Academic literature on the topic 'Hyper-separation'

Summary Classifying biological data is a common task in the biomedical context. Predicting the class of new, unknown information allows researchers to gain insight and make decisions based on the available data. Also, using classification methods often implies choosing the best parameters to obtain optimal class separation, and the number of parameters might be large in biological datasets.Support Vector Machines provide a well-established and powerful classification method to analyse data and find the minimal-risk separation between different classes. Finding that separation strongly depends on the available feature set and the tuning of hyper-parameters. Techniques for feature selection and SVM parameters optimization are known to improve classification accuracy, and its literature is extensive.In this paper we review the strategies that are used to improve the classification performance of SVMs and perform our own experimentation to study the influence of features and hyper-parameters in the optimization process, using several known kernels.

ABSTRACTAccurate analysis of microliter blood samples can improve patient care during medical testing and forensics. Patients can suffer from anemia due to the larger volume required for blood tests, 7 milliliters per vial. Attempts at analysis of nanoliter blood samples by Theranos have systematic errors > 10%, higher than medically acceptable thresholds. Our research aims to analyze composition of microliters of blood. This research investigates accuracy of analyzing blood via HemaDrop™, a patented technique to create a Homogenous Thin Solid Film (HTSF) on super-hydrophilic and hyper-hydrophilic surfaces with 5 microliter droplets of blood. To investigate HemaDrop™’s accuracy, Ion Beam Analysis (IBA) is conducted on dried blood spots (DBS) and HTSFs from congealed blood drops on HemaDrop™-treated samples. HTSFs are observed via optical microscopy to compare uniformity, precipitation, and phase separation. DBSs and HTSFs are compared via optical microscopy for canine blood and human blood. After drying uncoated samples, canine and human blood DBSs exhibit cratering, phase separation, and lack of uniformity. Conversely, HTSFs are uniform, exhibiting no cratering and little phase separation. Next, IBA demonstrates that HTSFs of canine and human blood solidified on super-hydrophilic and hyper-hydrophilic coatings yield spectra where species and electrolytes can be identified, unlike on DBSs. The damage curve method enables extracting accurate blood composition for elements, accounting for IBA damage. Relative error in blood elemental composition is within the 10% medical threshold. While both produced films within the 10% threshold, hyper-hydrophilic coatings eliminated phase separation from serum observed in HTSFs on super-hydrophilic coatings. HemaDrop™ provides consistent measurements independent of sample, showing HTSFs from µL blood drops are uniform, reproducible, and free of phase separation. Thus, HemaDrop™ allows for analysis in vacuum from congealed blood drops and expands the range of techniques to identify elements and molecules.

An analytical solution to the problem of wave transport of matter through composite hyper-fine barriers is constructed. It is shown that, for a composite membrane consisting of two identical ultra-thin layers, there are always distances between the layers at which the resonant passage of one of the components is realized. Resonance makes it possible to separate de Broiler waves of particles with the same properties, which differ only in masses. Broad bands of hyper-selective separation of a hydrogen isotope mixture are found at the temperature of 40 K.

We have developed a simple HPLC method for analysis of the dehydroepiandrosterone sulfate (DHEA-sulfate) in serum with use a new procedure of solid-phase extraction (SPE) on hyper cross-linked polystyrene (Purosep-200) and fast chromatographic separation on the monolithic column under isocratic elution and UV detection at 200 nm. Complete SPE procedure lasts for about 7 min, chromatographic separation takes less than 6 min. Simplicity and high reproducibility of this method makes it attractive in routine clinical practice.

We study the problem of separating stars and galaxies in the Hyper Suprime-Cam (HSC) multi-band imaging data at high galactic latitudes. We show that the current separation technique implemented in the HSC pipeline is unable to produce samples of stars with i 24 without a significant contamination from galaxies (> 50%). We study various methods for measuring extendedness in HSC with simulated and real data and find that there are a number of available techniques that give nearly optimal results; the extendedness measure HSC is currently using is among these. We develop a star/galaxy separation method for HSC based on the Extreme Deconvolution (XD) algorithm that uses colors and extendedness simultaneously, and show that with it we can generate samples of faint stars keeping contamination from galaxies under control to i ≤ 25. We apply our star/galaxy separation method to carry out a preliminary study of the structure of the Milky Way (MW) with main sequence (MS) stars using photometric parallax relations derived for the HSC photometric system. We show that it will be possible to generate a tomography of the MW stellar halo to galactocentric radii ∼ 100 kpc with ∼ 10⁶ MS stars in the HSC Wide layer once the survey has been completed. We report two potential detections of the Sagittarius tidal stream with MS stars in the XMM and GAMA15 fields at ≈ 20 kpc and ≈ 40 kpc respectively.

O Paradigma Orientado a Objetos tem sido atualmente a abordagem dominante de desenvolvimento de software. Contudo, ela sofre da Tirania da Decomposição Dominante, pois não permite uma modularização adequada da implementação relativa a interesses estruturais. Como consequência, a implementação relativa a cada interesse estrutural fica espalhada pelos módulos do programa e entrelaçada com a implementação relativa a outros interesses estruturais. Outras abordagens de desenvolvimento de software, como o Desenvolvimento de Software Orientado a Aspectos com AspectJ e a Separação Multidimensional de Interesses em Hiperespaços com Hyper/J e CME, atingem sucesso moderado em oferecer mecanismos que permitem superar as deficiências do Paradigma Orientado a Objetos. No entanto, tais abordagens também possuem deficiências e omissões que devem ser reparadas para que elas possam se tornar utilizáveis em contextos típicos de desenvolvimento de software complexo. Este trabalho especifica uma nova abordagem, denominada Desenvolvimento de Software Orientado a Temas (DSOT), que tem como objetivo superar algumas deficiências das abordagens anteriores por meio de mecanismos que permitem a manipulação da implementação de cada interesse estrutural de forma separada e a manipulação da implementação de cada tipo de dado de forma separada. Além disso, DSOT possui operadores que são ortogonais, isto é, podem ser utilizados de forma combinada ou separada, para efetuar a composição de módulos do programa. Mostra-se o modelo conceitual do DSOT e descrevese um estudo de caso que consiste no desenvolvimento de um programa para demonstrar mais concretamente como o DSOT funciona na prática. Não se demonstra a superioridade do DSOT para o caso geral, mas os resultados alcançados evidenciam que o DSOT é uma abordagem promissora que merece ser investigada mais aprofundadamente em pesquisas futuras
The Object-Oriented Paradigm has currently been the dominant approach for developing software. However, it suffers from the Tyranny of the Dominant Decomposition, as it does not support a suitable modularization to the implementation relative to structural concerns. As a consequence, the implementation relative to each structural concern is scattered throughout the program modules and tangled with the implementation relative to other structural concerns. Some software development approaches, such as Aspect-Oriented Software Development with Aspect and Multidimensional Separation of Concerns in Hyperspaces with Hyper/J and CME, achieve moderate success in offering mechanisms that make it possible to overcome the deficiencies of the Object-Oriented Paradigm. However, such approaches also possess deficiencies and ommissions that must be corrected in order for them to get usable in typical complex software development contexts. This work specifies a new approach, named Theme- Oriented Software Development (TOSD), which aims at overcoming some deficiencies from previous approaches through mechanisms that support the handling of implementation for every structural concern separately and the handling of implementation for every data type separately. Moreover, TOSD contains operators which are orthogonal, that is, they can be used separately or as a combination, in order to perform composition of the program modules. We show the conceptual model of TOSD and describe a case study which consists in the development of a program to demonstrate more concretely how TOSD works in practice. We do not demonstrate the superiority of TOSD for the general case, but the results we have obtained suggest that TOSD is a promissing approach which deserves a deeper investigation in future research

Since the 1970s, most feminist philosophical work, in some form or another, has sought to expose, define and/or combat the “maleness” of philosophy. This thesis is written from the position that the “maleness” of philosophy is not inevitable, but a feature of our dualised discourse. From this perspective, dualism and male bias are deeply implicated in current structures of thought. And yet, from this perspective, philosophy and theory construction should not be rejected as antagonistic to feminist aims, but reinvented through unthinking dualism. This thesis explores the state of dualism within Western discourse in order to describe how feminists must approach the task of reinventing discourse. One aim of this thesis, then, is to examine to what extent feminist theory shares in the wider criticism of dualistic thinking: the critique of thinking in terms of domination. Thus this thesis sets up the problem of how to unthink dualism as being more complicated than many have thought, and as entailing the reinvention of both philosophy and feminist theory. Chapter One begins by distinguishing the position toward dualism taken in this thesis from other prominent feminist approaches based on politics of equality and difference. From there Chapter Two provides an initial description of my account of dualism, based predominantly on Plumwood’s (1993) critique of dualism, as well as of the problem of how to unthink dualism. Chapters Three, Four and Five then describe the problem of how to unthink dualism in greater depth through an examination of Plumwood’s three principles of dualism: hyper-separation, denied dependency and relational definition. These middle chapters explore how resistant this problem is to a solution by addressing feminist theories’ own reliance on dualistic thinking. Central to this is the problem of difference which has been a major concern of contemporary feminist theory. Finally, Chapter Six draws on this discussion to describe the shape of a satisfactory solution to the problem of how to unthink dualism, and of the road ahead for feminist theory.
Thesis (MPhil) -- University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2020

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter describes the foundation and properties of object-oriented software measures. Many software measures for object-oriented applications have been developed and tested in the development environment. However, the process of defining new measures is still alive. The reason for such development lies in difficulties associated with understanding and maintaining object-oriented applications. It is still difficult to relate the measures to the phenomena we want to improve. Do our measurements indicate problems in reliability, maintenance, or too much complexity of some portions of the application? In order to reduce the complexity of software, new development methodologies and tools are being introduced. An example of the new approach to development is separation of concern. The tools, such as Aspect/J (Kiezales et al., 1997) or Hyper/J (Ossher & Tarr, 1998), facilitate the development process. There does not seem to be a sound metrics suite to measure complexity and efficiency of applications developed and coded with Aspect/J or Hyper/J. In this chapter, we attempt to review the current research into object-oriented software metrics and suggest theoretical framework for complexity estimation and ranking of compositional units in object-oriented applications developed with Hyper/J.

This chapter highlights the origins and growth of Indonesian judicial review. Indonesia today is a constitutional democracy that has attained surprising success in eliminating hyper-presidentialism by implementing important checks and balances on presidential power; by separating executive, legislative, and judicial power; and by attaining rapidly an astonishing amount of decentralization since 1998. That degree of checks and balances and of decentralization has undoubtedly made Indonesians much freer than they were under President Suharto’s dictatorship. The Indonesian Constitutional Court seems to function well and enjoys the confidence of the people. Looked at from an American perspective, however, Indonesia is a constitutional democracy, which does not yet fully protect freedom of expression, freedom of religion, or economic freedoms to the extent that those freedoms are protected by the U.S. Supreme Court. Indonesia’s Bill of Rights and its system of judicial review originated for rights from wrongs reasons, because of borrowing, and because power is sufficiently divided in Indonesia, as a result of the separation of powers and federalism, so that there is political space in which the Supreme Court can operate.

This chapter studies judicial review in South Korea. There are several explanations for the origins and growth of South Korean judicial review. First, judicial review emerged in South Korea for rights from wrongs reasons because of human rights abuses due to three hyper-presidentialist dictatorships. Second, judicial review emerged in South Korean because the separation of power between the unicameral legislature and the president required a judicial umpire. Third, judicial review emerged in South Korea because, according to Professor Tom Ginsburg, two relatively coequal political parties wanted it for reasons of insurance and commitment that fundamental rights would be protected when they were out of power. And, fourth, by the 1980s, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and global trading partners had all come to associate regimes with judicial review of legislation as being less corrupt and more prone to observe the rule of law than were regimes without this institution. There has thus been a lot of borrowing of judicial review by various countries in modern times. As such, borrowing is also part of the explanation for the origins of judicial review of the constitutionality of legislation in South Korea.