Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Identity politics – Case studies'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Identity politics – Case studies.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Identity politics – Case studies.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Chan, Wa-yan Jonathan, and 陳華恩. "The politics of identity: exploring christianpedagogy in a protestant school : a case study." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31961472.
Full text
2
Dumiso, Phazamile. "Identity politics of race and gender in the post-apartheid South Africa : the case of Stellenbosch University." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49984.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Identity has been a contentious issue in South Africa for many years. This created many problems including, among others, discrimination against people on the basis of race and gender. When the new government came to power in 1994, it promised to make valuable changes, and hence programmes such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment were introduced. This study investigates perceptions of students at Stellenbosch University (US) towards identity politics of race and gender after 1994. The subject of investigation includes, inter alia, student accommodation, language of tuition, relationship between students, class participation, sexual harassment and politics (affirmative action and black economic empowerment). This research investigates the university's treatment of students and how students themselves treat each other. Information was collected through a survey using a questionnaire in four selected residences, viz. Concordia, Goldfields, Huis DeViIIiers and Lobelia. The findings of this study indicate that there still are some problems as far as identity politics of race and gender at the US are concerned. For example, this study came to the following conclusions: • The majority of students from the three racial groups who participated in this study have a perception that racial divisions still exist at the US in three areas (classroom, residences and the student centre). The perception is these divisions are caused by the fact that students come from different cultural backgrounds. Language differences also play a role in this respect; • The majority of students also have a perception that black students are less likely to speak in class because they feel intimidated; • The majority of black and coloured students support the ANC (African National Congress), while the majority of white students support the DA (Democratic Alliance). Although this is the case, this research also finds that many students at the US do not want to indicate their political support; • Black and coloured students are positive about the role of Affirmative Action (AA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), whereas white students have a different view; • Women students at the US have a perception that South Africa is still confronted by a problem of gender inequality; • The majority of students have a perception that white men are the worst affected group by AA and BEE; • Most students, regardless of their race or gender, feel protected at the US. There is a perception that there is no gender discrimination by their lecturers; • Men and women students view sexual harassment differently; for example, women students view sexist jokes and wolf-whistling as constituting sexual harassment while men students have a different view. They all have perception that women students are the one who experience more of these forms of sexual harassment than their male counterparts do.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Identiteit is reeds vir baie jare in Suid-Afrika 'n omstrede kwessie. Dit het baie probleme veroorsaak, waaronder, diskriminasie teen mense gegrond op ras en geslag. Tydens die totstandkoming van die nuwe regering in 1994, is beloftes gemaak om veranderinge teweeg te bring. Gevolglik is programme soos regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging ingestel. Hierdie studie ondersoek die persepsie van studente, verbonde aan die universiteit van Stellenbosch (US), jeens die identiteitspolitiek van ras en geslag na 1994. Die onderwerp van die studie sluit ondermeer die volgende in: studente-akkommodasie, die onderrigstaal, die verhouding tussen studente, klasdeelname, seksuele teistering en politiek (regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging). Dit ondersoek die universiteit se hantering van studente en die behandeling van studente se optrede teenoor mekaar. Die inligting is ingesamel deur 'n meningspeiling verkry deur die verspreiding van vraelyste in vier geselekteerde koshuise, naamlik Concordia, Goldfields, Huis de Villiers en Lobelia. Die bevindinge van die studie toon dat daar steeds baie probleme bestaan wat betref die politieke identiteit van ras en geslag aan die US. Die studie het byvoorbeeld tot die volgende gevolgtrekkings gekom: • Die meerderheid van studente, uit drie rassegroepe, wat aan die studie deelgeneem het, het die persepsie dat rasse-verdeeldheid steeds in drie areas voorkom (die klaskamer, koshuise en die studente sentrum). Die persepsie word voorgehou, onder andere, dat die verdeeldheid versoorsaak word deur die feit dat studente van verskillende kulture afkomstig is, asook dat taalverskille 'n rol speel. • Die meerderheid studente het ook die persepsie dat swart studente neig om minder te praat in die klas omdat hulle geïntimideerd voel. • Die meerderheid swart en bruin studente steun die ANC (African National Congress), terwyl die meerderheid wit studente die DA (Demokratiese Alliansie) steun. Hoewel dit die geval blyk te wees, het die studie ook gevind dat baie studente aan die US nie hulle politieke steun bekend wil maak nie. • Swart en bruin studente is positief oor die rol van regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging, teenoor wit studente wat 'n ander uitkyk hierop het. • Vroue studente aan die US het die persepsie dat Suid-Afrika steeds gekonfronteer word met die probleem van geslagsongelykheid. • Die meerderheid studente het die persepsie dat wit mans die ergste geraak word deur regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging. • Meeste studente, ongeag hul ras of geslag, voel beskermd by die US. Die persepsie bestaan dat geen geslagdiskriminasie deur lektore toegepas word nie. • Mans- en vroue-studente sien seksuele teistering verskillend. Vroue-studente, byvoorbeeld, sien seksistiese grappe en wolwefluite as seksuele teistering, teenoor mansstudente wat dit nie so sien nie. Almal het wel die persepsie dat vrouestudente meer geraak word deur seksuele teistering as hulle manlike eweknieë.
3
Arvidsson, Sara, and Roza Nermany. "The Gendered Dimensions of Identity Wars - The Case of the Former Yugoslavia." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-17308.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis we investigate gendered dimensions of the war in the former Yugoslavia. We do this with the help of gender theory, as well as theories about the construction of identities and the role of the identity aspect in contemporary warfare. By combining these theoretical points of departure we hope to shed light on how gender can be used by political and military leaders and by the media in times of war. We explore how underlying gender assumptions in the Yugoslav society affected the course of war as well as how gender relations were altered just before and during the war.
We come to the conclusion that gender was central to the construction of collective identity in the Yugoslav wars. Women were pushed in to traditional gender roles and constructed as carriers of culture and mothers of the nation. Further the symbolic values associated with women made them vulnerable to sexual violence, since an attack against enemy women were considered to be an attack on the entire nation. The intersections between gender and identity aspects in the Yugoslav wars made women strategic targets of military violence.
4
Menon, Sunita. "The creation of a national identity: construction and representations with a case study of Mobutu's Zaire." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23403.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is in response to the stereotypes perpetuated around Africa. Much like other postcolonial spaces, Africa has fallen prey to Western assumptions and stereotypes. While the continent is diverse and has multiple narratives and voices, the notion of barbaric backward Africa has lived on. The shift to independence from Belgian Congo to Zaire marked the reclamation of not only an African identity but the African voice. While his rule was characterised by patronage politics and corruption, Mobutu effectively developed a counterhegemonic discourse on the Congo through the twin processes of authenticité and Zairianization. Mobutu created an authentically African state with a common national identity while still attracting foreign investment and financial aid. It is through Edward Said's Orientalism that the "othering" and subsequent exploitation of Africa can best be understood. Orientalism has been used to explain the systematic oppression and exploitation of the Orient and has called for discourses on this from within the region. Although Mobutu has been touted as a puppet of the West, he applied the core tenets of post-colonial theory and Orientalism in his reimagining of the "the Congo". This thesis looks at the postcolonial discourse surrounding Africa and Mobutu's role in redefining the Heart of Darkness. The significance of this study is in translating Orientalism's applications to the East and the perceptions and assumptions held by the West to Africa and particularly "the Congo". Mobutu subverted the traditional colonial narrative by inventing a new Zairian identity that asserted control over the dominant colonial discourse. In a sense, what Mobutu did was to control the narrative and ensure that it was experienced by the West as an authentic African vision while transacting with the West for his own personal benefit and ensuring that he remained in power.
5
Fawaz, Ahmed M. Abdel Hafez. "Opportunity, ethnic identity and resources in ethnic mobilisation : the cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1919.
Full textAbstract:
The cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia were chosen to illustrate how ethnic entrepreneurs play a crucial role in the ethnic mobilisation process. The study argues that in both cases a combination of variables was at work. These cases seem unlikely comparisons at first. The primary challenge appeared to be dealing with cases that involve different contexts and identities. However, in both cases entrepreneurs exploited an appropriate domestic environment to start the process and they perceived the opportunities provided by external intervention and the state’s policy towards their groups as incentives. Choosing the intermediate variables depends on the understanding that each one provides part of the explanation. Political opportunity structure directs the attention to the cost-benefit analyses of ethnic entrepreneurs and their perceptions of the available opportunity. Ethnic identity politicisation illustrates the role of ethnic entrepreneurs in choosing and activating identities. Finally, resource mobilisation is essential in conflict as any conflict requires resources that are consumed throughout its various stages. These resources are also used by ethnic entrepreneurs to reward their followers and guarantee loyalty, or sometimes to provide material incentives to reassure those unconvinced of the movement's potential success against the central authorities.
6
Jacobs, Chantal, and Chantal Rowena Jacobs. "Attitudes towards Gender Equality and the Representation of Women in Parliament: A comparative study of South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4053.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.
7
Reinnoldt, Charlotte. "Asserting Indigenous Identity to Substantiate Customary Forest Claims: A Case Study of the Dayaks of West Kalimantan, Indonesia." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2279.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines Dayak identity constructions and how they have been and are currently being used to assert customary land rights in forested areas of West Kalimantan, Indonesia. The Indonesian state has required that customary land claims include proof that communities have maintained their indigenous institutions. Drawing from government and NGO reports, academic research, and Indonesian law, a few questions thus are explored: What aspects of identity must be maintained in order to be sufficient to claim customary land rights under Indonesian law? How has recent Dayak mobilization fed into a resurgence in Dayak identity and pride, and vice versa? What opportunities does this hold for conservation and development? This thesis emphasizes the necessity of the subsequent transfer of ownership following the recognition of customary rights, which would protect indigenous land more permanently, increase Dayak community involvement and self-perceptions as active agents in forestry, and in doing so, aid in improving security of indigenous livelihoods and protecting biodiversity in Indonesia’s forests.
8
Hartwell, Marcia Byrom. "Perceptions of justice, identity, and political processes of forgiveness and revenge in early post-conflict transitions : case studies, Northern Ireland, Serbia, South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:64cd9d6e-c557-4eb5-ac2e-cfaca04d7bf6.
Full text
9
Jabbari, Fatma. "The Discursive Production of Citizenship, Social Identity, and Religious Discrimination:The Case of Tunisia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1524332005234282.
Full text
10
An, Hyoju. "Evolution of Security Identity of Domestic Antimilitarism and Roles of Political Parties: Case Studies of Japan and Germany." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec_An.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Fareast, Southeast Asia, Pacific) )--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Weiner, Robert J. ; Abenheim, Donald "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 26, 2010 Author subject terms: Security Identity, Antimilitarism, Political Party, Japan, Germany, The War on Terrorism in Afghanistan, The Bosnian War, The SDF dispatch, Out-of-Area Missions. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-140). Also available in print.
11
Eggeling, Kristin Anabel. "Brand new world : the politics of state-branding in Kazakhstan and Qatar." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16789.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the political use of branding in international relations by focusing on the branding exercises of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the State of Qatar over the last two decades. In most of the existing literature, branding is theorised as a representational and instrumental practice that is strategically used to increase a country's competitive edge. Adopting a critical constructivist lens to the study of International Relations (IR), this thesis challenges this reading and argues instead that branding is a productive and inherently political practice that (re)produces dominant interpretations of state-identity rather than merely describing them. Based on the core constructivist claim that much of politics revolves around the competition to give meaning to the world, this thesis argues that the version of the state promoted through branding is neither neutral nor brand new, but inherently politicised and tied to the conversation and legitimation of the incumbent political regime. Inspired by the ongoing practice turn in IR, the starting point for the analysis is a focus on the display of the state through a range of everyday practices long ignored by IR scholars. In particular, it focuses on how the political leadership in both Kazakhstan and Qatar has used the urban development of their capital cities, the hosting of international sports events, and the construction of 'world-class' universities to present new ideas about their state to various inter/national audiences. Using an original data corpus of multimodal primary and secondary material, the analysis traces how branding practices produce and normalise a certain interpretation of Kazakhstani and Qatari statehood, and then interrogates how we can understand this interpretation as politicised and tied to the interests of the regime. The goal of the analysis is twofold. First, this thesis aims to elucidate how relevant instances of state- branding unfold and travel across different empirical contexts (Kazakhstan and Qatar) and cases (urban development, sports and education). Second, it aims to push current scholarly understandings by (re)conceptualising branding as a genre of contemporary identity politics, and produce broader insights about the characteristics and mechanisms of this increasingly normalised - yet often as politically non-salient dismissed - practice of international relations.
12
Holmgren, Johan. "Psychology of Political Leaders : a case study of George W Bush." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-1164.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether the individual political leader is important for the analysis of international relations. Traditionally the focus of investigation in international relations has been on the nation-state, or the systems level, and as a result the individual level has been somewhat neglected. Using the theory of political psychology there is a possibility of finding nuances that might not be found if the focus of the investigation is on the nation-state. With the help of key concepts such as personality, emotion, cognition, and social identity decision making that has affected world politics have been examined. An empirical examination of the political psychology has been made by applying the theory to a case study, George W Bush. By applying the theory of political psychology to the decision making process used by George W Bush and his Administration it will be shown that the individual can impact world politics, especially in the case of the invasion of Iraq. Furthermore, one of the flaws of the theory of political psychology, its problem in handling the concept of global terrorism, is briefly discussed. The conclusion that has been drawn in this thesis is that the individual level of analysis is just as important as the systems level or the domestic level of analysis.
13
Goh, Jing Pei, and Jing Pei Goh. ""Chineseness" in Malaysian Chinese Education Discourse: The Case of Chung Ling High School." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12443.
Full textAbstract:
The Chinese education issues in Malaysia appear frequently in political discourse, often featuring contentious discussions of language learning and national education policies. Applying an historical approach to contextualize a political discourse, this thesis examines the politics and transformation of Malaysian Chinese education, in microcosm, at the level of a renowned Chinese school, Chung Ling High School in Penang. It explores and maps the question of "Chineseness" through the examination of the history and development of Chung Ling since its establishment in 1917. This thesis also aims to elucidate the complex negotiation between multiple stakeholders of the Chinese community which took place at different historical junctures in a postcolonial and multi-ethnic nation. I discuss memorial activities for two deceased educationists, David Chen and Lim Lian Geok, which have been readapted into contemporary discourse by different factions of educationists to express their dissatisfactions toward state hegemony on education policies. Lastly, I argue that the persistent pursuit of "Chineseness" is counterproductive to the aim of safeguarding interests of Chinese schools within and outside the national education system today.
14
Rowlands, David T. (David Thomas). "Democracy, American nationalism and Woodrow Wilson's search for identity." Thesis, Department of History, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5790.
Full text
15
Nambiar, Gleema. "Using identity politics to address artworld issues : a case study of the New Initiatives in Film program at the National Film Board of Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85192.
Full textAbstract:
The Canadian government introduced its Multicultural and Employment Equity policies in a series of attempts to induce federally-controlled institutions to reflect the racial diversity of the Canadian population in their programs and workforces. This is a case study of one institution's response to these policies. It examines the implementation of the six-year New Initiatives in Film (NIF) program begun in 1990 by the now-defunct women's filmmaking unit, Studio D of the National Film Board of Canada (NFB) and exposes the fault lines along which the goals of the NFB's various constituent parts clashed and meshed with the diverse goals of various parties in NIF's target communities (i.e. "emergent aboriginal and 'of colour' women filmmakers"). I argue that because the NIF program was structured according to the politics of identity ("race" in this case), "artworld" issues of unfair hiring and funding practices in the Canadian film industry, became distorted and expressed as issues of identity. Obfuscating the professional dynamics in the world of Canadian filmmaking by using "race" as an organizing principle did not, in the long-term, assure the sustained inclusion of excluded groups within mainstream institutions. A more effective strategy, the data suggests, would have been for underrepresented groups to cultivate alliances with professionals in the filmmaking industry based on concrete occupational, rather than hypothetical race-based interests.
16
Konlan, Binamin. "Predictability of Identity Voting Behaviour, Perceived Exclusion and Neglect, and the Paradox of Loyalty| A Case Study of a Conflict Involving the Ewe Group in the Volta Region of Ghana and the NDC-led Administrations." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10260431.
Full textAbstract:
The Republic of Ghana is the legacy of the colonial amalgam of multiple, and previously distinct, ethnic homelands. The Trans-Volta Togoland became the Volta Region of Ghana following a Plebiscite in 1956. The dominant ethnic group in this region; the Ewe, has long maintained a claim of neglect of the Volta Region and the marginalization of its people in this postcolonial state. Protests in the street and at media houses ensued against the State. This qualitative case study explores the undercurrents of this conflict in the context of the Ewe group’s identity and their experiences of neglect and marginalization in the postcolonial state. The main objective of the study was to understand why the Ewe group has not revolted despite the perceptions of deprivation. This study focused on the Ewe group in the Volta Region of Ghana a as sub-colonial construct that has managed its perceptions of deprivation without revolting against the host State.
17
Flynn, Sydney. "Applying Psychological Theories of Personality, Identity, and Intergroup Conflict to Radical Violence: A Case Study of Extremist Behavior." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1890.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims to address possible psychoanalytical explanations for the heinous acts in which terrorists, particularly ISIS, engage. It focuses on Harold D. Lasswell’s principles of the id, ego, and superego as well as Tajfel and Turner’s social identity theory. Within the framework of these two theories, relevant psychological and social psychological theories are discussed in order to explore a possible connection between the psyche of violent perpetrators and their actions. By exploring these connections, I find that there may be more nuanced psychological explanations for these violent acts, which could lead to new methods of weakening perceived biases, intergroup conflicts, and extremist behavior.
18
Adams, Ubanesia Lolita. "Promoting gender equality in the Provincial Administration of the Western Cape : an appraisal based on perceptions of gender focal persons and the Head of the Western Cape Office on the Status of Women for Gender Equality." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52419.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African government has committed itself to the promotion of gender equality in the national constitution and also with the signing and ratifying of regional and international documents. Examples of a regional document is the Southern African Development Community Declaration on Gender and Development and international document the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Beijing Platform for Action. The Gender Machinery in South Africa was created at a national level to promote gender equality on all levels of government through structures on provincial and local government levels. This study focused on the provincial level and more specifically on the gender focal persons and the Office on the Status of Women for Gender Equality in the Provincial Administration of the Western Cape (PAWC). The study was done with the aim to assess progress on the promotion of gender equality in the PAWC. Information was gathered through interviews with members of Gender focal units and the Head of the Office on the Status of Women for Gender Equality. Interviews were conducted with seven of the nine departments in the Provincial Administration of the Western Cape. Findings on the promotion of gender equality indicate that a long road lies ahead. Limited Progress is seen, however, and can be attributed to the work of dedicated gender focal persons and the Office on the Status of Women for Gender Equality. Specific to the work of dedicated gender focal persons this study finds that within the context of financial and other constraints relating to an absence of specified expectations and a double workload, progress is still made under these circumstances. Based on the findings the following recommendations are made. Firstly, broad scale gender awareness training is required for the personnel of the provincial administration. Secondly, there is a need to develop a job description for gender work and if reasonable to integrate this into the line function of gender focal persons. Thirdly, the gender focal units need to have a specific budget for gender-related work, as this will facilitate planning for gender-related projects. Finally further training is required for the gender focal persons regarding gender mainstreaming and how to translate the goals of gender mainstreaming into action in the respective departments.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regering van Suid Afrika het met die nasionale grondwet, streeks dokumente en internasionale dokumente 'n verbintenis gemaak om geslagsgelykheid te bevorder. Voorbeelde van streeks dokumente is die "Southern African Development Community Declaration on Gender and Development" en internasionale dokumente is die "Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women" en die "Beijing Platform for Action". Nasionale strukture in Suid Afrika is saamgestel om geslagsgelykheid te bevorder op nasionale, provinsiale en plaaslike regerings vlakke. In hierdie studie was die fokus op die provisiale vlak en meer spesifiek die geslags fokus eenhede en die Kantoor vir die Status van Vroue vir Geslagsgelykheid in die Provisiale Administrasie van die Weskaap. Hierdie studie is gedoen met die doel om die vordering met betrekking tot geslagsgelykheid te evalueer. Inligting vir ontleding is ingesamel deur middel van onderhoude met geslags fokus persone en die hoof van die Kantoor vir die Status van Vroue vir Geslagsgelykheid. Onderhoude was gevoer met verteenwoordigers van sewe uit nege departmente van die provinsiale administrasie. Bevindinge rondom die bevordering van geslagsgelykheid toon dat daar nog 'n lang pad vorentoe is, maar dat daar wel beperkte vordering binne die provisiale administrasie gemaak word. Hierdie vordering kan toegeskryf word aan die werk van vasbeslote geslags fokus persone en die hoof van die Kantoor vir die Status van Vroue vir Geslagsgelykheid. Spesifiek tot die werk van vasbeslote geslags fokus persone wys die studie dat binne finansiële en ander beperkinge daar wel steeds vordering rondom geslagsgelykheid is binne sekere departmente. Gebaseer op die bevindinge word voorgestel dat daar eerstens ten volle bewussmakingssessies oor geslagsgelykheid gehou word vir alle personeel van die administrasie. Tweedens, dat daar 'n posbeskrywing geformuleer word vir mense wat binne die geslags fokus eenhede werk en indien moontlik moet daar gekyk word of dit deel van die lyn funksie van die geslags fokus persone gemaak kan word. Derdens moet dat daar aan die verskeie geslags fokus eenhede 'n begroting gegee word sodat projekte vir die bevordering van geslagsgelykheid beter beplan kan word. Laastens is dit belangrik dat die lede van die geslags fokus eenhede verdere opleiding kry met betrekking tot "gender mainstreaming" en die omskrywing hiervan in spesifike aksies.
19
Modig, Karl. "Shared identity as a cause for rivalry between rebel groups : A comparative case study of the conflict between Ahrar Al-Sham and IS in 2014 and the conflict between Ahrar Al-Sham and the Al Nusra Front in 2017." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9711.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to answer the question of why rebel groups engage in conflict with each other despite sharing an identity. Previous research suggests that a shared identity should promote cooperation, but recent conflicts between rebel groups in Syria seem to suggest that shared identity can instead be a cause for rivalry. This thesis investigates this puzzle by using Pischedda’s theory on windows of opportunity and vulnerability and Hafez theory on proxidistant ideologies. The cases of the thesis are the conflicts between Ahrar Al-Sham and IS in 2014 and between Ahrar Al-Sham and the Al Nusra Front in 2017. The results indicate that shared identity does cause rivalry, and both theories receive support for their explanation of inter-rebel conflict. All three rebel groups are labeled as extremists, which supports Hafez theory that extremist groups are more likely to engage in conflict with rivals. The military strength and the possible costs of attack of the rebel groups seem to support Pischedda’s theory that rebel groups use specific windows in time to attack their rivals. There are however some problems that neither theory can explain, such as Ahrar Al-Shams friendly relationship to Al Nusra between 2014 and 2017. This thesis provide insight into the understudied field of inter-rebel conflict of War Studies by highlighting the importance of identity.
20
Yunespour, Ali Reza. "Identity Politics - A Case Study of Afghanistan." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8263.
Full textAbstract:
Identity politics is a complex concept. However, it is rarely studied in the context of weak non-Western states. This study seeks to study identity politics in Afghanistan with a focus on ethnic and sectarian identities. The central hypothesis is that the manipulation and instrumentalisation of ethnic and sectarian identities as sources of political legitimacy have significantly constrained efforts towards state-building in Afghanistan. By taking a historical perspective, it shows that identity politics is not a new phenomenon in Afghanistan and that a weak historical state and widespread culture of poverty have caused, sustained and reinforced ethnic and sectarian identity politics over time. It will also demonstrate that ethnic and sectarian identity politics have been a dominant feature of Afghanistan’s post-Taliban statebuilding. Ethnic and sectarian identity politics have seriously undermined the process of statebuilding as they have prevented, amongst other things, a meaningful national reconciliation and the development of an effective state-society relation and a national identity in Afghanistan in the past decade.
21
Francis, Toni P. "Identity Politics: Postcolonial Theory and Writing Instruction." Scholar Commons, 2007. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/711.
Full textAbstract:
In this dissertation I intend to apply postcolonial theory to primary pedagogical and administrative concerns of the writing program administrator. Writing Program Administrators, or WPAs, take their responsibilities seriously, remaining cognizant of both the negative and positive repercussions of the pedagogical decisions that take shape in the scores of composition classrooms they administer. This dissertation intends to infuse the WPA position with the ethos of scholarly praxis by historicizing and contextualizing the field of composition, and by placing the teaching of writing within the historical memory of slavery and colonialism. Sound WPA research is theoretically informed, systematic, principled inquiry that works toward producing strong writing programs. This dissertation provides such inquiry, drawing the field's attention to the reality of postcoloniality and presenting an understanding of the work of composition as informed by and complicit in the history of racialized forms of oppression. From this context, the dissertation analyzes three major issues faced by the WPA: the debate over standardized discourse, the influence of the job market on pedagogical decisions, and the (de)politicizing of the composition classroom. In the following sections, these issues will be related directly to critical theories from postcolonial and composition studies that assist in articulating the issues of identity politics, hegemonic struggle, interpellation and interpolation, subaltern voice, and hybridity that are so crucial to writing program pedagogy and administration in the postcolonial age, for it is my argument that the writing classroom is a crucial site of contention in which the politics of identity are manifested as students appropriate and are appropriated by discourse.
22
Speer, Annika Corwin. "Performing Politics| Visibility, Identity, and Meaning-Making in Docudrama." Thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3596267.
Full textAbstract:
My dissertation, Performing Politics: Visibility, Identity, and Meaning-Making in Docudrama, challenges scholars' privileging of documentary theatre, which relies solely on primary source material such as trial transcripts, over docudrama, which allows a blending of primary sources with fiction. I focus on contemporary docudrama theatre practitioners in the United States, and specifically on productions that address issues of gender and sexuality. My work argues for the feminist potential of docudrama to disrupt hierarchies of knowledge and destabilize the primacy of the primary source. I demonstrate in Chapter One that in a docudrama like Paula Kamen's Jane: Abortion and the Underground, "reality" operates alongside the imaginative potential of fiction, thus providing practitioners and audiences a unique realm in which to tackle difficult and politically charged issues. My second chapter argues that the interdisciplinarity of documentary theatre can be a feminist ethnographic model for scholar-artists to employ ethical research methods for artistic engagement. Through a critical examination of E. Patrick Johnson's Sweet Tea, I argue that reflexivity and the post-show talkback are promising tools for foregrounding the practitioner's positionality and raising public consciousness. Finally, I challenge implications that documentary theatre is inherently pedagogical. Through an analysis of Dustin Lance Black's 8, I question the ways in which parroting primary source material reifies dominant ideologies, further entrenching cultural hierarchies. I conclude by considering other promising feminist attributes of docudrama, specifically the symbiotic potential of dialoging documentary scholarship with scholarship on queer temporalities.
23
Dodgen, Justine. "Immigration and Identity Politics: The Senegalese in France." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/284.
Full textAbstract:
As immigrants arrive in a new culture, they must modify their behaviors to adapt to their host society. Through a review of current literature, I will examine the psychological and sociological aspects of immigration and the effects on migrant identity. I will argue that migrants most desire a bicultural identity, in which they retain some elements of their ethno-cultural identity while adopting some values of French society. The construction of a bicultural identity presents a challenge due to the particular philosophical foundations of the French nation-state and French culture. In the next chapter, I will analyze the challenges Senegalese migrants confront as they seek to build a bicultural identity. France’s assimilationist tradition presents an ideological barrier to successful integration and a model which must be examined to understand France’s identity politics. Resulting secondary barriers are evident in France’s social and economic policies, which have an exclusionary impact on immigrants and ethnic minorities. Senegalese migrants comprise a particularly vulnerable minority group in France, and socioeconomic pressures are especially influential on the integration of Senegalese migrants due to religious differences, the practice of polygamy, a high concentration in the service sector, and one the largest average household sizes. I will examine how France’s policies and societal behavior affect Senegalese-migrant identity and integration. In the last chapter, I will examine Senegalese perceptions of France and immigration, which are radically different from the true experiences of Senegalese migrants in France.
24
Rajiva, Mythili. "Identity and politics, second generation ethnic women in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq20946.pdf.
Full text
25
Andersson, Ann-Catrin. "Identity politics and city planning : the case of Jerusalem." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-16371.
Full textAbstract:
Jerusalem is the declared capital of Israel, fundamental to Jewish tradition, and a contested city, part of the Israel–Palestine conflict. Departing from an analysis of mainly interviews and policy documents, this study aims to analyze the interplay between the Israeli identity politics of Jerusalem and city planning. The role of the city is related to discursive struggles between traditional, new, and post-Zionism. One conclusion is that the Israeli claim to the city is firmly anchored in a master commemorative narrative stating that Jerusalem is the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. A second conclusion is that there is a constant interplay between Israeli identity politics, city policy, and planning practice, through specific strategies of territoriality. The goals of the strategies are to create a political, historical and religious, ethnic, economic, and exclusive capital. Planning policies are mainly focused on uniting the city through housing projects in East Jerusalem, rehabilitating historic heritage, ancestry, and landscapes, city center renewal, demographic balance, and economic growth, mainly through tourism and industrial development. An analysis of coping strategies shows that Jerusalem planners relate to identity politics by adopting a self-image of being professional, and by blaming the planning system for opening up to ideational impact. Depending on the issue, a planner adopts a reactive role as a bureaucrat or an expert, or an active role, such mobilizer or an advocate. One conclusion drawn from the “Safdie Plan” process is that traditional Zionism and the dominant collective planning doctrine are being challenged. An alliance of environmental movements, politicians from left and right, and citizens, mobilized a campaign against the plan that was intended to develop the western outskirts of Jerusalem. The rejection of the plan challenged the established political leadership, it opened up for an expansion to the east, and strengthened Green Zionism, but the result is also a challenge to the housing needs of Jerusalem.Författaren tillhör även "Forskarskolan Urbana och Regionala Studier – Städer och regioner i förändring"
26
Gandolfo, K. L. "The politics of identity : the case of the Palestinian-Jordanian identity in Jordan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525491.
Full textAbstract:
The evolution of identity has assumed a central role in the analysis of conflict and statesociety relations in the contemporary Middle East. Since the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 the Palestinian diaspora has extended throughout the region and beyond, bringing their experiences, narratives, and customs into their new environment. Receiving the most substantial number of Palestinian refugees, Jordan now hosts a majority population of Palestinian Jordanians for whom integration has occurred at varied levels. Through the course of this thesis the correlation between civil rights and the evolution of the Palestinian- Jordanian identity shall be analyzed with a view to determine whether the absence of rights results in an enhanced Palestinian identity. In addition, variables such as economic status, duration of residence and religious affiliations shall be explored to determine the extent of their influence on the evolution of the Palestinian Jordanian identity in Jordan. The relationship between identity and civil rights is important both practically and theoretically. It is of practical importance due to the ethno-political paramountcy of the region and the mercurial dynamic between the Palestinian diaspora community and the host states on a wider regional level. As tensions in the region escalate with the rise of radical Islamist groups, an enhanced understanding of ethnic identity and the application of civil rights would be conducive to a reduction in the risk of future violence in Jordan, which has sustained a successful record of cordiality with its subjects. On a theoretical level, the thesis will explore the variables of civil rights, socioeconomics, religion, and cultural tradition with renewed vigor, presenting a contemporary insight into the Palestinian Jordanian domestic dynamic. Drawing on a collection of interviews conducted by the candidate in 2006 and 2007, in addition to a wealth of statistics compiled by the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan, the thesis shall follow the hypothesis that the discrimination enacted by Jordanian citizenship, nationality and electoral legislation fails to protect the state. While the Jordanian government avers that to present all Palestinians residing in Jordan with full citizenship rights - and ergo national and electoral rights - presents a risk to the stability of Jordan, this thesis contends that the marginalization of the Palestinian community would be conducive towards further societal division.
27
Chueh, Ho-chia. "Identity, difference and politics: a poststructuralist investigation." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2019.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the ways in which concepts of binary opposition are elaborated in some of the key contemporary theories on difference and identity. This project contributes to the emerging scholarship on the notion of emancipation and empowerment in educational theory. It explores discourses of difference and identity that are engaged with constructions and re-construction of the notions of Self and Other. This thesis develops a systematic analysis of texts with arguments on political performance of representation and agency. The thesis begins with an examination of Hegel's thesis on the relationship between the lord and the bondsman which is implemented in the political discourses of John Rex and Paulo Freire. It continues to examine political theses with emphasis on the relationship between the mind and the body; examinations include theses offered by Robert Miles and Frantz Fanon. This thesis also explores the methodological value of concepts of binary opposition; it explores Claude Lévi-Strauss' theory on cultural differences and examines Iris M. Young and Chantal Mouffe's discourses on the 'politics of difference'. This thesis further explores Jacques Derrida's notions of deconstruction and différence together with analyses and critiques of Homi Bhabha's and Gayatri Spivak's reconstruction of concepts of binary oppositions. This thesis calls for a consideration of Derrida's thoughts on the political as an approach to the understanding difference and identity. I propose a double reading of the texts examined in this thesis: on the one hand, they are genealogical analyses to understand and criticise the ways in which knowledge on (racial and cultural) difference and identity have been constructed. On the other hand, they are given affirmations of political significance with their performative effectiveness that language allows them to achieve.
28
Chew, Weng-Huat. "Identity in city form : the politics of building height." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/11859.
Full text
29
Liu, Yining. "Onstage Transformation and Identity Politics in Contemporary Asian American Theater." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1510769465203704.
Full text
30
Sengupta, Annis Whitlow. "Politics on parade : immigration, ethnicity and national identity in Chicago, IL." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/70414.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2012.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
Parades are many things. They are treasured annual traditions, community gatherings, expressions of identity and pride. Parades interrupt the daily flow of city life, rerouting traffic, crowding sidewalks and public transportation, and interrupting business activities. Parades are revealing. They are a stage for the performance of identities and interests that are otherwise invisible to the average city resident. Parades are deceptive. They present an image of unity and order that belies the messy and contested nature of collective identity formation. They appear to be emergent cultural practices, but they are more likely aggregate culture than to produce it. They embody stable relationships as much as they inspire spontaneous participation. Parades are public expressions of communities' identities, interests, and values. As such they are like distorted mirrors reflecting the hopes and fears of not just one community but many communities and ultimately of the larger society. This dissertation examines one type of parade - the American ethnic parade - to understand the shifting meaning of ethnicity and nationalism in Chicago, Illinois, from its origins in the nineteenth century to its present twenty-first century context. The question driving this research is how national identities can accommodate change and incorporate new members (such as immigrants and minorities). More specifically, it examines what ethnic parades in one American city can tell us about this process. An in-depth historical analysis uses the history of ethnic parades in Chicago to explore the shifting politics of immigrant incorporation from 1860 until 1990. Drawing on thirty-seven interviews conducted with parade organizers, local scholars, and city officials as well as observation of parades, parade planning meetings and other community events, analysis of Chicago's contemporary ethnic parades illuminates the myriad functions of ethnic during Chicago's transition to a global city. Specifically, it explores how expressions of hybridized nationalism in ethnic parades disguise a complex interplay among local political integration, economic advancement, and transnational political activism that is shaping Chicago's local ethnic communities.
by Annis Whitlow Sengupta.
Ph.D.
31
Franke, Marcus. "Identity, war and the state in India : the case of the Nagas." Thesis, University of Hull, 2004. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11273.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a political history of the Nagas of the Naga hills, from the 1820s to the 1960s. By drawing on a wealth of primary sources unutilised hithero, and an extensive contextualisation with comparative and theoretical literature, it seeks to render the respective agents' actions meaningful and thus challenges the established historiography in three periods - pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial. While imperialist historiography of the pre-colonial period still predominates, and made the Nagas responsible for their own subjugation, this work shows that the logic of the British empire made it poised for conquest. Subsequently the colonial rulers were able to blame the vicissitudes of Naga society on the Nagas themselves. This thesis offers an alternative version of the Naga hill region as home to a plethora of polities conscious of the superior power of their plains' neighbours. While social science' writings tend to blame colonialism for post-colonial identities and wars, here it is demonstrated that agency and identity-formation are an on-going process and neither started nor ended with colonialism. Although the interaction of the local population with colonialism produced a Naga national elite, it was the Indian political class that came into existence the same way which succeeded in, having access to superior means of nation and state-building so as to enable it undertake the modem Indo-Naga war. And it was this war that firmly made the Nagas into a "nation" - setting them onto the road to independence. This work fundamentally revises our understanding of the existing "histories" of the Nagas by exposing them as ahistorical - consciously or unconsciously - influenced by colonial or post-colonial narratives of domination.
32
Hassan, Rania Hussein Abdel Rahman. "Identity construction in post-apartheid South Africa : the case of the Muslim community." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5978.
Full textAbstract:
Since the end of apartheid, issues pertaining to South African identity construction have attracted increased scholarly attention. This is reflected in a growing body of literature in several disciplines that analyze identities in post-apartheid South Africa. At the same time, a number of factors led to an equally increasing interest in Islamic and Muslim politics. However, the interest remains to a great extent concerned with the history of Islam in Africa, with very little attention paid to contemporary Muslim politics in its broader sense or indeed what this means in the South African context. This thesis, about Muslims’ identities in South Africa, aims to merge these two fields of identities in-formation and Muslim politics. In an attempt to unpack identity discourses within the Muslim community in South Africa, the study will address three main questions: How are Muslims’ identities formulated? How do they relate to each other? And how do they develop in different contexts? In order to answer the aforementioned questions the thesis will focus on how religious identities intersect with other levels of identification mainly national, ethnic and political identities. By answering the broader questions about identity construction processes, the thesis is able to address several other more specific questions. For example, what kind of interplay exists between the different identities such as those that are religious, ethnic, socio-economic or political? What does this interplay suggest in terms of the hierarchy of identities in different contexts? Instead of using identity as an analytical category, the thesis adopts the term ‘identification’, which reflects both the processes according to which identities are formulated as well as the context contingent nature of identities. After analyzing the theoretical and conceptual underpinnings of identity construction, the rest of the thesis discusses the extent to which Islam has informed Muslims’ identities at three separate, yet intersected and connected, levels. At the political identity level, I argue that religious identity has relatively little bearing on the articulation of Muslims’ political identities in post-apartheid South Africa, by comparison with the apartheid era when political activism of Muslims was heavily charged by Islamic ethos and principles. I also argue that the stance adopted by Islamic religious bodies in the anti-apartheid struggle undermined their influence within the Muslim community to a great extent as far as political identities are concerned. In other contexts however, religious bodies enjoy a more prominent role; that is particularly evident in negotiating Muslims’ rights regarding Muslim Personal Law, which is highlighted as a case in point to show how citizenship, and thus national identity, is intertwined with religious identity. At a third and final level, ethnic identities within the Muslim community are examined through the inter-community relations, which reveal that racial and ethnic identification is best understood through both cultural as well as structural approaches.
33
Moultry, Stacey Cherie. "Mixed race, mixed politics: articulations of mixed race identities and politics in cultural production, 1960-1989." Diss., University of Iowa, 2019. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6814.
Full textAbstract:
Mixed Race Antecedents: Black Hybridity in Cultural Production, 1960-1989 looks at how cultural producers of African descent in the U.S. from the 1960s through the 1980s conceptualized racial and cultural hybridity. I analyze writers and artists who were grappling with how to think about their multiple heritages while simultaneously considering the political implications of their racial hybridity. Before the Census Movement of the 1990s narrowed the discussion of racial hybridity to boxes on government forms, these playwrights, authors, and visual artists were thinking about hybridity in a different register. They explored connections between personal and political identities, the relationships between experiences and art, and the significance of having multiple racial/ethnic heritages when race in America was still very much operating under the auspices of the one-drop rule.
Their creative explorations during this time distinguishes them as mixed race antecedents, those who were looking for the political and aesthetic uses of black hybridity during the Civil Rights Movement, Women’s and Gay Liberation, and their corollary art movements. I draw from critical race theory, performance studies, autobiography studies, and cultural studies to understand the complex relationship artists and writers had to the social movements that defined their historical moment while asserting their own conceptions of how racial hybridity functions for those of African descent in the U.S. In so doing, this project challenges the predominant narrative of critical mixed race studies by arguing that mixed race identity formations were emerging in American culture during and after the civil rights era, not just during the Census Movement. Particularly, I focus on the possibility of racial and cultural hybridity not replacing blackness, like what a post-racial world would ask us to do, but instead, prompting further exploration and expansion of blackness.
34
Eaton, Melissa Ann. "Grandfathers at War: practical politics of identity at Delaware town." W&M ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623367.
Full textAbstract:
This research explores the meaning, construction, representation, and function of Delaware ethnic identity during the 1820s. In 1821, nearly 2,000 Delawares (self-referentially called Lenape) crossed the Mississippi River and settled in Southwest Missouri as a condition of the Treaty of St. Marys. This dissertation argues that effects of this emigration sparked a vigorous reconsideration of ethnic identity and cultural representation. Traditionally, other Eastern Algonquian groups recognized Delawares by the metaphoric kinship status of "grandfather." Both European and Colonial governments also established Delawares as preferential clients and trading partners. Yet, as the Delawares immigrated into a new "western" Superintendency of Indian Affairs in 1821, neither status was acknowledged. as a result, Delaware representations transitioned from a taken-for-granted state into an actively negotiated field of discourse. This dissertation utilizes numerous unpublished primary source documents and archaeological data recovered during the Delaware Town Archaeological Project (2003-2005) to demonstrate the social, political, and material consequences of Delaware ethnic identity revitalization. Utilizing Silliman's (2001) practical politics model of practice theory, the archival and archaeological data sets of Delaware Town reveal the reinforcement of conspicuous ethnic boundaries, coalition-building that emphasized Delaware status as both "grandfathers" and as warriors, and also reestablishing preferred client status in trade and treaty-making. This study illuminates this poorly-known decade as a time where Delawares negotiated and exerted their ethnic identity and cultural representations to affect political, economic, and social outcomes of their choosing in the rapidly-vanishing "middle ground" of early-19th century Missouri.
35
Sevinc, Nihan. "In/visibility of identities and identity politics : the case of invisible disabilities." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28811.
Full textAbstract:
A discussion of in/visibility of identity markers might provide the opportunity to understand how identities operate and to identify the problems overlooked by politics of identity. Focusing on the question of in/visibility means tackling an issue which is already at play, but often overlooked. The following paper investigates how people manage their non visible markers and invisible identities based on benefits and social stigma and suggests that bringing the locus of identity politics to visibility and invisibility can highlight the discussion of its restrictiveness and imprisoning nature, while providing an analysis of why being defined under different identity categories might affect personal experiences.
36
Toure, Abu Jaraad. "Towards A ‘Griotic’ Methodology: African Historiography, Identity Politics and Educational Implications." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1320631211.
Full text
37
Batzli, Madeline McCray. "At the Edges of Queer: Navigating Ambiguity in Identity, Community, and Politics." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1497523102084515.
Full text
38
Clement, Victoria. "The politics of script reform in Soviet Turkmenistan: alphabet and national identity formation." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399625234.
Full text
39
Davis, Allan N. "A Hell House Divided: Performing Identity Politics through Christian Mediums of Proselytization." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2011. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/2514.
Full textAbstract:
Every year, during the month of October, hundreds of Christian churches throughout the United States open the doors of their Hell House to surrounding communities. Hell Houses are Christian haunted houses designed to literally scare the Hell out of visitors so they will accept Jesus Christ as their personal Lord and Savior. In the place of vampires or zombies, Hell Houses portray the sins Satan is mostly likely to tempt teenagers to commit. Scenes include young girls receiving abortions, young men believing lies that they were born gay, and careless individuals drinking and driving. As para-theatrical performances, Hell Houses lead guests from one vignette to the next until they reach Heaven and Hell to show the eternal consequences of one's behavior. A Hell House is a medium of proselytization. Believers within the larger USAmerican Evangelical Christian community organize these events to facilitate the conversion of others. In this thesis, I explore how the use of Hell Houses and other mediums of proselytization are justified within religious-based communities through the implementation of what I refer to as a discourse of neutrality. According to religious-based communities because mediums of proselytization simply convey spiritual truth and reality to those outside of the community, they depict "how things really are." However, I argue that the use of each medium both reflects a perception of reality and contributes to the creation of that reality. Describing and discussing the mediums as "neutral" to the processes of creating reality and meaning generates an authoritative power to legitimately define the politics and boundaries of the religious community's identity. Furthermore, it masks the role each medium plays in the creation of reality as well as the tensions within the community to authoritatively define the "Evangelical Christian" identity. In this thesis, I explore Hell Houses as mediums of proselytization where Evangelical Christians perform their identity politics. To conduct this analysis, I examine how other mediums of proselytization associated with Hell Houses (i.e., the physical body, conversation-based evangelism, and the Internet) each depend upon their own discourse of neutrality to thrive in the community. Because each medium is seen as neutral, those who champion its usage garner an authoritative legitimacy to define the community's identity and Christianity along the lines of reality as informed by the supposedly neutral medium. Here, I detail the dynamics of the tensions within a significant and complex religious group in contemporary America and how performative practices within the community inform its identity politics.
40
Merati, Simona E. "Russia's Islam: Discourse on Identity, Politics, and Security." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1840.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework.
In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines.
Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo.
Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies.
In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations.
Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.
41
Hart, Alison. "Queering choreographic conventions| Concert dance as a site for engaging in gender and sexual identity politics." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1527949.
Full textAbstract:
Three dances, On This Day, Panties and Pathologies , and Naked Spotlight Silver were choreographed and performed in fulfillment of the requirements to complete an M.F.A. degree in dance. The performances took place at the Martha B. Knoebel Dance Theater located on the campus of California State University, Long Beach. On This Day premiered October 2012, Panties and Pathologies premiered March 2013, and Naked Spotlight Silver premiered October 2013.
This thesis examines how each project investigates choreographic approaches used in concert dance to communicate issues of gender and sexuality as well as participate in a discourse on identity politics. The three dance pieces attempted to confront themes of marriage equality, representation and the marketing of femininity, and queer identity representations in performance. Each piece was unique in its methodologies and served as an explorative approach to political communication and artistic development.
42
Bellett, Donella Frances, and n/a. "Contradictions in culture : 8 case studies of Maori identity." University of Otago. Department of Anthropology, 1996. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070531.122612.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the phenomenon known as a Maori ethnic identity. The topic is investigated using personal interviews and the findings are reported by way of personal narrative. Eight informants were interviewed. All presently identify as Maori and have arrived at this point following a diverse range of experiences. The thesis documents these experiences and those things that are important to them on a personal level. As such, this thesis investigates the topic of Maori ethnicity as it pertains to a group of individuals, not to Maoridom as a whole.
It was found that no single paradigm could be applied to my informant�s conception of identity. Each constructed their identity in a unique way. Integral to all identities, however, was the use of both cultural and biological factors. In constructing and maintaining their identities as Maori my informants looked firstly to the presence of ancestry and, following from this cultural practices were employed. The use of ancestry as a basis of identity, and the causal attributes associated with it (such as natural leanings towards the use of Maori language), represent essentialist tendencies on the part of many of my informants. Also of great interest was the perception, by many of my informants, that cultural traits were innate. This is described as a Lamarckian way of viewing ethnicity.
43
Colonna, Federico <1995>. "From Organizational Identity to business values: Case Studies analysis." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/15947.
Full textAbstract:
In questo elaborato si analizza l'identità dell'organizzazione e i valori che essa persegue. In particolare, nel primo capitolo viene definita l'identità dell'organizzazione, spiegando gli elementi che la compongono e la relazione tra identità, immagine e cultura. Viene proposto anche un nuovo modello che spiega il processo di formazione dell'identità. Nel secondo capitolo si esamina in maniera approfondita un aspetto alla base dell'identità: i valori. Seguendo il libro di R. Mordacci e S. Contesini ‘Fare impresa con i valori: Teoria e pratica dell’identity shaping’ (2018), vengono analizzati dieci valori, che sono: rispetto, qualità, responsabilità, integrità, fiducia, bellezza, trasparenza, appartenenza, profitto e capitale. Nel terzo ed ultimo capitolo si propongono dei casi aziendali. In questo viene creata una matrice per misurare il livello di ogni valore mediante l’utilizzo di key performance indicators (KPI) e, in seguito, viene inviata alle aziende. Infine, viene fatta un’analisi dei risultati emersi.
44
Li, Xin. "European identity, a case study." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.
Full text
45
Mascarenhas, Domingos Catalim Telles da Gama de. "Music, politics and the Japanese challenge : two case studies in the politics of musical production." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403055.
Full text
46
Nakana, Steven C. "Regional integration and warlord politics : the case of West Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7708.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographical references.This research thesis is a critique of the main explanations of regional integration in West Africa. In critiquing West African regional integration, this research introduces and integrates the growing literature on the concept of warlords with theory of regional integration. The main explanations of West African regional integration are functionalism and federalism respectively. The critique in this study is informed by the practical lack of successful regional integration in West Africa, i.e. the failure to merge West African states and establish regional co-operation through regional integration. With regards to West African regional integration, the conventional, also known as the traditional view, argues and maintains that on practical and theoretical levels, integrationist approaches are inherently inappropriate to such integration because they ignore complex realities faced by states that are integrating or wish to integrate. According to the conventional argument, these realities include forces such as globalisation, the nature of North-South trade relations, the colonial experience, which today is responsible for the chaotic social-political and economic landscape in regions such as West Africa This landscape is characterised by economically, politically and institutionally weak countries.
47
Smyth, Lisa. "Abortion politics and national identity : the X-case, Irishness and the nation-state." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4027/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the shifts in political culture effected by the 'X case' (1992), when the State issued an injunction to prevent a fourteen year old pregnant and suicidal rape victim from travelling abroad for an abortion. In so doing, this thesis focuses on the connection between discourses of Irish nationhood, gender and sexuality in the fields of reproductive politics and women's citizenship. Abortion law and politics has had constitutional status in Ireland since 1983, when the right to life of 'the unborn' was officially recognised as ostensibly equal to that of women. This has situated debate on abortion access in an explicitly national framework, since political sovereignty is invested in 'the people'. Shifting articulations of nationhood and abortion are examined in three specific sites of political culture: the national press; political activist discourses; and official legislative debates. The terms of debate in the press and the Oireachtas (legislature) in particular are compared over time, from the 1983 campaign to recognize a foetal right to life, to 1992, when the legitimacy and meaning of constitutional abortion law was thrown into crisis by the X case. Two specific reversals in the terms of post-X case abortion politics are examined. Firstly the anti-abortion construction of the nation in familial terms produced popular pressure in 1992 to allow for a right to abortion in the interests of familial integrity. Secondly, the primary antagonism opposing Irish 'pro-life' traditionalism to English 'pro-abortion' modernism was reversed both by the anti-abortion lobby's key role in 'interning' X within the State, and by the popular perception that feminist advocacy of abortion access would reassert the integrity of the violated family. Significant continuities in the construction of abortion law and politics in national terms are also analyzed.
48
Imtiaz, Syed Muhammad Atif. "Identity and the politics of representation : the case of Muslim youth in Bradford." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/862/.
Full textAbstract:
What are the dialectics of the endogenisation of ‘otherness’? This thesis is a study into the interaction between social representations, identities and power in relation to South Asian, Muslim, male youth in Bradford (UK) within the historical context of the ‘Rushdie affair’. The methodology is structured in order to investigate alternative locations of the identity-representation interaction. The studies include participant observation followed by 18 interviews with ‘specialists’, a rhetorical analysis of five television programmes that were aired on national television during and on the Rushdie affair, and an examination of the manner of reception of one of these programmes through 8 focus group discussions. The findings are that ‘otherness’ and difference are central to notions of identity for South Asian Muslim male youth, as they are surrounded by representations of themselves as ‘Muslim’ and ‘Paki’. Their identities take the form of three ideal-types – ‘coconuts’, ‘rude boys’ and ‘extremists’ – which rhetorically engage differentially with the representations. The Rushdie affair is interpreted firstly as a moment of subaltern contestation of its representation through ‘identity politics’ discourse, and secondly, dialogically as both rhetorical positions (hegemonic and subaltern) attempt to psychologically distance themselves from each other – through the construction of the ‘Bradford Muslim’ on the hegemonic side. However, both positions shared techniques of rhetoric, types of discourse, and a common narrative. Furthermore, ‘identity politics’ discourse (for two of the ideal-type identities) acted as the interpretative prism through which the reception of the programme made sense in relation to, for example, the content and manner of reception, the reception of representatives and the call for strategic essentialism. The thesis shows that attempts to escape negative evaluation result in the incorporation of representations, discourses and rhetorical techniques that position identities firmly within the hermeneutics of the hegemonic discourse.
49
Desser, Daphne Payne. "Beyond identity politics toward dialogic ethics: The letters of Mordecai Ben-Ami." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289007.
Full textAbstract:
For many the study of rhetoric has become a study of dialogue and difference, of communication across metaphorical and literal borders, and of the ethics of such communication. Using letters written in French by my great-grandfather, Mordecai Ben-Ami, a Russian Zionist, journalist, and fiction writer, as a site for analysis, I argue that a dialogic ethic of response offers scholars and teachers of rhetoric and composition a way to move beyond identity politics in our writing classes and the oppression of the other in our scholarship. I suggest that some of this field's most common theoretical lenses and practical sites of analysis--historiography, identity construction, gender, and translation--can be complemented by the application of dialogic ethics. Using conceptions of discourse and dialogism in work by Bakhtin and the concept of an ethics of responsibility in work by Levinas, I demonstrate that an intersubjective understanding of ethics rooted in the necessity of response to the other can help us meet the challenges of multicultural dialogue. The letters date from 1924-1928 and originate from Milan, Berlin, Odessa, and Chaiffa, among others. The dissertation is organized in chapters that employ, examine, and problematize a different postmodern approach to rhetorical analysis. Each chapter begins with an examination of a theoretical approach in relation to the letters, then analyzes sample letters using that approach. Each chapter then examines the analysis to discuss particular strengths and flaws of the theoretical framework and to suggest how a dialogic ethics can complement it. The chapters discuss the following: the historical situatedness of the letters, the shifting constructions of ethnicity and identity in the letters and in the dissertation, the gendered aspects of the reading and writing processes of the author and the translator, and finally the cultural politics involved in the translation of Russian Zionist letters by a postmodern American.
50
Dymock, Emma. "The quest for identity in Sorley MacLean's 'An Cuilithionn' : journeying into politics and beyond." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/3231.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to deepen our understanding of ‘An Cuilithionn’, which is generally considered to be Sorley MacLean’s most important political poem, by examining the main symbol in the poem, the mountain, in its interaction with the secondary symbols, and also the historical-political figures who figure in the poem. Very little detailed work on ‘An Cuilithionn’ has been carried out, and for this reason this thesis has to establish a sound foundation for research on ‘An Cuilithionn’. A multi-disciplinary approach allows a fuller understanding of the poem to emerge. The specific aim of the thesis is to understand more fully how heart and mind interact in MacLean’s vision of the hero on the mountain. I view ‘An Cuilithionn’ as MacLean’s meditation on human nature and, because this poem was composed at a time when many of the Scottish intelligentsia of which MacLean was part were assessing their own views on action and pacifism, I also postulate that in ‘An Cuilithionn’ MacLean contemplates the nature of his own identity in that light. The argument of the thesis is based on the premise that in ‘An Cuilithionn’ politics significantly contribute to how MacLean views heroism and his identity is defined by how he perceives figures of history such as Lenin, Dimitrov and James Connolly. I use the psychological approaches of both Julia Kristeva and C.G. Jung as well as the literary theory of Northrop Frye to gain a broader perspective on the topic. In Chapter 1 MacLean’s literary influences as well as the contemporary literary and political climate of Scotland in general are examined. In Chapter 2 and 3 I define the theoretical framework of my inter-disciplinary approach to the subject. In Chapter 4 I speculate whether the main symbols in the poem, the mountain and morass, originate from MacLean’s own personal view of the universe and in Chapter 5 I examine the secondary symbols, the seamonster and stallion, which reflect the personal and political themes in the poem. The dynamic, which I propose is present in the symbols that I have already looked at in the previous chapters, is further considered in Chapter 6 in relation to MacLean’s ideal of the self-sacrificed hero using, in particular, James Frazer’s meta-narrative of the dying and reviving god and Northrop Frye’s literary myth of death and rebirth. In Chapter 7 I connect the theme of self-sacrifice in ‘An Cuilithionn’ to MacLean’s use of Hugh MacDiarmid’s poem, ‘If there are bounds to any man’, which he incorporated into Part V of ‘An Cuilithionn’, and I show that MacLean’s socialist ideals are inextricably linked to his belief in the eternal striving of the hero, which leads him towards a fuller understanding of the course of mankind as a whole. This thesis raises the question of how MacLean views the individual and the collective as well as the personal and the political. It also explores MacLean’s responses to his major influences such as Communism and religion and examines how he deals with these in both an intellectual and emotional way.