chin society for centuries, this article argues that missionary agency, Chin religion, social change and political awakening after the Chin were finally exposed to the wider modern world appear to have played a critically crucial role in a long process of the choice of religious conversion among the Chin when Christian missionaries came to their country and evangelised them at the turn of the twentieth century. Moreover, their newly adopted religion has been not only a historical source of political awareness and social progress, but also a hallmark of their ethnic identity. Chin leaders now proudly maintain that Christianity has provided them with a cementing source for retaining their ethnic identity and that Chin identity and Christianity have become interwoven.
50
Thaler, Peter. "AdrianGuelke (ed.), The Challenges of Ethno-Nationalism: Case Studies in Identity Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. xiii + 257pp., £17.09 (pbk)." Nations and Nationalism 18, no. 3 (June 19, 2012): 560–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2012.00557_9.x.
Full text