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1

Gowdy, John M. "The Bioethics of Hunting and Gathering Societies." Review of Social Economy 50, no. 2 (July 1, 1992): 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/759368611.

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2

Barnard, Alan. "Hunting and Gathering Societies: Fourth International Conference." Current Anthropology 28, no. 2 (April 1987): 234–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/203524.

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3

Dussart, Francoise. "Identity and Gender in Hunting and Gathering Societies:Identity and Gender in Hunting and Gathering Societies." American Anthropologist 105, no. 1 (March 2003): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.195.

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4

Arcand, Bernard. "Fourth International Conference On Hunting And Gathering Societies." Anthropologie et Sociétés 10, no. 3 (1986): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006382ar.

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5

Reyes-García, Victoria, Álvaro Fernández-Llamazares, Maximilien Guèze, and Sandrine Gallois. "Does Weather Forecasting Relate to Foraging Productivity? An Empirical Test among Three Hunter-Gatherer Societies." Weather, Climate, and Society 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 163–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/wcas-d-17-0064.1.

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Abstract Previous research has studied the association between ethnoclimatological knowledge and decision-making in agriculture and pastoral activities but has paid scant attention to how ethnoclimatological knowledge might affect hunting and gathering, an important economic activity for many rural populations. The work presented here tests whether people who can forecast temperature and rain display higher hunting and gathering returns (measured as kilograms per hour for hunting and cash equivalent for gathering). Data were collected among three indigenous, small-scale, subsistence-based societies largely dependent on hunting and gathering for their livelihoods: the Tsimane’ (Amazonia, n = 107), the Baka (Congo basin, n = 164), and the Punan Tubu (Borneo, n = 103).The ability to forecast rainfall and temperature varied from one society to another, but the average consistency between people’s 1-day rainfall and temperature forecasts and instrumental measurements was low. This study found a statistically significant positive association between consistency in forecasting rain and the probability that a person engaged in hunting. Conversely, neither consistency in forecasting rain nor consistency in forecasting temperature were associated in a statistically significant way with actual returns to hunting or gathering activities. The authors discuss methodological limitations of the approach, suggesting improvements for future work. This study concludes that, other than methodological issues, the lack of strong associations might be partly explained by the fact that an important characteristic of local knowledge systems, including ethnoclimatological knowledge, is that they are widely socialized and shared.
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6

Nolan, Patrick D. "Toward an Ecological-Evolutionary Theory of the Incidence of Warfare in Preindustrial Societies." Sociological Theory 21, no. 1 (January 2003): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9558.00172.

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Prompted by the lack of attention by sociologists and the challenge of materialist explanations of warfare in “precivilized” societies posed by Keeley (1996), this paper tests and finds support for two materialist hypotheses concerning the likelihood of warfare in preindustrial societies: specifically, that, as argued by ecological-evolutionary theory, dominant mode of subsistence is systematically related to rates of warfare; and that, within some levels of technological development, higher levels of “population pressure” are associated with a greater likelihood of warfare. Using warfare measures developed by Ember and Ember (1995), measures of subsistence technology originally developed by Lenski (1966, 1970), and the standard sample of societies developed by Murdock and White (1969), this study finds evidence that warfare is more likely in advanced horticultural and agrarian societies than it is in hunting-and-gathering and simple horticultural societies, and that it is also more likely in hunting-and-gathering and agrarian societies that have above-average population densities. These findings offer substantial support for ecological-evolutionary theory and qualified but intriguing support for “population pressure” as explanations of cross-cultural variation in the likelihood of warfare.
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Kistanto, Nurdien Harry. "TRANSFORMASI SOSIAL-BUDAYA MASYARAKAT INDONESIA." Sabda : Jurnal Kajian Kebudayaan 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/sabda.13.2.169-178.

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Social scientists have conceptualized several stages of sociocultural transformation as societal development. One version modified in this article constitutes a typology of preindustrial and industrial societies which consists of one, hunting & gathering societies; two, pastoral societies; three, village agrarian societies; four, advanced traditional agrarian societies; and five, industrial societies; and six, postindustrial societies. To analyse the sociocultural transformation which happens in the Indonesian society, one has to observe and consider the long historical background which produces social heterogeneity. Thus, the direction and ideals of sociocultural transformation can be identified and conceptualized.
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8

Feeney, John. "Hunter-gatherer land management in the human break from ecological sustainability." Anthropocene Review 6, no. 3 (July 29, 2019): 223–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053019619864382.

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Evidence that human societies built on agricultural subsistence have been inherently ecologically unsustainable highlights the value in exploring whether any pre-agricultural subsistence approaches were ecologically sustainable or nearly so. The land management practices of some hunter-gatherer societies have been portrayed as sustainable, even beneficial. Research suggests such practices may fruitfully inform contemporary land management. As a human subsistence foundation, however, they may not have been ecologically sustainable. Figuring centrally in the late Pleistocene shift from immediate-return to delayed-return hunting and gathering, they enabled population growth, helped make possible the development of agriculture, and appear to have caused early environmental degradation. Consistent with this argument is research locating the origins of the Anthropocene near the Pleistocene–Holocene boundary, as societies were taking greater control of food production. It appears then that immediate-return hunting and gathering, which involved little or no land management, was the human lifeway most closely approaching ecological sustainability. Wider recognition of this idea would assist in understanding and addressing today’s ecological challenges.
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9

Keen, Ian. "REPORT ON THE FIFTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON HUNTING AND GATHERING SOCIETIES, DARWIN 1988." Oceania 59, no. 2 (December 1988): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4461.1988.tb02317.x.

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10

Robson, Arthur J., and Hillard S. Kaplan. "The Evolution of Human Life Expectancy and Intelligence in Hunter-Gatherer Economies." American Economic Review 93, no. 1 (February 1, 2003): 150–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/000282803321455205.

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The economics of hunting and gathering must have driven the biological evolution of human characteristics, since hunter-gatherer societies prevailed for the two million years of human history. These societies feature huge intergenerational resource flows, suggesting that these resource flows should replace fertility as the key demographic consideration. It is then theoretically expected that life expectancy and brain size would increase simultaneously, as apparently occurred during our evolutionary history. The brain here is considered as a direct form of bodily investment, but also crucially as facilitating further indirect investment by means of learning-by-doing.
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11

BOIX, CARLES, and FRANCES ROSENBLUTH. "Bones of Contention: The Political Economy of Height Inequality." American Political Science Review 108, no. 1 (November 25, 2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000555.

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Human osteological data provide a rich, still-to-be-mined source of information about the distribution of nutrition and, by extension, the distribution of political power and economic wealth in societies of long ago. On the basis of data we have collected and analyzed on societies ranging from foraging communities to the ancient Egyptian and modern European monarchies, we find that the shift from hunting and gathering to complex fishing techniques and to labor-intensive agriculture opened up inequalities that had discernible effects on human health and stature. But we also find that political institutions intervened decisively in the distribution of resources within societies. Political institutions appear to be shaped not only by economic factors but also by military technology and vulnerability to invasion.
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12

B. Lee, Richard. "Hunter-gatherers on the best-seller list: Steven Pinker and the “Bellicose School's” treatment of forager violence." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 6, no. 4 (October 7, 2014): 216–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-04-2014-0116.

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Purpose – The question of violence in hunter-gatherer society has animated philosophical debates since at least the seventeenth century. Steven Pinker has sought to affirm that civilization, is superior to the state of humanity during its long history of hunting and gathering. The purpose of this paper is to draw upon a series of recent studies that assert a baseline of primordial violence by hunters and gatherers. In challenging this position the author draws on four decades of ethnographic and historical research on hunting and gathering peoples. Design/methodology/approach – At the empirical heart of this question is the evidence pro- and con- for high rates of violent death in pre-farming human populations. The author evaluates the ethnographic and historical evidence for warfare in recorded hunting and gathering societies, and the archaeological evidence for warfare in pre-history prior to the advent of agriculture. Findings – The view of Steven Pinker and others of high rates of lethal violence in hunters and gatherers is not sustained. In contrast to early farmers, their foraging precursors lived more lightly on the land and had other ways of resolving conflict. With little or no fixed property they could easily disperse to diffuse conflict. The evidence points to markedly lower levels of violence for foragers compared to post-Neolithic societies. Research limitations/implications – This conclusion raises serious caveats about the grand evolutionary theory asserted by Steven Pinker, Richard Wrangham and others. Instead of being “killer apes” in the Pleistocene and Holocene, the evidence indicates that early humans lived as relatively peaceful hunter-gathers for some 7,000 generations, from the emergence of Homo sapiens up until the invention of agriculture. Therefore there is a major gap between the purported violence of the chimp-like ancestors and the documented violence of post-Neolithic humanity. Originality/value – This is a critical analysis of published claims by authors who contend that ancient and recent hunter-gatherers typically committed high levels of violent acts. It reveals a number of serious flaws in their arguments and use of data.
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Malakhov, Sergey. "Separate the Tithe: Economic Issues in the Holy Scriptures." International Journal of Social Science Research 11, no. 2 (April 14, 2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v11i2.20765.

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The paper starts with the hypothesis that Adam, having been commanded to eat in the sweat of his brow, had no leisure time in the modern sense, and his leisure was limited by the sleeping time. The verification of this hypothesis needs both statistical and analytical data. Field studies of sleeping habits in hunting-and-gathering tribes from Africa and Southern America discovered statistically reliable data of 5.7-7.1 hours of sleeping time, amounts near the low end of those industrial societies. This result supports the historical analysis of sleeping habits in the preindustrial Europe. The model of economic equilibrium in a hunting-and-gathering society uncovers the perfect allocation of time produced by the golden ratio, also known as the divine proportion. The mathematics of economic equilibrium results in 6.63 hours of sleep. The application of this result to the tangibles-intangibles trade-off in the preindustrial Hebrew economy reveals the perfect share of giving to the church and the needy. It is equal to two tithes commanded to Hebrews by the Old Testament.
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14

Sasikumar, M. "From Food Gathering to Horticulture: The Food Getting Techniques of Shompen of Great Nicobar Island." Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India 69, no. 1 (June 2020): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277436x20927222.

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Classical social evolutionists generally assumed that the transformation of human societies from one particular mode of production to another is an evolutionary progression. It is a passage from hunting–gathering to herding and cultivation as alternative strategies to exploit a ‘given’ environment. This article portrays the strategies adopted by the Shompen to expand and ensure optimal diet throughout the year. The local environmental conditions and the state of technology the community has achieved had its bearing upon determining the nature of adaptive strategy evolved. The Shompen unlike their counterparts in the Andaman Islands have developed a multipronged strategy to survive at a distant, remote and inaccessible habitat in a largely isolated island that too through independent innovation of certain technologies. In this article, an attempt has been made to establish that the progression of societies was not always linear as assumed by the classical social evolutionists.
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15

Maschner, Herbert D. G. "The emergence of cultural complexity on the northern Northwest Coast." Antiquity 65, no. 249 (December 1991): 924–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00080728.

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The northern Northwest Coast supported some of the most socially complex hunting and gathering societies on the Pacific Coast. The Tlingit, Haida and Tsimshian of this region share a rich ethnographic history that reveals hereditary social ranking, sedentary villages, intensive warfare, part-time craft specialization and dense populations. Models developed to explain the origins of social and political complexity among these groups have covered the gamut of theories presented for the rise of complexity in state level societies. As will be demonstrated, not only have archaeologists failed to present a theory that explains the rangeof variability in the data, but on the northern Northwest Coast, the actual timing of the origins of political complexity is suspect.
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16

MITCHELL, PETER, and GAVIN WHITELAW. "THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF SOUTHERNMOST AFRICA FROM c. 2000 BP TO THE EARLY 1800s: A REVIEW OF RECENT RESEARCH." Journal of African History 46, no. 2 (July 2005): 209–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000770.

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Southernmost Africa (here meaning South Africa, Lesotho and Swaziland) provides an excellent opportunity for investigating the relations between farming, herding and hunting-gathering communities over the past 2,000 years, as well as the development of societies committed to food production and their increasing engagement with the wider world through systems of exchange spanning the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. This paper surveys and evaluates the archaeological research relevant to these communities and issues carried out in the region since the early 1990s. Among other themes discussed are the processes responsible for the emergence and transformation of pastoralist societies (principally in the Cape), the ways in which rock art is increasingly being incorporated with other forms of archaeological data to build a more socially informed view of the past, the analytical strength and potential of ethnographically informed understandings of past farming societies and the important contribution that recent research on the development of complex societies in the Shashe-Limpopo Basin can make to comparative studies of state formation.
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17

Elliott, Ben, and Graeme Warren. "Consumers, not Contributors? The Study of the Mesolithic and the Study of Hunter-Gatherers." Open Archaeology 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 787–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opar-2022-0259.

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Abstract This article examines the relationship between the archaeology of the Mesolithic and the broader archaeology and anthropology of hunter-gatherers. Bibliographic reviews of articles presented at past MESO conferences and recent high-ranking Mesolithic research publications are compared to content reviews of contributions towards previous Conference on Hunting and Gathering Societies conferences. The results of these are presented as evidence to suggest that, whilst Mesolithic archaeologists consume the results of the broader field of hunter-gatherer research, we do not contribute to this field as much as might be expected. We argue that this lack of engagement impoverishes both Mesolithic archaeology and hunter-gatherer studies and that closer collaboration between these fields would open up new avenues for interdisciplinary research with the capacity to address the challenges of hunter-gatherer societies living around the world today.
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18

Oko-Out, Chukwuemeka N., and D. I. Ajaegbo. "Geography and the Political Economy of Pre-colonial Ehugbo." Studies in People's History 10, no. 1 (June 2023): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23484489231157481.

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Geography is often a major determinant of economic activities. Traditional African economic activities such as hunting, gathering, fishing, animal rearing, crop production and local industries were often determined by the geographical environment. In turn, economic activities could become instrumental in the formation and shaping of political institutions and social relations. By focusing on creating a cash crop economy and integrating African economies into the world capitalist system, European colonialism altered the longstanding economic and political base of African traditional societies. This article discusses the place of geography in the pre-colonial economic development of Ehugbo and shows how various economic activities influenced the formation of organised political and social institutions among the people in pre-colonial times.
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19

Capriles, José M. "Mobile Communities and Pastoralist Landscapes During the Formative Period in the Central Altiplano of Bolivia." Latin American Antiquity 25, no. 1 (March 2014): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.25.1.3.

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The domestication of llamas and alpacas was fundamental for the cultural and economic development of Andean societies, but the origins of camelid pastoralism as a distinct mode of socioeconomic organization remain little understood. Whereas most archaeological interpretations of prehispanic highland societies emphasize the transition from hunting-gathering to agriculture as a process marked by the establishment of agricultural sedentary villages, other subsistence and mobility strategies have been for the most part overlooked. A case in point is the Wankarani cultural complex from the Central Altiplano of Bolivia, which has been interpreted as an example of an early village-based sedentary society. Here, I argue that a model of mobile pastoralism based on ethnoarchaeological research better explains the Central Altiplano's Formative period archaeological record. Recently collected data support this proposition. Settlement patterns consisted of multiple dispersed camps attached to residential bases occupied recurrently. Horizontal excavations from a residential base revealed structures and features analogous to pastoralist landscapes documented around the world. Faunal identification confirmed the preponderance of domesticated camelids. Based on this evidence, I argue that we need better explanatory frameworks for approaching the origins, organization, and variability associated with early food producing societies such as mobile camelid pastoralists.
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20

Sampson, C. Garth, Virginia Moore, C. Britt Bousman, Bob Stafford, Alberto Giordano, and Mark Willis. "A GIS Analysis of the Zeekoe Valley Stone Age Archaeological Record in South Africa." Journal of African Archaeology 13, no. 2 (November 1, 2015): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3213/2191-5784-10277.

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The conversion of the Zeekoe Valley Archaeological Project survey data to a GIS format allows rapid and accurate analysis of this large hunter-gatherer database. During the 16-month survey 13,866 prehistoric Stone Age sites were recorded and plotted on aerial photographs. These site locations and archaeological data can now be analysed in a manner never possible before the conversion. The distribution and abundance of sites spanning over ~700,000 years of occupation demonstrates how human hunting and gathering societies organized themselves spatially on an African landscape. These results show how these different groups positioned themselves in different locations especially in relation to water sources in the semi-desert Karoo. These distributions show flexible patterns of spatial organization through the prehistoric past.
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21

Apostolou, Menelaos. "Is Homosexuality more Prevalent in Agropastoral than in Hunting and Gathering Societies? Evidence from the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample." Adaptive Human Behavior and Physiology 3, no. 2 (December 27, 2016): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40750-016-0056-6.

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22

Vanlalruati, C., and Samuel V.L. Thlanga. "FOREST AND ITS RESOURCES IN PRE-COLONIAL MIZORAM." International Journal of Advanced Research 12, no. 04 (April 30, 2024): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/18533.

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Northeastern Indias Mizoram state is landlocked and surrounded by Bangladesh on the west and Myanmar on the east and south. It shares boundaries with Manipur and Assam to the north, and with Tripura to some extent to the west. The hill forests are an essential resource that indigenous groups rely on for their way of life. Because of the biomass these trees produced and the occasional removal of those woods for farming, Mizorams livelihoods were formerly totally depended on those forests. More precisely, jhuming was the only source of income for the pre-colonial Lushai civilization, with some hunting and gathering providing additional support. Thus, forest land is a pivot around which the peoples lives revolve their hunting, festivals, farming, and migration patterns all center on the area they own. People in traditional societies rely heavily on wild plants for sustenance, medicine, and leisure. That was especially true during the pre-colonial era, when the majority of items used were made of vegetative materials that could be found in the nearby forest. The sociocultural resource domain appeared to be limitless to the early inhabitants. There was not much competition for space because of the incredibly low population density.
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23

Watson, Lilla. "Our Children: Part of the Past, Present, and Providing a Vision for the Future: A Murri Perspective." Children Australia 14, no. 1-2 (1989): 6–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0312897000002162.

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“Aboriginal people have not … invented childhood.” This statement goes to the very heart of the difference between Western and Aboriginal societies as far as children are concerned. Aboriginal children have always remained part of the adult world.Separation or exclusion from adult activities was kept to a minimum. Indeed, most of those activities were planned and organised to ensure the maximum involvement of as many children as possible. This applied to hunting and gathering, to dance, song, and many ceremonies. From the earliest age, they were aware of what was going on in the community, and were exposed to the whole spectrum of human relations. The expression “not in front of the children”, which became the title of a TV sitcom some years ago, would not have been used by Murris.
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Pont, Graham. "Sexual differences in the consumption of food by Homo sapiens: some speculations in archeogastronomy and the evolution of eating patterns." UNED Research Journal 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 143–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22458/urj.v4i2.1.

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En las sociedades tradicionales, los hombres son más propensos aconsumir grandes cantidades de alimentos en unas pocas comidasdiarias, mientras que las mujeres tienden a consumir pequeñascantidades de comida, pero con más frecuencia durante el día. Aquípropongo la hipótesis de que este comportamiento tiene una basebiológica, porque en las sociedades de cazadores-recolectores, loshombres hacían la caza en grandes áreas y comían abundantementeal obtener una presa, mientras que las mujeres se movían en unazona más restringida, recolectaban y con frecuencia comían de lospequeños alimentos hallados. Sugiero que en el sentido gastronómico,la orientación del hombre es extra-territorial y la orientación de la mujeres predominantemente intra-territorial.ABSTRACT In traditional societies, men are more likely to consume substantialamounts of food in a few daily meals, whereas women tend to consumesmaller quantities of food but to do it more frequently during the day.Here I propose the hypothesis that this behavior has a biological basisbecause in hunting-gathering societies, it was the men who did thehunting over large areas and had to wait until a kill was made to eat(often a large amount of food in a single sitting), while women movedin a more restricted area, did the gathering and frequently ate some ofthe small pieces of food that they found. I suggest that in gastronomicand spatial terms, the orientation of the male is extra-territorial and theorientation of the female is predominantly intra-territorial.
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Standen, Vivien G., Calogero M. Santoro, Daniela Valenzuela, Bernardo Arriaza, John Verano, Susana Monsalve, Drew Coleman, and Pablo A. Marquet. "Violence in fishing, hunting, and gathering societies of the Atacama Desert coast: A long-term perspective (10,000 BP—AD 1450)." PLOS ONE 18, no. 9 (September 20, 2023): e0290690. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0290690.

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In this study, we examine the long-term trajectory of violence in societies that inhabited the coast of the Atacama Desert in northern Chile using three lines of evidence: bioarchaeology, geoarchaeology and socio-cultural contexts (rock art, weapons, and settlement patterns). These millennia-old populations adopted a way of life, which they maintained for 10,000 years, based on fishing, hunting, and maritime gathering, complementing this with terrestrial resources. We analyzed 288 adult individuals to search for traumas resulting from interpersonal violence and used strontium isotopes 87Sr/86Sr as a proxy to evaluate whether individuals that showed traces of violence were members of local or non-local groups. Moreover, we evaluated settlement patterns, rock art, and weapons. The results show that the violence was invariant during the 10,000 years in which these groups lived without contact with the western world. During the Formative Period (1000 BC-AD 500), however, the type of violence changed, with a substantial increase in lethality. Finally, during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000–1450), violence and lethality remained similar to that of the Formative Period. The chemical signal of Sr shows a low frequency of individuals who were coastal outsiders, suggesting that violence occurred between local groups. Moreover, the presence of weapons and rock art depicting scenes of combat supports the notion that these groups engaged in violence. By contrast, the settlement pattern shows no defensive features. We consider that the absence of centralized political systems could have been a causal factor in explaining violence, together with the fact that these populations were organized in small-scale grouping. Another factor may have been competition for the same resources in the extreme environments of the Atacama Desert. Finally, from the Formative Period onward, we cannot rule out a certain level of conflict between fishers and their close neighbors, the horticulturalists.
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Lee, Richard B. "Hunter-Gatherers and Human Evolution: New Light on Old Debates." Annual Review of Anthropology 47, no. 1 (October 21, 2018): 513–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102116-041448.

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One of the most persistent debates in anthropology and related disciplines has been over the relative weight of aggression and competition versus nonaggression and cooperation as drivers of human behavioral evolution. The literature on hunting and gathering societies—past and present—has played a prominent role in these debates. This review compares recent literature from both sides of the argument and evaluates how accurately various authors use or misuse the ethnographic and archaeological research on hunters and gatherers. Whereas some theories provide a very poor fit with the hunter-gatherer evidence, others build their arguments around a much fuller range of the available data. The latter make a convincing case for models of human evolution that place at their center cooperative breeding and child-rearing, as well as management of conflict, flexible land tenure, and balanced gender relations.
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Bisin, Alberto. "The Evolution of Value Systems: A Review Essay on Ian Morris's Foragers, Farmers, and Fossil Fuels." Journal of Economic Literature 55, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 1122–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20151352.

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Foragers, Farmers, and Fossil Fuels: How Human Values Evolve is a large-scale history of the world through the different modes of production humanity has adopted over time and their implications in terms of moral values. Morris argues that the predominant value systems of human societies are cultural adaptations to the organizational structures of the societies themselves, their institutions, and ultimately to their modes of production. In particular, the book contains a careful analysis of how the hunting–gathering mode of production induces egalitarian values and relatively favorable attitudes toward violent resolution of conflicts, while farming induces hierarchical values and less favorable attitudes toward violence, and in turn the fossil fuel (that is, industrial) mode of production induces egalitarian values and nonviolent attitudes. The narrative in the book is rich, diverse, and ultimately entertaining. Morris's analysis is very knowledgeable and informative: arguments and evidence are rooted in history, anthropology, archeology, and social sciences in general. Nonetheless, the analysis falls short of being convincing about the causal nature of the existing relationship between modes of production and moral value systems. ( JEL A13, D02, N30, N60, Z13)
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Elefanti, Paraskevi, and Gilbert Marshall. "Mobility during the Upper Palaeolithic in Greece: Some Suggestions for the Argolid Peninsula." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 3 (December 31, 2018): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v3i0.378.

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The mobile hunting and gathering way of life has persisted for over 95% of human history. As ethnographic studies of recent societies have highlighted, mobility was key to the exploitation of the natural environment, while at the same time enabling groups to regulate their populations through fission and fusion. Combinations of mobility, technology and social networks enabled the near complete global spread of hunter-gatherers prior to the more settled farming way of life. Despite difficulties in extrapolating back in time from modern societies, their study can provide useful baseline indicators as to how settlement and subsistence was likely to have been organised during the Palaeolithic. The archaeological record as well as the seasonal variation in the natural environment, suggest that the fundamental challenges faced by groups during the Palaeolithic would have been broadly similar to those of today. Our study is based on three major cave sites in the Peloponnesian Argolid and applies the results of recent ethnographic studies to suggest ways in which the distribution of Upper Palaeolithic sites in the area can be understood. Our aim is threefold, to introduce mobility as the fundamental element of the huntergatherer way of life. To introduce the sites of Klissoura, Kephalari and Franchthi caves and finally, to consider how insights from modern societies can be applied to understand the Palaeolithic record of the Argolid.
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Karakatsanis, Georgios, and Nikos Mamassis. "Energy and the Macrodynamics of Agrarian Societies." Land 12, no. 8 (August 15, 2023): 1603. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land12081603.

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For the present work, we utilized Leslie White’s anthropological theory of cultural evolutionism as a theoretical benchmark for econometrically assessing the macrodynamics of energy use in agrarian societies that constituted the human civilization’s second energy paradigm between 12,000 BC and 1800 AC. As White’s theory views a society’s ability to harness and control energy from its environment as the primary function of culture, we may classify the evolution of human civilizations in three phases according to their energy paradigm, defined as the dominant pattern of energy harvesting from nature. In this context, we may distinguish three energy paradigms so far: hunting–gathering, agriculture, and fossil fuels. Agriculture, as humanity’s energy paradigm for ~14,000 years, essentially comprises a secondary form of solar energy that is biochemically transformed by photosynthetic life (plants and land). Based on this property, we model agrarian societies with similar principles to natural ecosystems. Just like natural ecosystems, agrarian societies receive abundant solar energy input but also have limited land ability to transform and store them biochemically. As in natural ecosystems, this constraint is depicted by the carrying capacity emerging biophysically from the limiting factor. Hence, the historical dynamics of agrarian societies are essentially reduced to their struggle to maximize energy use by maximizing the area and productivity of fertile land –in the role of a solar energy transformation hub– mitigating their limiting factor. Such an evolutionary forcing introduced technical upgrades, like the leverage of domesticated livestock power as a multiplier of the caloric value harvested by arable and grazing land combined. According to the above, we tested the econometric performance of four selected dynamic maps used extensively in ecology to reproduce humanity’s energy harvesting macrodynamics between 10,000 BC and 1800 AC: (a) the logistic map, (b) the logistic growth map, (c) a lower limiting case of the Hassel map that yields the Ricker map, and (d) a higher limiting case of the Hassel map that yields the Beverton–Holt map. Following our results, we discuss thoroughly our framework’s major elaborations on social hierarchy and competition as mechanisms for allocating available energy in society, as well as the related future research and econometric modeling challenges.
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Ahmed, Mona Akmal M. "Stone tools beyond traditional functions: the journey of lithics from profane to ceremonial." Journal of Historical Archaeology & Anthropological Sciences 9, no. 2 (2024): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/jhaas.2024.09.00306.

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The production of flint tools evolved and diversified in response to the increasing and newly appearing demands of the early societies. The maintenance of this tradition coupled with the durability of stone tools resulted in the development of the lithic tool kit and the accumulation of large lithic assemblages mainly in settlements. The twentieth century witnessed the wide investigation of those assemblages through techno-typological approaches that aim at classifying and interpreting lithic assemblages and using them to reconstruct the chronological and cultural phases of given societies. The wide use of stone tools in daily-life activities i.e. hunting, gathering, farming, and food processing, enhanced the perception of lithics as functional objects that are mainly associated with secular activities. However, investigating the changing roles of stone tools over time remained partially overlooked. Apart from finely-made flint knives, the ritual functions of stone tools remain an unexplored research area. The current paper focuses on assessing the symbolic roles of the Predynastic lithics based on their use as grave goods. The results show that varied classes of tools were recruited for funerary purposes and that the evolving roles of lithics were influenced by a long process of human-nature and people-object interactions.
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Ahmed, Mona Akmal M. "Stone tools beyond traditional functions: the journey of lithics from profane to ceremonial." Journal of Historical Archaeology & Anthropological Sciences 9, no. 2 (2024): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/jhaas.2024.09.00307.

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The production of flint tools evolved and diversified in response to the increasing and newly appearing demands of the early societies. The maintenance of this tradition coupled with the durability of stone tools resulted in the development of the lithic tool kit and the accumulation of large lithic assemblages mainly in settlements. The twentieth century witnessed the wide investigation of those assemblages through techno-typological approaches that aim at classifying and interpreting lithic assemblages and using them to reconstruct the chronological and cultural phases of given societies. The wide use of stone tools in daily-life activities i.e. hunting, gathering, farming, and food processing, enhanced the perception of lithics as functional objects that are mainly associated with secular activities. However, investigating the changing roles of stone tools over time remained partially overlooked. Apart from finely-made flint knives, the ritual functions of stone tools remain an unexplored research area. The current paper focuses on assessing the symbolic roles of the Predynastic lithics based on their use as grave goods. The results show that varied classes of tools were recruited for funerary purposes and that the evolving roles of lithics were influenced by a long process of human-nature and people-object interactions.
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32

Zvelebil, Marek. "The Invention Of Hunter-Gatherers in Seventeenth Century Europe? A Comment on Mark Pluciennik." Archaeological Dialogues 9, no. 2 (December 2002): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800002166.

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Mark Pluciennik has presented us with an excellent and original piece of research. His conclusion that the current categorisation of pre-industrial societies into hunter-gatherers and farmers is, effectively, a modern invention represents a continuation of his earlier investigations into this subject (1998; 2001). He supports this conclusion with very convincing arguments, and offers a historically contingent explanation in terms of the coalescence of several ideological and economic ‘currents’ which, in the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, led to the establishment of a categorical distinction between ‘savage hunter-gatherers’ and ‘civilised farmers’. In my comment, I would like to focus on two issues, broadly following the structure of his paper: (1) in general terms, are we really dealing with yet another ‘invented tradition’, spawned by the need for an ideological justification for the supremacy of western capitalist ideology and economic order? (2) How do we categorise early farming, fishing, hunting and gathering communities in the past, if at all?
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Yang, Yuanhe, Haiming Li, Yong Lu, Rubing Xia, Nathaniel James, Hui Chen, and Yanping Zhao. "The Agricultural Economy of the Sanxingdui Culture (3700–3100 BP): Archaeological and Historical Evidence from the Chengdu Plain." Land 13, no. 6 (June 3, 2024): 787. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land13060787.

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Agriculture is a critical foundation for the development of large-scale complex and urban societies. Sanxingdui, located on the Chengdu Plain in western Sichuan and linked with the ancient Chinese Shu Kingdom, is one of the most distinctive archaeological sites in the world. However, despite its importance, the agricultural economy of the Sanxingdui culture and the Chengdu Plain remains poorly understood and heavily debated. This study synthesizes recent archaeological and historical evidence concerning the agricultural economy underpinning the increasing scale and social complexity at Sanxingdui and the greater Chengdu Plain prior to 2200 BP. Our analysis finds a mixed rice and dry-land millet farming economy, in conjunction with pig and chicken husbandry, during the Sanxingdui culture (3700–3100 BP). This integrated agricultural system likely began with the Baodun culture (4500–3700 BP), passing to the Sanxingdui culture (3700–3100 BP), Shierqiao culture (3100–2600 BP) and later, the Shu culture (2600–2300 BP). In addition, although gathering, hunting, and fishing accounted for relatively low proportions of the overall subsistence, the ancient peoples at Sanxingdui and across the Chengdu Plain continued these practices, supporting a diverse agricultural and food system. Understanding the subsistence at Sanxingdui offers key insights into the development of complex societies in southwest China, the contributions to Chinese culture, and the role of agriculture worldwide.
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Seong, Chuntaek. "Neolithic Complex Hunter-Gatherers in Korea Revisitied." KOREA NEOLITHIC RESEARCH SOCIETY 46 (December 31, 2023): 41–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35186/jkns.2023.46.41.

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The present essay critically reviews the recent attempt to conceptualize the Neolithic society in Korea as complex hunter-gatherers. While large scale settlements with 20 to 30, and even 60 subterranean houses are well recognized in the Neolithic Korea, many archaeologists still consider that the occupants were mainly hunters and gatherers. The concept of complex hunter-gatherers were originally proposed to denote large village societies with prominent social hierarchies relying on abundant marine resources, and some archaeologists extended its use to prehistory. Aside from the archaeological applicability of the concept itself, the Korean Neolithic archaeological record lacks critical elements of the complex hunter-gatherers. While the discussion and application of the concept in the context of Korean Neolithic have opened the new theoretical landscape, it is true that many burials and associated goods, let alone habitations sites, do not suggest the development of social hierarchies. The characteristics of burial goods are consistent with sexual differences which is widely observable with most hunter-gatherers societies. Furthermore, many Korean Neolithic sites yielded evidence of broomcorn and foxtail millet domestication, which most archaeologists try to explain in the context of complementary subsistence activities still dominated by hunting and gathering. The existence of material evidence of plant domestication strongly suggests that the Neolithic people were not ‘typical’ hunter-gatherers, which begs further discussions of the role of domestication in the Neolithic and its implications to the development of settled village lives. While the concept of the complex hunter-gatherers was coined to embrace cases that do not fit into the traditional hunter-gatherer society, it has become another stereotype that does not allow wide range of variability in prehistoric societies. Rather, we need to pay more attention to the role of mixed economy or horticulture and dynamics of orderly egalitarian societies in the Neolithic Korea.
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Kornienko, T. V. "On the Interpretation of Stelae in the Cult Complexes of Northern Mesopotamia During the Pre-Pottery Neolithic." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 46, no. 4 (December 23, 2018): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0102.2018.46.4.013-021.

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On the basis of interdisciplinary and semiotic approaches, the paper interprets the meaning of vertical stelae/pillars/ pilasters at the cult complexes of Northern Mesopotamia during the transition to the Neolithic. General trends in the content of the rituals practiced at the initial stage of sedentism are described. One of the central ideas was that of procreation/ fertility/prosperity. Monumental stelae, pillars, and pilasters of sacral complexes of that time in Upper Mesopotamia, while representing zoo-anthropomorphic divine patrons, might have another meaning, referring to the male procreative force. The shift to sedentism likely contributed to the formation of the cult of deities associated with specific locations and human groups. The ancestor cult was related to the groups’ totems, as evidenced by Northern Mesopotamian totemic beliefs typical of the hunting-gathering societies and differing from those practiced by the early farmers. Certain religious innovations, while being transformed, regularly appear in later cultures of the Ancient Near East, and are attested by both the archaeological evidence and written sources.
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Prentiss, William C., James C. Chatters, Michael Lenert, David S. Clarke, and Robert C. O'Boyle. "The Archaeology of the Plateau of Northwestern North America During the Late Prehistoric Period (3500–200 B.P.): Evolution of Hunting and Gathering Societies." Journal of World Prehistory 19, no. 1 (March 2005): 47–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10963-005-9001-5.

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37

Shah, Rishi. "Dispelling superstitions in Nepalese society with astronomy." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 5, S260 (January 2009): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921311002614.

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AbstractThroughout human history, astronomy has played crucial rôle in the development of our civilization, culture and daily chores of lives that have been influenced by observations of Sun, moon, planets, stars and other cosmic entities. Our ancestors who were hunting and gathering and foraging food while living in caves learned to think logically by gazing at the twinkling stars in the heavens. Seasons for crops plantation were determined, time concept was introduced, entire sky was charted and the motions of celestial objects were meaningfully understood. With the advent of telescopes, the geocentric model of universe was replaced by the revolutionary heliocentric concept of our Solar System. Astronomy dispelled superstitious beliefs strongly prevailing in societies. Closely associated with numerous disciplines of science astronomy is still flourishing worldwide and is attempting to fly us away to those habitable cosmic bodies of our universe. By establishing well-equipped observational infrastructure local and international astronomy research and development could be enhanced. Introduction of astronomy in education system right from school would attract and encourage students to pursue higher studies for enabling them for participating in future international scientific and exploration programmes. Astronomy has helped our society to progress peacefully and efficiently.
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Pandey, Shivesh. "Forest Resources – An Ideal Alternative for Tribal Development and Health Care." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 4, no. 3 (October 6, 2016): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v4.n3.p13.

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<div><p><em>The Indian sub-continent is inhabited by 53 million tribal populations belonging to over 550 tribal communities that come under 227 linguistic groups. They inhibit varied geographic and climatic Zones of the country. Their vocation ranges from hunting, gathering, cave dwelling nomadics to societies with settled culture living in complete harmony with nature. Forests have been their dear home and totally submitted themselves to forest settings. Their relationship with the forest was symbolic in nature. They have been utilizing the resources without disturbing the delicate balance of the eco-system. Tribals thus mostly remained as stable societies and were unaffected by the social, cultural, material and economic evolutions that were taking place with the so called civilized societies. But this peaceful co-existence of the tribals has been disturbed in recent years by the interference in their habitats. Traditional communities living close to nature have, over the years acquired unique knowledge about the use of living biological resources. Modernisation, especially industrialization and urbanisation has endangered the rich heritage of knowledge and expertise of age old wisdom of the traditional communities. A study on the utilization of local tribals revealed that they hold precious knowledge on the specific use of a large number of agents of wild plant and animal origins, the use of many are hitherto unknown to the outside world. The tribal people are the real custodians of the medicinal plants and thus by using their talents they can be developed as real custodian of Health Care in Indigenous field. </em></p><p><em>The present paper explains how medicinal the knowledge of medicinal plants can prove to be an ideal alternative for tribal development especially in the area of Health Care.</em></p></div>
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Lee, Richard B., and Mathias Guenther. "Problems in Kalahari Historical Ethnography and the Tolerance of Error." History in Africa 20 (1993): 185–235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171972.

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The !Kung San or Bushmen of Namibia and Botswana are one of the most thoroughly documented hunting and gathering societies in the annals of African anthropology. In recent years two radically different views of the !Kung San have emerged in the anthropological literature. One sees the !Kung as hunters and gatherers living under changed circumstances and maintaining an old but adaptable way of life: the characteristic features associated with the hunter-gatherer subsistence or foraging mode of production.The other sees these same !Kung as products of a very different history, a history of long association with Bantu-speaking overlords, followed by intense involvement with merchant capital. In this view it was the !Kungs' experience of domination and incorporation, not the dynamics of autonomous foraging that shaped their economy and social life. Their well-documented egalitarian politics and gender relations are thus a product not of their own history, but of their history of shared poverty. The San are classless today precisely because they are the underclass in a more inclusive class structure (Wilmsen 1983:17).Which view more accurately reflects the historical realities and experience of the !Kung? A body of opinion within contemporary anthropology holds that this “revisionist” view provides a much-needed corrective to the anthropological tendency to treat African societies ahistorically. Others have denied this charge and have countered that the history of Kalahari peoples showed great variation; while some may have formed an underclass at an early date, others persisted as relatively independent (but not isolated) hunter-gatherers into the modem period.
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Reid, Miranda, Emmanuel Gyimah, Kathryn Dewey, Chessa Lutter, E. A. Quinn, Melissa Chapnick, and Lora Iannotti. "Infant and Child Diets of Hunter-Fisher-Gatherer Societies: A Systematic Review." Current Developments in Nutrition 4, Supplement_2 (May 29, 2020): 896. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdn/nzaa053_101.

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Abstract Objectives To identify key changes in child diets during the transition to agriculture by synthesizing evidence on 1) infant and child hunter-fisher-gatherer diets to identify common elements of an evolutionary child diet and 2) early agricultural groups. Methods We searched five databases (Academic Search Complete via EBSCO, Anthropology Plus via EBSCO, Medline via PubMed, Scopus, and SocIndex with Full Text via EBSCO). Childhood was defined as children 10 years or younger. Early agriculture was defined as cultivation activities during the Neolithic or regional Neolithic equivalent era (e.g., Woodland Period), to account for the variation in the transition to agriculture. Studies examining hominins from the following species were eligible: Homo erectus/Homo ergaster, Homo neanderthalensis, Homo heidelbergensis, and Homo sapiens. We included peer-reviewed papers of qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods on infant and childhood diets for groups whose primary subsistence method was hunting, fishing, or gathering or groups who were transitioning to early agriculture. Title and abstract reviews were conducted in Rayyan QCRI by two blinded authors. Discrepancies were reviewed by a third author. Full text review was also blinded. We scored studies with the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool (2018), and we synthesized evidence using a narrative synthesis with sub-group analysis as appropriate. Results The publications covered a range of subsistence groups and study types (e.g., ethnography, isotopic analysis). Groups from Africa, Asia, Europe, North America and South America were represented, and time periods ranged from the Mesolithic Era to present. Our analysis indicated a significant shift in child diet accompanying the shift to agriculture. Hunter-gatherer-fisher children had more varied diets with a larger proportion of animal-source foods during and after the complementary feeding period compared to early agricultural groups. Conclusions Early agricultural diets, similar to current child dietary patterns, have diverged from the diets of hunter-fisher-gatherer children in important ways. These differences could offer insight into child feeding guidelines today. Funding Sources This project was internally funded by the E3 Nutrition Lab at Washington University in St. Louis.
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Liu, Li. "A LONG PROCESS TOWARDS AGRICULTURE IN THE MIDDLE YELLOW RIVER VALLEY, CHINA: EVIDENCE FROM MACRO- AND MICRO-BOTANICAL REMAINS." Journal of Indo-Pacific Archaeology 35 (January 2, 2015): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.7152/jipa.v35i0.14727.

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<p class="1Abstract">Macro- and micro-botanical remains dating from the Upper Paleolithic through early Neolithic periods in North China have provided significant information for reconstructing the changing subsistence patterns as human groups evolved from mobile hunting-gathering societies to sedentary farming communities. Starch analysis on grinding stones, in particular, has revealed much new data that supplement the inventory of carbonized remains recovered by flotation methods. This paper reviews some recent research projects which have documented a long tradition of processing various plants with grinding stones in the Middle Yellow River valley, including tubers, beans, nuts, and cereals. Exploitation of wild millet can be traced back to 23,000-19,500 cal. BP, more than 10,000 years before its domestication. Several species of tuber, acorn, and wild grasses made up significant proportions of staple food during the early Neolithic, when millet domestication was already underway. These new data help us to better understand the extended transitional process to agriculture in the Middle Yellow River region. Archaeobotany is in an early stage of development in China; it is important to employ an interdisciplinary approach for a more complete documentation of plant use in the past and a better understanding of subsistence practices then.</p>
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Huebbe, Patricia, and Gerald Rimbach. "Historical Reflection of Food Processing and the Role of Legumes as Part of a Healthy Balanced Diet." Foods 9, no. 8 (August 4, 2020): 1056. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/foods9081056.

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The purpose of food processing has changed over time. High-intensity industrially processed food often exhibits higher concentrations of added sugar, salt, higher energy, and lower micronutrient density than does similar food or meals prepared at home from raw or minimally processed food. Viewing the evolution of food processing from history, one could make out three major transitions related to human socioeconomic changes. The first transition was marked by the change from hunting and gathering to settled societies with agriculture and livestock farming. The second and third transitions were associated with the Industrial Revolution and with market liberalization, global trade and automation, respectively. The next major transition that will influence food processing and shape human nutrition may include the exploitation of sustainable and efficient protein and food sources that will ensure high-quality food production for the growing world population. Apart from novel food sources, traditional food such as legumes and pulses likewise exhibit great potential to contribute to a healthy balanced diet. The promotion of legumes should be intensified in public dietary guidelines because their consumption is rather low in high-income countries and increasingly displaced as a traditional staple by industrially processed food in low- to middle-income countries.
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Sobania, Neal. "Fishermen Herders: Subsistence, Survival and Cultural Change in Northern Kenya." Journal of African History 29, no. 1 (March 1988): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035982.

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This article examines the unique role played by fishing, hunting and gathering groups in the survival strategy of the pastoralist societies in whose midst they live. During periods of extreme adversity, these groups acted as a refuge for destitute herdsmen and their households by absorbing population in periods of hardship and releasing individuals back into pastoralism when conditions once again allowed the accumulation of stock. Extensive quotations from the historical traditions of the peoples of the Lake Turkana region of northern Kenya are used to detail the recent history of two such fishing communities, the Elmolo and the Dies, the latter being a fishing group within Dasenech society. The epizootics that decimated the cattle herds of East Africa at the end of the nineteenth century are background for examining the interactions of the Elmolo and Dies with their pastoralist neighbours, the Samburu and Rendille, and the cultural changes initiated during this period. The subsequent changes inaugurated by the imposition of colonial rule are documented and the Elmolo are shown to be a ‘dying tribe’ in the sense that the traditional cultural features of their society are giving way to a more pastoral existence based on that of their herding neighbours.
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Turner, Jonathan H. "Principles of Inter-Societal Dynamics." Journal of World-Systems Research 23, no. 2 (August 11, 2017): 649–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2017.720.

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World-system dynamics are re-conceptualized as inter-societal systems with some de-emphasis on the notions of core, periphery, and semi-periphery. This tri-part division has been useful in forcing sociology to rethink macro-level sociological analysis and in establishing the importance of considering inter-societal systems as a fundamental unit of human social organization, but this Weberian-like ideal type is constraining theoretical analysis. Moreover, core, periphery, and semi-periphery are not consistently found across a broad range of inter-societal systems, beginning with those among hunting and gathering societies and moving to the current capitalist inter-societal system. Furthermore, the often-implied view that the current geo-economic global system has replaced geo-political systems is overdrawn because geo-economics and geo-politics constantly intersect and interact in all inter-societal systems. Some illustrative general models are drawn for geo-political systems, while abstract principles for geo-political and geo-economic inter-societal relations are articulated. The goal of the paper, then, is to move current world-system analysis back, in a sense, to earlier conceptualizations of geo-economics and geo-politics and empire formations that have always existed among human populations and that now drive the dynamics of the globe today. In this analysis, the seminal work of Christopher Chase-Dunn is referenced as a source of inspiration for this small, but important, shift in analysis and modes of theorizing.
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45

Konner, Melvin. "Is History the Same as Evolution? No. Is it Independent of Evolution? Certainly Not." Evolutionary Psychology 20, no. 1 (January 2022): 147470492110691. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14747049211069137.

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History is full of violence and oppression within and between groups, and although group conflicts enhance within-group cooperation (mediated by oxytocin, which promotes parochial altruism) the hierarchy within groups ensures that spoils accrue very unevenly. Darwin suggested, and we now know, that sexual selection is as powerful as selection by mortality, and the main purpose of survival is reproduction. Male reproductive skew is greater than that among females in all societies, but the difference became much greater after the hunting-gathering era, and the rise of so-called “civilization” was everywhere a process of predatory expansion, producing kingdoms and empires where top males achieved astounding heights of reproductive success. This was shown by historical and ethnographic data now strongly confirmed by genomic science. Psychological research confirms that group identity, out-group stigmatization, leadership characterized by charisma, the will to power, narcissism, sociopathy, and cruelty, and followership characterized by hypnotic obedience, loss of individuality, and cruelty are integral parts of human nature. We can thank at least ten or twelve millennia of microevolutionary processes such as those described above, all more prominent in males than females. Followers in wars have faced a difficult risk-benefit analysis, but if they survived and won they too could increase their reproductive success through the rape and other sexual exploitation that have accompanied almost all wars. For modern leaders, social monogamy and contraception have separated autocracy from reproductive success, but only partly, and current worldwide autocratic trends still depend on the evolved will to power, obedience, and cruelty.
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van Heteren, S., J. A. C. Meekes, M. A. J. Bakker, V. Gaffney, S. Fitch, B. R. Gearey, and B. F. Paap. "Reconstructing North Sea palaeolandscapes from 3D and high-density 2D seismic data: An overview." Netherlands Journal of Geosciences - Geologie en Mijnbouw 93, no. 1-2 (March 13, 2014): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/njg.2014.4.

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AbstractThe North Sea subsurface shows the marks of long-term tectonic subsidence. Much of it contains a thick record of glacial and interglacial deposits and landscapes, formed during multiple glacial cycles and the associated regressions and transgressions during the past two million years. At times of lower sea level than today, areas that are presently submerged were fertile lowlands more favourable for hunting and gathering than the surrounding upland. These drowned lowlands are not captured by traditional 1:250,000 geological maps of the North Sea subsurface because the underlying seismic and core data are commonly too widely spaced to achieve this. Palaeolandscape mapping requires identification of building blocks with spatial scales in the order of 1 km or less. As high-density 2D and high-quality 3D seismics are becoming available for an increasing part of the North Sea, glacial and interglacial palaeolandscapes can be reconstructed for more and more areas. An overview of published palaeolandscape reconstructions shows that shallow time slices through 3D data provide map views that are very suitable for the identification of landscape elements. For optimal results, each time slice needs to be validated and ground-truthed with 2D seismics and with descriptions and analyses of cores and borehole samples. Interpretations should be made by teams of geoscientists with a sufficiently broad range of expertise to recognise and classify even subtle or unfamiliar patterns and features. The resulting reconstructions will provide a context and an environmental setting for Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic societies and finds.
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Cummins, Jim. "Mitochondrial DNA and the Y chromosome: parallels and paradoxes." Reproduction, Fertility and Development 13, no. 8 (2001): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rd01064.

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Both mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and the Y chromosome have been used extensively by molecular paleoanthropologists in attempts to reconstruct human lineages. Both are inherited in a haploid manner: mtDNA through the female and the Y through the male. For mtDNA, maternal inheritance is ensured by a species-specific mechanism of proteolysis of the sperm midpiece in early embryogenesis, based on ubiquitination of the mitochondria during spermiogenesis. Both genomes are thought to lack recombination and are thus liable to high rates of neutral mutation. For the human Y chromosome, it is now clear that there has been selection on genes controlling spermatogenesis, resulting in differential long-term reproductive success. This is corroborated from studies of genealogies and hunting–gathering societies, although these lack the rigour provided by the modern molecular markers of inheritance. Selection is made more complicated by a concentration of genes controlling secondary sexual characteristics on the X chromosome. Likewise, mtDNA affects the bioenergetics of gametogenesis and embryo development, as well as longevity, disease and the aging process. Both Y chromosome and mitochondrial haplotypes show significant associations with patterns of male infertility that could distort their use for phylogenetic reconstruction. Moreover, the molecular analysis of mtDNA is complicated by the presence of numerous nuclear mitochondrial pseudogenes (Numts) that can be erroneously amplified by molecular techniques such as PCR. This review examines some of these complex interactions and suggests that some of the more contentious issues in understanding human evolution may be resolved by considering the biology of these genetic markers.
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Jorgensen, Joseph, Richard Mccleary, and Steven Mcnabb. "Social Indicators in Native Village Alaska1." Human Organization 44, no. 1 (March 1, 1985): 2–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.44.1.61r44v7782262307.

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Social indicators-constructs to assess, and to measure changes to socio-economic conditions of life for contemporary societies-are analyzed for eight Aleutian and northwestern Alaskan villages whose native residents derive their sustenance from hunting, gathering, and fishing. Because of federal, state, and oil corporation actions, these villages and others like them are changing rapidly and dramatically. The analysis proposes a structure for the changes that are occurring, and measurable factors that will "indicate" future changes. Two competing models to explain social change are evaluated-"Western Industrial" and "Underdevelopment"-although both are modified to account for the Alaskan arctic and subarctic and the importance of subsistence economies in those areas. The method employed, commonly referred to as "triangulation," comprises several methodologies, several research designs, and several data sets: autoregressive time series analysis of archival data, multivariate analysis of protocol (interview) data, and contextual and anecdotal analysis of ethnographic observations. Each method has strengths and weaknesses with the strengths of one helping to compensate for the weaknesses of another. Conclusions drawn from the analyses of these several data sets allow us to posit a set of indicators while offering several concluding hypotheses throughout our exposition. Among our conclusions is that if naturally-occurring species on which village life depends are so disrupted by man-made or man-influenced events that they cannot sustain native subsistence and commercial pursuits, the underdevelopment model, shaped to accommodate the uniqueness of the arctic, will be fulfilled. The concluding hypotheses can be tested for validity in restudies, a monitoring system is implied, and a forecasting methodology to assess impacts is suggested. Thus, the study represents a new methodology for social impact assessments (SIA).
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Wu, Yingying, Can Wang, Zhaoyang Zhang, and Yong Ge. "Subsistence, Environment, and Society in the Taihu Lake Area during the Neolithic Era from a Dietary Perspective." Land 11, no. 8 (August 3, 2022): 1229. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11081229.

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The Taihu Lake region is an important area where China’s rice agriculture originated and where early Chinese civilisation formed. Knowing how this ecologically sensitive area’s Neolithic residents adapted to environmental changes and utilised natural resources is key to understanding the origins of their agricultural practices and civilisation. Focusing on food resources, we systematically organised data from archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological research, human bone stable isotopic analyses, and fatty acid and proteome residue analyses on the Taihu Lake area’s Neolithic findings to explore the interrelationships between subsistence, the environment, and society through qualitative and quantitative analysis supported by paleoenvironmental and archaeological evidence. The results showed that during the Neolithic era (7.0‒4.3 ka BP), under a suitable climate with stable freshwater wetland environments, 38 varieties of edible animals and plants were available to humans in the Taihu Lake area. Despite agriculture being an important food source, rice cultivation and husbandry developed at different paces. Paddy rice cultivation began in wetlands and had always dominated the subsistence economy, as although gathering was universal and diverse, it produced a relatively low volume of food. In contrast, husbandry did not provide sufficient meat throughout the 2000 years of the Majiabang and Songze Cultures. Thus, fishing for freshwater organisms and hunting for wild mammals were the main meat sources before the domestication of pigs became the primary source of meat during the Liangzhu Cultural period. With the available wetland ecological resources and paddy rice farming (the sole crop), the Taihu Lake area transformed into an agricultural society in which rice cultivation dominated the Songze Culture’s subsistence economy, which was also the first to exhibit social complexity. Then, finally, early civilisation developed in the Liangzhu Cultural period. This study contributes to understanding the unique evolutionary path of early Chinese civilisation and has important implications on sustainable resource utilisation for constructing ecological civilisations in present-day societies.
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Kahn, Sandra, Paul Ehrlich, Marcus Feldman, Robert Sapolsky, and Simon Wong. "The Jaw Epidemic: Recognition, Origins, Cures, and Prevention." BioScience 70, no. 9 (July 22, 2020): 759–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/biosci/biaa073.

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Abstract Contemporary humans are living very different lives from those of their ancestors, and some of the changes have had serious consequences for health. Multiple chronic “diseases of civilization,” such as cardiovascular problems, cancers, ADHD, and dementias are prevalent, increasing morbidity rates. Stress, including the disruption of traditional sleep patterns by modern lifestyles, plays a prominent role in the etiology of these diseases, including obstructive sleep apnea. Surprisingly, jaw shrinkage since the agricultural revolution, leading to an epidemic of crooked teeth, a lack of adequate space for the last molars (wisdom teeth), and constricted airways, is a major cause of sleep-related stress. Despite claims that the cause of this jaw epidemic is somehow genetic, the speed with which human jaws have changed, especially in the last few centuries, is much too fast to be evolutionary. Correlation in time and space strongly suggests the symptoms are phenotypic responses to a vast natural experiment—rapid and dramatic modifications of human physical and cultural environments. The agricultural and industrial revolutions have produced smaller jaws and less-toned muscles of the face and oropharynx, which contribute to the serious health problems mentioned above. The mechanism of change, research and clinical trials suggest, lies in orofacial posture, the way people now hold their jaws when not voluntarily moving them in speaking or eating and especially when sleeping. The critical resting oral posture has been disrupted in societies no longer hunting and gathering. Virtually all aspects of how modern people function and rest are radically different from those of our ancestors. We also briefly discuss treatment of jaw symptoms and possible clinical cures for individuals, as well as changes in society that might lead to better care and, ultimately, prevention.
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