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Journal articles on the topic 'Hunter-gatherers'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Olden-Stahl, John M., and D. D. Bennett. "Supermarket Hunter-Gatherers?" Science News 127, no. 10 (March 9, 1985): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3969340.

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2

Hames, Raymond. "Pacifying Hunter-Gatherers." Human Nature 30, no. 2 (April 5, 2019): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12110-019-09340-w.

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3

Bordon, Yvonne. "Virus-hunter gatherers." Nature Reviews Immunology 11, no. 10 (September 23, 2011): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nri3080.

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4

Gross, Michael. "Shopping with hunter-gatherers." Current Biology 32, no. 12 (June 2022): R596—R599. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2022.05.061.

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5

Hays, Jennifer, Velina Ninkova, and Edmond Dounias. "Hunter-gatherers and education." Hunter Gatherer Research: Volume 5, Issue 1-2 5, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2019): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hgr.2019.2.

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This article provides an overview of some of the main themes that have emerged in the research on hunter gatherers and education. The term ‘education’ refers both to schooling, and to the traditional pedagogical modes of knowledge transmission that hunter-gatherer communities have developed and maintained over millennia. Formal education plays a crucial, yet complicated role for contemporary hunter-gatherers; it is considered to be a foundational element for economic and social development, yet also continues to be a tool of assimilation. Participation in schooling can also conflict with local livelihood strategies, culture and knowledge. While this is the case for many marginalised groups, hunter-gatherers are one of the most marginalised and most vulnerable groups, and face some of the most challenging problems with formal education. This paper examines these issues from a human rights perspective, and within a global context. We describe the main challenges that hunter-gatherers face regarding participation in formal education, including physical, financial, social, cultural and structural barriers, and highlight issues of both inclusion and assimilation. We also examine traditional knowledge and educational approaches among hunter-gatherer communities, calling for a much greater appreciation of the importance and relevance to current global concerns.
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6

Hays, Jennifer, Velina Ninkova, and Edmond Dounias. "Hunter-gatherers and education." Hunter Gatherer Research: Volume 5, Issue 1-2 5, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2019): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hgr.2019.2.

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This article provides an overview of some of the main themes that have emerged in the research on hunter gatherers and education. The term ‘education’ refers both to schooling, and to the traditional pedagogical modes of knowledge transmission that hunter-gatherer communities have developed and maintained over millennia. Formal education plays a crucial, yet complicated role for contemporary hunter-gatherers; it is considered to be a foundational element for economic and social development, yet also continues to be a tool of assimilation. Participation in schooling can also conflict with local livelihood strategies, culture and knowledge. While this is the case for many marginalised groups, hunter-gatherers are one of the most marginalised and most vulnerable groups, and face some of the most challenging problems with formal education. This paper examines these issues from a human rights perspective, and within a global context. We describe the main challenges that hunter-gatherers face regarding participation in formal education, including physical, financial, social, cultural and structural barriers, and highlight issues of both inclusion and assimilation. We also examine traditional knowledge and educational approaches among hunter-gatherer communities, calling for a much greater appreciation of the importance and relevance to current global concerns.
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7

Holden, Constance. "Hunter-Gatherers Grasp Geometry." Science 311, no. 5759 (January 20, 2006): 317.1–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.311.5759.317a.

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8

Fisher, J. "What about hunter-gatherers?" Canadian Medical Association Journal 174, no. 5 (February 28, 2006): 662. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.1060007.

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9

Gray, Peter. "Hunter-Gatherers and Play." Scholarpedia 7, no. 10 (2012): 30365. http://dx.doi.org/10.4249/scholarpedia.30365.

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10

Boyette, Adam H., and Barry S. Hewlett. "Teaching in Hunter-Gatherers." Review of Philosophy and Psychology 9, no. 4 (July 6, 2017): 771–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13164-017-0347-2.

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11

Russell, Thembi. "‘Where goats connect people’: Cultural diffusion of livestock not food production amongst southern African hunter-gatherers during the Later Stone Age." Journal of Social Archaeology 17, no. 2 (April 12, 2017): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605317701596.

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The frequently stated yet unexamined assumption in the debate surrounding the acquisition of livestock by hunter-gatherers in southern Africa is that this transition was about a subsistence change to food production. This interpretation ignores the archaeological evidence that hunter-gatherers remained hunter-gatherers on acquisition of stock. It also overlooks the ethnographic and historical evidence surrounding the relationships between humans and animals in Africa (and beyond), both today and in the past. Amongst the majority of the continent’s people, the primary value of domestic animals is their social and ritual value. Across all subsistence categories in eastern and southern Africa – hunter-gatherer, agro-pastoralist and pastoralist – there is a strong and well-documented shared resistance to slaughtering livestock. This has implications for our understanding of the uptake of stock by hunter-gatherers in southern African 2000 years ago and its comparison to Neolithic transitions in other parts of the world.
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12

Karsten, Jordan K., Sarah E. Heins, Gwyn D. Madden, and Mykhailo P. Sokhatskyi. "The Biological Implications of the Transition to Agriculture in Ukraine: A Study of Enamel Hypoplasias." Dental Anthropology Journal 27, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2018): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26575/daj.v27i1-2.40.

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The Tripolye were the first archaeo-logical culture in Ukraine to cultivate domesticat-ed cereals, practice animal husbandry, and establish large settlements with high population densities. This cultural adaptation was much different than that of mobile hunter-fisher-gatherers of the Ukrainian Mesolithic/Neolithic, and likely resulted in different outcomes for human health. This study compares the rates of enamel hypoplasias in a Tripolye skeletal population with that of Mesolithic/Neolithic hunter-fisher-gatherers. A recently excavated sample of dentitions representing a minimum of 35 individuals from Verteba Cave was examined macroscopically for hypoplasias and was compared statistically to published rates for hunter-fisher-gatherers. The Tripolye from Verteba Cave were found to have at least one enamel hypoplasia on 18.18% of teeth, while the hunter-fisher-gatherers have hypoplastic lesions on 1.88% of teeth. When examined at the individual level, 48.57% of the Tripolye were found to have at least one hypoplasia, as compared to 12.77% of the hunter-fisher-gatherer individuals. The results indicate that the agropastoral Tripolye experienced significantly more systemic stress than the hunter-fisher-gatherers. The higher stress likely relates to dietary and behavioral variables associated with the Tripolye’s agropastoral economy, including heavy reliance on cereals as weaning foods and sanitary problems linked to sedentism.
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13

Seong, Chuntaek. "Neolithic Complex Hunter-Gatherers in Korea Revisitied." KOREA NEOLITHIC RESEARCH SOCIETY 46 (December 31, 2023): 41–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35186/jkns.2023.46.41.

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The present essay critically reviews the recent attempt to conceptualize the Neolithic society in Korea as complex hunter-gatherers. While large scale settlements with 20 to 30, and even 60 subterranean houses are well recognized in the Neolithic Korea, many archaeologists still consider that the occupants were mainly hunters and gatherers. The concept of complex hunter-gatherers were originally proposed to denote large village societies with prominent social hierarchies relying on abundant marine resources, and some archaeologists extended its use to prehistory. Aside from the archaeological applicability of the concept itself, the Korean Neolithic archaeological record lacks critical elements of the complex hunter-gatherers. While the discussion and application of the concept in the context of Korean Neolithic have opened the new theoretical landscape, it is true that many burials and associated goods, let alone habitations sites, do not suggest the development of social hierarchies. The characteristics of burial goods are consistent with sexual differences which is widely observable with most hunter-gatherers societies. Furthermore, many Korean Neolithic sites yielded evidence of broomcorn and foxtail millet domestication, which most archaeologists try to explain in the context of complementary subsistence activities still dominated by hunting and gathering. The existence of material evidence of plant domestication strongly suggests that the Neolithic people were not ‘typical’ hunter-gatherers, which begs further discussions of the role of domestication in the Neolithic and its implications to the development of settled village lives. While the concept of the complex hunter-gatherers was coined to embrace cases that do not fit into the traditional hunter-gatherer society, it has become another stereotype that does not allow wide range of variability in prehistoric societies. Rather, we need to pay more attention to the role of mixed economy or horticulture and dynamics of orderly egalitarian societies in the Neolithic Korea.
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14

Distefano, John A. "Hunters or Hunted? Towards a History of the Okiek of Kenya." History in Africa 17 (January 1990): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171805.

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In the historiography of east Africa, hunter-gatherers have been given occasional mention almost since the beginning of European contacts with the interior. Early European travelers, hunters, and colonial administrators all took note of the ubiquitous “Dorobo,” as these hunters have come to be known in the literature. Furthermore, oral tradition collections from among east Africa's food-producing populations generally recall an earlier hunter-gatherer community who are said to have “disappeared,” “gone underground,” or were “driven away.”Recent scholarship has attempted to look at these hunter groups in economic terms: (1) as a stage of economic development before achieving a “higher” level of production; (2) as a retrograde step from a food-producing economy; or (3) simply as a mode of production. But east Africa's hunter-gatherers remain inadequately dealt with in historical literature, primarily because they have usually been ignored by researchers but also because of their neighbors' and the academic community's prejudicial or misconceived notions about them.To begin, some of the literature concerning these people will be selectively surveyed to see how ideas about them have developed. Next an attempt will be made to identify and delineate properly the various groups of hunter-gatherers living in East Africa today and in the recent past. Finally, the largest remaining community of hunter-gatherers, those living in the western highlands of Kenya who usually call themselves “Okiek,” will be looked at more closely in an attempt to advance the discussion of hunter-gatherers in general by presenting some observations concerning their socio-economic history.
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15

Артемова, Ольга Юрьевна. "The Embodied Ideal of Moderation." ТРАДИЦИОННАЯ КУЛЬТУРА, no. 4 (November 25, 2021): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26158/tk.2021.22.4.014.

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Рецензия на: Sutton P., Walshe K. Farmers or Hunter-gatherers? The Dark Emu Debate (= Саттон П., Уэлш К. Земледельцы или охотники-собиратели? Споры о «Темном Эму»). - Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2021. - 264 p. Review of: Sutton P., Walshe K. Farmers or Hunter-gatherers? The Dark Emu Debate. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2021. 264 p.
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16

Hagen, Renée, Jan van der Ploeg, and Tessa Minter. "How do hunter-gatherers learn?" Hunter Gatherer Research 2, no. 4 (May 2017): 389–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hgr.2016.27.

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17

Barker, Bryce. "A continent of hunter-gatherers?" Australian Archaeology 87, no. 3 (September 2, 2021): 305–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03122417.2021.1991385.

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18

TAX, S. "Hunter-Gatherers and Humane Living." Science 241, no. 4862 (July 8, 1988): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.241.4862.149.

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19

Bettinger, R. L. "Archaeological Approaches To Hunter-Gatherers." Annual Review of Anthropology 16, no. 1 (October 1987): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.an.16.100187.001005.

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20

Tonkinson, Robert, and Rolf Wirsing. "On Views of Hunter-Gatherers." Current Anthropology 27, no. 2 (April 1986): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/203408.

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21

Foley, Robert. "Hunting down the hunter-gatherers." Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 8, no. 4 (1999): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6505(1999)8:4<115::aid-evan1>3.0.co;2-s.

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22

Marlowe, Frank W. "Hunter-gatherers and human evolution." Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 14, no. 2 (April 13, 2005): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/evan.20046.

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23

Cordain, Loren. "Hunter-gatherers: An interdisciplinary perspective." American Journal of Human Biology 14, no. 2 (February 25, 2002): 280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.10012.

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24

Tax, Sol. "Hunter-Gatherers and Humane Living." Science 241, no. 4862 (July 8, 1988): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.241.4862.149.a.

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25

Hayden, Brian, and Suzanne Villeneuve. "Astronomy in the Upper Palaeolithic?" Cambridge Archaeological Journal 21, no. 3 (September 20, 2011): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774311000400.

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Beginning with Alexander Marshack's interpretation of engraved lines as lunar calendrical notations, a number of highly controversial claims have been made concerning the possible astronomical significance of Upper Palaeolithic images. These claims range from lunar notations, to solstice observances in caves, to constellation representations. Given the rare nature of artefacts and images that lend themselves to such interpretations, these claims are generally difficult to evaluate on the basis of archaeological data alone. However, comparative ethnology can provide at least a way of assessing the plausibility of such astronomical claims. If the premise is accepted that at least some of the Upper Palaeolithic groups were complex hunter-gatherers, then astronomical observances, or the lack of them, among ethnographic complex hunter-gatherers can help indicate whether astronomical observations were likely to have taken place among Upper Palaeolithic complex hunter-gatherers. A survey of the literature shows that detailed solstice observances were common among complex hunter-gatherers, often associated with the keeping of calendars and the scheduling of major ceremonies. Moreover, aggrandizers in complex hunter-gatherer societies often form ‘secret societies’ in which esoteric astronomical knowledge is developed. The existence of calendrical notations and secluded meeting places for secret-society members are suggested to be at least plausible interpretations for a number of Upper Palaeolithic caves and images.
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26

Frost, Peter. "Sex differences may indeed exist for 3-D navigational abilities: But was sexual selection responsible?" Behavioral and Brain Sciences 21, no. 3 (June 1998): 443–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x98211241.

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Polygyny does not necessarily entail sexual selection of men. All factors that affect the operational sex ratio must be considered. Data from contemporary hunter-gatherers indicate higher mortality rates in men than in women, and lost female reproductive time. If sexual selection did occur in ancestral hunter-gatherers, it was probably men selecting women and not women selecting men.
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27

Radovanović, Ivana. "Further notes on Mesolithic-Neolithic contacts in the Iron Gates Region and the Central Balkans." Documenta Praehistorica 33 (December 31, 2006): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dp.33.12.

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Hunter-gatherer/farmer contact in the Iron Gates region is re-examined in view of recent archaeological research, and the social dynamics, population movements and interactions of small scale societies. Full, non-hostile interaction between hunter-gatherers and farmers in the Iron Gates region is proposed for the mid- 7th millennium calBC, followed by hunter-gatherer encapsulation at the end 7th millennium calBC. The lack of archaeological records on the Central Balkan Postglacial and Early Holocene hunter-gatherers is highlighted as a major obstacle to fully understanding cultural transformations, including the Neolithic transition, in this region.
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28

Pontius, Anneliese A. "In Similarity Judgments Hunter-Gatherers Prefer Shapes over Spatial Relations in Contrast to Literate Groups." Perceptual and Motor Skills 81, no. 3 (December 1995): 1027–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1995.81.3.1027.

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Reverse strategies are used in judgments of similarity by hunter-gatherers who prefer using shapes (attributes) in patterns, and literates who prefer judging relations among shapes The Kohs Block Design Test was given to healthy hunter-gatherers, 19 stone-age, preliterate, Amazonian Auca Indians and 130 semi-literate Dani and Asmat of inland Indonesian Western New Guinea. Further, 196 literate Indonesian city dwellers served as controls. The Auca and the Dani and Asmat groups preferentially constructed 20 specific, “nonrandom” modifications similar to the Kohs Block Design Test and preserved the salient component shapes but neglected relations among them. Hunter-gatherers' survival depends on prompt assessment of the salient shapes of prey and attackers. By contrast, literacy skills require painstaking assessment of subtle intrapattern spatial relations among shapes.
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29

Berbesque, J. Colette, Frank W. Marlowe, Peter Shaw, and Peter Thompson. "Hunter–gatherers have less famine than agriculturalists." Biology Letters 10, no. 1 (January 2014): 20130853. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbl.2013.0853.

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The idea that hunter–gatherer societies experience more frequent famine than societies with other modes of subsistence is pervasive in the literature on human evolution. This idea underpins, for example, the ‘thrifty genotype hypothesis’. This hypothesis proposes that our hunter–gatherer ancestors were adapted to frequent famines, and that these once adaptive ‘thrifty genotypes’ are now responsible for the current obesity epidemic. The suggestion that hunter–gatherers are more prone to famine also underlies the widespread assumption that these societies live in marginal habitats. Despite the ubiquity of references to ‘feast and famine’ in the literature describing our hunter–gatherer ancestors, it has rarely been tested whether hunter–gatherers suffer from more famine than other societies. Here, we analyse famine frequency and severity in a large cross-cultural database, in order to explore relationships between subsistence and famine risk. This is the first study to report that, if we control for habitat quality, hunter–gatherers actually had significantly less—not more—famine than other subsistence modes. This finding challenges some of the assumptions underlying for models of the evolution of the human diet, as well as our understanding of the recent epidemic of obesity and type 2 diabetes mellitus.
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30

Kivimäki, Sanna. "Archaeology and the Social Sciences." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 33, no. 2 (January 1, 2008): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.v33i2.116442.

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Although aspects of the social organization of Neolithic (c. 5100–1800 calBC) hunter-fisher-gatherer societies1 in Finland have been referenced in archaeological literature since the early twentieth century (see e.g. Pälsi 1915: 108), up to the present time there has been little broad ranging analysis of the social forms of such groups. In the majority of the few case studies, Finnish-Neolithic societies have been described as generalized hunter-gatherers living in bands or, in some cases, as representatives of fairly developed tribal institutions (e.g. Halinen 2005: 104–105, 113; Seger 1982: 25, 31–32; Siiriäinen 1981: 33; for a definition of generalized hunter-gatherers, see Hayden 1997:12; the definition of band, see Service 1971b [1962]: 98, Service 1979 [1966]: 4–6; the definition of tribe, see Service 1971b [1962]: 131–132; Sahlins 1968: 15, 20–21, 24). Recently, it has been suggested (Okkonen 2003) that at least on the Middle and North Ostrobothnian coast, between about 3500–2500 calBC, the societies represented complex hunter-gatherers and were thus neither egalitarian nor stratified (Okkonen 2003: 219–226; for definitions of complex hunter-gatherers, see Arnold 1996: 78–79; Hayden 1997: 8, 11). The definition, identification and distribution of these societies have been under animated discussion in Anglo-American literature during the last few decades (see e.g. Arnold 1996; Hayden 1997; Rowley-Conwy 1998; Sassaman 2004; Zvelebil 1998).
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31

Nowak, Marek. "Different Paths of Neolithisation of the North-Eastern Part of Central Europe." Open Archaeology 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1582–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opar-2020-0214.

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Abstract Origins of the Neolithic in the north-eastern part of Central Europe were associated with migrations of groups of the Linear Pottery culture after the mid-sixth millennium BC, as in other parts of Central Europe. During these migrations, a careful selection of settlement regions took place, in terms of the ecological conditions most favourable for agriculture. The enclave-like pattern of the Neolithic settlement persisted into the fifth millennium BC when these enclaves were inhabited by post-Linear groups. The remaining areas, inhabited by hunter-gatherers, were not subject to direct Neolithisation. However, there are some indications of contact between farmers and hunter-gatherers. This situation changed from c. 4000 BC onwards because of the formation and spectacular territorial expansion of the Funnel Beaker culture (TRB). This archaeological unit for the first time covered in a relatively compact way the territory under consideration. The human substratum of this process consisted of both hunter-gatherers and farmers. Consequently, one can discourse about Neolithisation as such only in the former case. Not all Late Mesolithic hunter-gatherers accepted TRB patterns. Those communities still successfully carried on traditional lifestyle, gradually supplementing it with pottery (para-Neolithic). Their Neolithisation ended perhaps only in the first half of the second millennium BC.
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32

Conrad, Cyler, Rasmi Shoocongdej, Ben Marwick, Joyce C. White, Cholawit Thongcharoenchaikit, Charles Higham, James K. Feathers, et al. "Re-evaluating Pleistocene–Holocene occupation of cave sites in north-west Thailand: new radiocarbon and luminescence dating." Antiquity 96, no. 386 (October 8, 2021): 280–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2021.44.

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Established chronologies indicate a long-term ‘Hoabinhian’ hunter-gatherer occupation of Mainland Southeast Asia during the Terminal Pleistocene to Mid-Holocene (45 000–3000 years ago). Here, the authors re-examine the ‘Hoabinhian’ sequence from north-west Thailand using new radiocarbon and luminescence data from Spirit Cave, Steep Cliff Cave and Banyan Valley Cave. The results indicate that hunter-gatherers exploited this ecologically diverse region throughout the Terminal Pleistocene and the Pleistocene–Holocene transition, and into the period during which agricultural lifeways emerged in the Holocene. Hunter-gatherers did not abandon this highland region of Thailand during periods of environmental and socioeconomic change.
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33

Pasarić, Maja, and Graeme Warren. "Interactions of Care and Control: Human–animal Relationships in Hunter-gatherer Communities in Near-contemporary Eastern Siberia and the Mesolithic of Northwest Europe." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 29, no. 3 (April 1, 2019): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095977431900012x.

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This contribution explores modes of human–animal interactions in hunter-gatherer communities in near-contemporary eastern Siberia and the Mesolithic of northwest Europe. By discussing notions of care and control and drawing on syntheses of Russian-language ethnographic data from eastern Siberia, this paper explores the diversity and nuances of hunter-gatherers’ interactions with animals. While some contexts may reveal respectful yet diverse treatments of the hunted animals, others suggest that hunter-gatherers also might have interacted with animals kept as pets, captives or companions, thus implicating relations in which notions of care and control seem to be tightly bound.
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34

Malmström, Helena, Anna Linderholm, Pontus Skoglund, Jan Storå, Per Sjödin, M. Thomas P. Gilbert, Gunilla Holmlund, et al. "Ancient mitochondrial DNA from the northern fringe of the Neolithic farming expansion in Europe sheds light on the dispersion process." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 370, no. 1660 (January 19, 2015): 20130373. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2013.0373.

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The European Neolithization process started around 12 000 years ago in the Near East. The introduction of agriculture spread north and west throughout Europe and a key question has been if this was brought about by migrating individuals, by an exchange of ideas or a by a mixture of these. The earliest farming evidence in Scandinavia is found within the Funnel Beaker Culture complex ( Trichterbecherkultur , TRB) which represents the northernmost extension of Neolithic farmers in Europe. The TRB coexisted for almost a millennium with hunter–gatherers of the Pitted Ware Cultural complex (PWC). If migration was a substantial part of the Neolithization, even the northerly TRB community would display a closer genetic affinity to other farmer populations than to hunter–gatherer populations. We deep-sequenced the mitochondrial hypervariable region 1 from seven farmers (six TRB and one Battle Axe complex, BAC) and 13 hunter–gatherers (PWC) and authenticated the sequences using postmortem DNA damage patterns. A comparison with 124 previously published sequences from prehistoric Europe shows that the TRB individuals share a close affinity to Central European farmer populations, and that they are distinct from hunter–gatherer groups, including the geographically close and partially contemporary PWC that show a close affinity to the European Mesolithic hunter–gatherers.
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35

Crabtree, Pam J., and Robert L. Bettinger. "Hunter-Gatherers: Archaeological and Evolutionary Theory." American Journal of Archaeology 96, no. 3 (July 1992): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506074.

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36

Bailey, Geoff, and Nicky Milner. "Coastal hunter-gatherers and social evolution." Before Farming 2002, no. 3-4 (January 2002): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bfarm.2002.3-4.1.

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37

Wilmsen, Edwin. "Ethnicity, hunter gatherers, and the ‘other’." Before Farming 2003, no. 3 (January 2003): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bfarm.2003.3.7.

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38

Hammond, Jeffrey. "The Hunter-Gatherers of Findlay, Ohio." Cream City Review 37, no. 1 (2013): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ccr.2013.0026.

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39

Snead, James E. "Violence and Warfare among Hunter-Gatherers." California Archaeology 7, no. 1 (May 22, 2015): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1947461x15z.00000000061.

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40

Liebenberg, Louis. "Persistence Hunting by Modern Hunter‐Gatherers." Current Anthropology 47, no. 6 (December 2006): 1017–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/508695.

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41

Gardner, Peter M. "Understanding Anomalous Distribution of Hunter-Gatherers." Current Anthropology 54, no. 4 (August 2013): 510–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/670756.

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42

Sellen, Daniel William. "Hunter-Gatherers: An Interdisciplinary Perspective (review)." Human Biology 77, no. 3 (2005): 407–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hub.2005.0055.

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43

Botelho, Alyssa. "Ancient hunter-gatherers had rotten teeth." New Scientist 221, no. 2951 (January 2014): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(14)60067-1.

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44

O'Connell, J. F. "Genetics, archaeology, and Holocene hunter-gatherers." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 96, no. 19 (September 14, 1999): 10562–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.96.19.10562.

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45

Hilton, Charles E. "Violence and Warfare among Hunter-Gatherers." Ethnoarchaeology 9, no. 1 (April 6, 2016): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19442890.2016.1150631.

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46

Thompson, Victor D., and John A. Turck. "Adaptive Cycles of Coastal Hunter-Gatherers." American Antiquity 74, no. 2 (April 2009): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600048599.

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Abstract:
Along the southeastern Atlantic coast of Georgia, hunter-gatherer groups substantially altered the landscape for more than three millennia (ca. 4,200-1,000 B.P.) leaving behind a distinct material record in the form of shell rings, middens, and burial mounds. During this time, these groups experienced major changes in sea level and resource distribution. Specifically, we take a resilience theory approach to address these changes and discuss the utility of this theory for archaeology in general. We suggest that despite major destabilizing forces in the form of sea-level lowering and its concomitant effects on resource distribution, cultural systems rebounded to a structural pattern similar to the one expressed prior to environmental disruption. We propose, in part, the ability for people to return to similar patterns was the result of the high visibility of previous behaviors inscribed on the landscape in the form of shell middens and rings from the period preceding environmental disruption. Finally, despite a return to similar cultural formulations, hunter-gatherers experienced some fundamental changes resulting in modifications to existing behaviors (e.g., ringed villages) as well as the addition of new ones in the form of burial-mound construction.
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47

Marlowe, Frank W. "Mate preferences among Hadza hunter-gatherers." Human Nature 15, no. 4 (December 2004): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12110-004-1014-8.

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48

Souza, Roberta Guimarães De. "The Origin of Hunter-Gatherers’ Foods." Journal of Human Ecology 21, no. 2 (February 2007): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09709274.2007.11905955.

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49

Walker, N. J., and S. Kent. "Ethnicity, Hunter-Gatherers and the 'Other'." South African Archaeological Bulletin 58, no. 178 (December 2003): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3889308.

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Morris, Brian. "Insects as food among hunter-gatherers." Anthropology Today 24, no. 1 (February 2008): 6–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8322.2008.00558.x.

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