Academic literature on the topic 'Hungary – Foreign relations – Soviet Union'
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Journal articles on the topic "Hungary – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"
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Borhi, László. "Rollback, Liberation, Containment, or Inaction? U.S. Policy and Eastern Europe in the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (September 1999): 67–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976814.
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This article discusses the Eisenhower administration's policy toward Eastern Europe in the years leading up to the 1956 Hungarian revolution. The article first considers the broader context of U.S. Cold War strategy in Eastern Europe, including policies of “economic warfare” and “psychological warfare,” as well as covert operations and military supplies. It then examines U.S. policy toward Hungary, particularly during the events of October-November 1956, when the Eisenhower administration had to decide how to respond to the uprising. The article brings to light the Eisenhower administration's dual policy toward Hungary—a policy that attempted, on the one hand, to strike a negotiated settlement with the Soviet Union, and, on the other hand, to promote instability within the Soviet bloc. An analysis of these contradictory approaches sheds broader light on the dynamics of U.S. foreign policy in the 1950s.
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Bykova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna, and Anna Olegovna Gridneva. "The Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and its impact upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.34784.
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This article is dedicated to the process of normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, which took place on the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal consists in identification of causes for the absence of strong negative influence of the Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian events upon the relations between the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using the analysis of a wide array of sources and systematic consideration of the international situation that formed in 1956, the authors characterize the dynamics and vector of Yugoslav-Soviet relations during this period, determine the degree of impact of the Yugoslav factor in all its manifestations upon the development of Hungarian events, as well as trace the influence of the Hungarian Revolution upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the analysis of direct and indirect participation of Yugoslavia in the conflict, which has been traditionally regarded as the conflict between the Soviet Union and Hungary alone. The conclusion is made that in 1956, the Soviet Union sought to unite the socialist countries on the background of tense foreign policy situation, trying to overcome the consequences of the conflict of 1948 and “attach” Yugoslavia to the bloc. Despite the fact that such intentions were jeopardized by the events of 1956 due to a range of controversial steps taken by Belgrade, Moscow did not immediately turn to public criticism of the Yugoslavs, as the mutual cooperation between the two countries was rather advantageous that the return to the situation of 1948 – 1953.
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Mareček, David. "Bush’s ‘Beyond Containment’ strategy toward the Eastern Bloc in 1989 within the US Foreign Policy context." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 367–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0016.
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Abstract This paper explores the foreign policy of US President George H. W. Bush and his administration towards the Soviet Union and the other countries of the Warsaw Pact. The article also focuses on two historically significant American foreign policy strategies that were implemented during the earlier years of the Cold War: containment and détente. The rapidly changing international environment and Bush’s Beyond Containment policy which, aimed to respond to these changes, became the basis for the following research questions: 1) How did American conception of foreign policy approach to Eastern Bloc countries such as Hungary or Poland change under the Bush administration in 1989 in comparison to the period of implementation of the containment or détente? 2) How did the American perception of the retreating Soviet power within the bipolar international structure affect American diplomatic relations with the Eastern European governments? The aim of the paper is to put Bush’s foreign policy in his first year in office in the American ‘Cold War’ foreign policy context and to compare the classical American political strategies with Bush’s foreign policy in 1989.
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Ripp, Zoltán. "Hungary's Part in the Soviet–Yugoslav Conflict, 1956–58." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 197–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004872.
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Hungary, after the 1956 revolution, played a special part in the dispute that broke out between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia and continued with varying intensity for several years. This eventful story was an important part of the process that decided the fate of the East-Central European region. The immediate cause of political contention between Belgrade and Moscow was their differences over the Hungarian question, especially the fate of Imre Nagy, who had been prime minister during the revolution. The intrinsic conflicts lay deeper, however. Although the Nagy affair remained an important factor in the disagreements throughout – from his kidnapping to the ‘war of the protest notes’ that followed his execution – it acted mainly as a catalyst. The Nagy affair was an insurmountable problem for all the players concerned. It provided ample fuel for the debates, and each side found that it could be used to put pressure on the other. Due to the system of relations between the three communist countries, the Hungarian side played the least active part. János Kádár, having come to power through the crushing of the uprising of October 1956, was left in no doubt that Hungary had to follow faithfully the Kremlin's foreign-policy line and accommodate itself to Soviet regional policy requirements. Nonetheless, the story remains interesting from Hungary's point of view as well, because it reveals more than the constraints on a small, exposed country. It also shows how Kádár, as he zigzagged between the conflicting demands of Tito and Khrushchev, trying to keep on good terms with both, was gathering experience that would be useful in his later foreign policy.
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Jēkabsons, Ēriks. "Pre-World War II Romania from Latvian Perspective: An Envoy’s views." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 1 (August 15, 2011): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i1_9.
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The paper approaches the working environment and observations of Latvian envoy Ludvigs Ēķis in Romania from the autumn of 1939 when the Latvian Legation was opened in Bucharest until the summer of 1940 when the State of Latvia was liquidated. The main focus is on the Latvian-Romanian relations in this period of time, the Romanian foreign and economical policy and the reaction of Romanian statesmen and society to the events and processes of the first stage of World War: the policy of Soviet Union, Germany and Hungary, the Soviet-Finnish War and other conflicts in region and in Europe. The article is based on the materials stored in the State Archives of Latvia and particularly on Ludvigs Ekis’ reports. In a time when war was raging in Europe, Romania, too, was subject to considerable international pressure. Some similarities can be detected between the developments in this region and in the Baltic States.
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Cordell, Karl, and Stefan Wolff. "Germany as a Kin-State: The Development and Implementation of a Norm-Consistent External Minority Policy towards Central and Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254367.
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Germany's role as a kin-state of ethnic German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe stems from a number of factors. At one level it is part and parcel of a unique historical legacy. It is also inextricably linked with the country's foreign policy towards this region. The most profound policy that the Federal Republic of Germany developed in this context after the early 1960s was Ostpolitik, which contributed significantly to the peaceful end of the Cold War, but has remained relevant thereafter despite a fundamentally changed geopolitical context, as Germany remains a kin-state for hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans across Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in the former Soviet Union, in Poland, Romania, and Hungary. As such, a policy towards these external minorities continues to form a significant, but by no means the only, manifestation of Ostpolitik.
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Łukaszuk, Tomasz. "The evolution of India-Central Europe relations after the Cold War." Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 56 (June 15, 2020): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.56.15.
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The primary purpose of the article is to present the long term ties between India and Central Europe, and examine the transformation of their relationship after the end of the Cold War. Using J.A. Braveboy-Wagner’s liberal approach to diplomacy and foreign policy-making of developing countries as a tool of analysis, the article shows how the executive preferences of political leaders, historical narratives, and the strength of local values such as soft power, have influenced the political and economic cooperation between India and the Visegrad Group of countries that constitute the core of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. This method helps to show that contrary to the widely held opinion1 that the bonds between the Indian subcontinent and Central Europe were an artificial creation of the Soviet Union, they were instead created much earlier by contacts of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath Tagore in the first half of the 20th century. Indeed, a mutual interest and fascination between the two parties, combined with the complementary of needs of both sides after the end of WWII resulted in the development of a promising relationship in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Unfortunately, despite a lot of effort this promising partnership has failed to deliver since the end of the Cold War, and this paper is an attempt to find an explanation for this situation. The European’s focus on integrating with European institutions on one hand, and India’s new foreign policy priorities that were driven by modernization and regional, and then global power aspirations, on the other hand, weakened the intensity of this cooperation for two decades. The completing of the European Union enlargement process in 2004, and the increasing influence of China in Central Europe since 2012, has triggered a reaction by India in the form of the creation of India-Central Europe Business Forum in 2014, which until now has not yet met expectations. The article points to the potential of the Visegrad Group+ (V4+) formula of cooperation, which still possesses many untapped opportunities.
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Kim, Sang Hun. "Asian Studies in Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia." Cross-cultural studies review 2, no. 3-4 (2021): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.38003/ccsr.2.1-2.2.
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Unlike Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria—which became satellite countries of the Soviet Union after the Second World War—Yugoslavia maintained its own communist economic and social system as it neither belonged to the United States nor to the Soviet Union. Unlike the earlier introduction of “North Korean Studies” by the other communist countries, Yugoslavia opened departments of “Indology,” “Sinology,” and “Japanology,” recognizing them as representatives of Asian Studies rather than “North Korean Studies.” Asian Studies in Yugoslavia, which disbanded into six countries after the 1990s, was distinct in each of the republics. In the Republic of Serbia, for example, “Sinology” was representative of Asian Studies, while in the Republic of Croatia it was “Indology,” and in the Republic of Slovenia it was “Japanology.” The present study exam-ines the characteristics and backgrounds of “Sinology” at the University of Belgrade in Serbia, “Indology” at the University of Zagreb in Croatia, and “Japanology” and the new-ly-formed “Korean Studies” (in 2015) at the University of Ljubljana in Slovenia. Moreover, it describes the role of Korean government agencies and local universities and scholars in establishing Korean Studies in foreign universities. This study asserts that in order to establish Korean Studies in a foreign university, that university and its scholars must be actively involved, essentially leading the process, while Korean and local gov-ernment agencies should assume the role of facilitator. This paper has been developed on the basis of “The Current Status of Korean Studies in Slovenia” which was published in the 2016 issue of the Journal of Contemporary Korean Studies.1 However, because of its importance in relation to the establishment of a Korean Studies program in Split, it is being reprinted here with a new focus on “Asian Studies in Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia: Strategies for the Development of Korean Studies at the University of Split.”
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Kovalkov, Oleksandr L. "The Afghan question in the work of SC & GA of UNO in January, 1980." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 26, 2019): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611810.
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In December, 1979 sub-units of the Soviet Army invaded the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, eliminated Hafizullah Amin from power, established the government of Babrak Karmal and occupied the country. These events caused the condemnation of the international community, that were reflected by the statement on the Afghan question in the agenda of the Security Council and the UN General Assembly in January, 1980. The minute-books of SC of the UNO, as well as the UN General Assembly resolutions are the main sources of research of this problem. The discussion of the Afghan question in the UN Security Council lasted from 5 to 7 January, 1980, involving 42 countries. The USSR Representative to the United Nations O. Troyanovskyi and Foreign Minister of DRA Sh. M. Dost tried to persuade all those present that Soviet troops had been brought to Afghanistan at the invitation of a legitimate Afghan government to repulse allegedly externally-aggressive aggression. Herewith they referred to Article 51 of the UN Charter and Article 4 of the Treaty of Friendship, Neighborhood and Cooperation between the USSR and the DPA. Most of the delegations (primarily the US delegation, Pakistan, the Chinese People’s Republic, Great Britain) rejected the arguments of the Soviet and Afghan sides and condemned Soviet aggression and called for the withdrawal of troops from the territory of Afghanistan immediately. The Soviet Union and the DRA were supported only by a few delegations of Soviet satellites (Poland, the GDR, Hungary, the Mongolian People’s Republic, Laos and Vietnam). But during the vote on the anti-Soviet resolution on January 7, 1980, the USSR expected vetoed it. After that, the consideration of the «Afghan question» was postponed to the General Assembly, where 108 countries condemned the Soviet aggression on January, 14 (18 countries abstained, the same number supported the USSR). The discussion of the «Afghan question» at the United Nations Organization in January, 1980 assured that the Soviet Union had suffered a loud defeat in the international arena, its authority was severely undermined. This was also confirmed by the end of the policy of "discharging" and the subsequent eruption of the Cold War in international relations. In addition, the consideration of the Afghan question at the UNO has shown the lack of a mechanism for influencing an aggressor country that has a veto power in the UN Security Council. The USSR was expected to veto the Security Council resolution, and the decisions of the General Assembly were recommendatory. This is particularly relevant in terms of the current UN crisis in deterring the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, the DPRK, Syria and others like that.
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Poór, József, Allen D. Engle, Ildikó Éva Kovács, Michael J. Morley, Kinga Kerekes, Agnes Slavic, Nemanja Berber, et al. "Multinationals and the evolving contours of their human management practices in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union." Employee Relations: The International Journal 42, no. 3 (March 8, 2020): 582–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-01-2019-0082.
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PurposeWe explore the effects of three organizational variables (country of origin of the multinational company (MNC), the timing of entry into the European Union and the mode of establishment of the MNC subsidiary unit) on the human resource management (HRM) practices being pursued by subsidiaries of large MNCs operating in selected countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the Former Soviet Union. Furthermore, we examine whether the degree of autonomy afforded to the subsidiary over its preferred HR recipes is related to overall local unit performance.Design/methodology/approachWe profile the HRM practices of 379 foreign owned subsidiaries located in Bulgaria, Croatia, The Czech Republic, Kazakhstan, Poland, Hungary, Russia, Romania, Serbia and Slovakia. Using descriptive statistics, we present the general characteristics of the sample and we then use bivariate statistical analysis to test our hypotheses relating to the impact of different organizational factors on the HR practice mix implemented in the MNC subsidiaries covered in our survey.FindingsWe find a significant correlation between the annual training budget, the importance of knowledge flow from headquarters (HQs) to the subsidiary and the perceived criticality of training and development and whether the subsidiary is a greenfield site or an acquisition. A correlation was also found between the national timing of EU membership (older members, newer and then candidate countries and non-EU members) and three HR practice variables: the use of expatriates, external service providers and employee relations practices.Research limitations/implicationsOur research calls attention to the issue of balancing the efficiencies of standardization with the local preferences and traditions of customization which results in more successful MNC control and ultimately higher levels of performance. It also calls attention to the challenges in pursuing research of this nature over time in the CEE region, especially given the dynamic nature of the MNC mix in each of the countries.Practical implicationsOur findings serve to reduce the information gap on foreign-owned companies in CEE and the Former Soviet Union.Originality/valueDespite some 30 years of transition, there remains a paucity of empirical research on the HR practices of MNCs across a number of countries in the CEE region. For a decade and a half, the CEEIRT group[1] has been systematically gathering empirical evidence. The combination of the breadth (10 countries) and depth (numerous items related to MNC subsidiary relationships with corporate HQs and patterns of HR practices and roles) characterizing the ongoing research effort of the CEEIRT collaboration serves as a mechanism for augmenting the empirical base on HRM in the region.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hungary – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"
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Beltran, Thelma L. "Philippines-Soviet relations." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111184.
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This study traces the development of Philippine-USSR relations and
examines the implications of such development for Philippine national
security, in particular, and the regional security of Southeast Asia in
general. At a glance, this is a problem for history and not for
international relations. However, national and regional security
problems in Southeast Asia are closely tied with the historical
development of each nation's relations with external powers,
particularly the United States and Soviet Union. Any assessment of
different national threat perceptions and their policy implications for
national or regional security can be misleading if not viewed within
the perpective of historical developments.
This is particularly true with respect to the Philippines. The
country has never been isolated from regional events nor from the
influence of international powers. Its security options reflect this
relationship. First, it was closely allied with the United States (as
it still is), being a US colony since the turn of this century up to
1946 when the country got its political independence. Second, while
politically independent, the Philippines has been economically
dependent. Third, as a result of this dependency, Philippine foreign
policy up to 1968 was closely tied with the American foreign policy.
Fourth, with worldwide economic recession, following the oil embargo of
1973, the country was forced to open trade and diplomatic relations
with other countries, particularly with the socialist and communist
bloc. And fifth, the Philippines established diplomatic ties with the USSR in 1976, apparently to ensure trade and commercial markets outside
of the traditional US and Japan markets.
2
Zrudlo, Laurie. "Soviet foreign policy responsiveness to the external environment : Soviet-Indian relations 1968-1985." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66111.
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Copp, John W. "Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970." PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.
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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
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Al-Imam, Jamal D. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.
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This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
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Aka, Philip Chukwuma. "Soviet Cultural Diplomacy in the Middle East: a Case Study of USSR'S Cultural Relations with Egypt and Syria, 1955-1971." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500642/.
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This study examines the nature and patterns of Soviet cultural activities in Egypt and Syria, the motivations behind those activities, and the contribution of the Soviet cultural effort toward the attainment of overall Soviet Middle East policies. Chapter I provides background information on Soviet-Arab relations, and in Chapter II Soviet objectives in the Middle East are examined. Chapter III identifies the important components of the Soviet cultural instrument in Egypt and Syria. Chapter IV assesses the contribution made by the cultural tool toward the attainment of Soviet objectives in Egypt and Syria. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that the Soviet cultural enterprise exerted little impact on overall Soviet policy in the Middle East.
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Dibb, Paul. "The Soviet Union : the incomplete superpower." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145691.
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Wan, Chi Shun. "Economic aspects of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1964." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29867.
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The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation,
and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding.
After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined
through the reappraisal of three major areas.
Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable.
The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed
in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated.
The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and
the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care.
Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored.
Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor
as well, because they produced a domestic political and social
situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished.
Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China
gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure
applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Nadkarni, Vidya. "Soviet perceptions of the correlation of forces." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27469.
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This thesis examines evolving Soviet perspectives on the "correlation of forces" between the socialist world and the capitalist countries in general and the Soviet Union and the United States in particular. The focus is on the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases of Soviet history. The term "correlation of forces" is primarily an analytic concept used by Soviet leaders and scholars to understand and interpret the pace of what they view as the inevitable historical development in favor of socialism. A rough Soviet equivalent of the Western concept of the "balance of power," "correlation of forces" as it is used by Soviet spokesmen encompasses economic, political, and military-security dimensions.
The methodology employed in the thesis in charting the chronological evolution of Soviet thinking regarding the correlation of forces consists of a careful and discriminating textual analysis of terminological variations in Soviet scholarly and official use of the concept over time, with due regard to contextual fluctuations in the domestic and international realms. For its source material, this study relied heavily on the speeches and writing of Soviet leaders as well as utilizing analyses of international developments published in Soviet scholarly journals. The differing stress on each of the three aspects of the correlation of forces—economic, political, and military—between the Khrushchev and Brezhnev periods allowed us to trace the change and evolution of the Soviet world view from a primary stress on economic factors of the distribution of power under Khrushchev, to an emphasis on the military dimension of the balance under Brezhnev. By monitoring terminological variations in the concept, we were able to identify periods of optimism and pessimism during both the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases.
We also noted the important role played by the divergent personalities of Khrushchev and Brezhnev on Soviet portrayal of the correlation of forces. Whereas the exuberant Soviet optimism in the military area lacked any basis in fact under Khrushchev, the depiction of the military correlation, while more muted under Brezhnev, was solidly based. These and other such differences, we argued, were a function of the stamp superimposed on Soviet politics by the respective leaders of the time.
This study will, by clarifying the context within which the Soviet leadership makes its choices, contribute to an enhanced understanding of the general foreign policy trends of the USSR.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Hale, Carol Anne. "German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.
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This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
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Wen, Haitao. "Defence-oriented industrialization, perestroika and ending the cold war : a case study of USSR's alteration of its policy towards northeast Asia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110872.
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In the midst of the most serious economic and political
crises since its founding seven decades ago, there have been
significant developments in Soviet Asian policy within the
framework of global detente during the past two years. Following
the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, with the Gorbachev-Den
Xiaoping summit in Beijing, Sin-Soviet rapprochement was accomplished,
mainly according to terms set out by Beijing.
Then, with another summit between Gorbachev and Roh Tae Woo,
the Soviet Union and South Korea established diplomatic relations
in 1990. At the same time, Soviet-Japanese relations
also experienced some progress. These developments pose a
sharp contrast to the typical Soviet Cold War attitude towards
Northeast Asia, which was characterised by an accelerated
military build up beginning in the late 1960s in the Soviet
Far East and strategic alignment with North Korea and Vietnam,
directed against the US-led alliance and China. This alteration
of Soviet Asian policy has deep political and economic
reasons. It shows that under great political and economic
pressure within the society, the Soviet Union endeavours to
reduce international tension and build new ties of economic
cooperation. The alteration also indicates that in search of
new economic partners to revive its collapsing economy, the
Kremlin is willing to distance itself from North Korea, a
country that has been its most important Cold War ally (given
there were not any better candidates) in Northeast Asia.
Books on the topic "Hungary – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"
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Hungary in the Cold War, 1945-1956: Between the United States and the Soviet Union. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2004.
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Hungary and the USSR, 1956-1988: Kádár's political leadership. New York: Greenwood Press, 1989.
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Felkay, Andrew. Hungary and the USSR, 1956-1988: Kadar's political leadership. New York: Greenwood, 1989.
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Ottmar, Trașcă, ed. Soviet occupation of Romania, Hungary and Austria, 1944/45-1948/49. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2015.
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Sándor, Richter. The economic relations of Austria, Finland, Yugoslavia, and Hungary with the Soviet Union: A comparative analysis. Wien: Vienna Institute for Comparative Economic Studies, 1989.
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University of London. School of Slavonic and East European Studies., ed. Nicholas I and the Russian intervention in Hungary. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, in association with the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University of London, 1991.
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Roberts, Ian W. Nicholas I and the Russian intervention in Hungary. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.
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Roberts, Ian W. Nicholas I and the Russian intervention in Hungary. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.
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Failed illusions: Moscow, Washington, Budapest, and the 1956 Hungarian revolt. Washington, D.C: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2006.
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The United States, Great Britain, and the sovietization of Hungary, 1945-1948. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1985.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Hungary – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"
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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo, and Andrew T. H. Tan. "China-Soviet Union/Russia relations." In China's Foreign Policy, 69–83. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-7.
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Malik, Hafeez. "Pakistan’s Troubled Relations with the Soviet Union." In Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East, 156–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11318-7_9.
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Moïsi, Dominique, and Gregory Flynn. "Between Adjustment and Ambition: Franco-Soviet Relations and French Foreign Policy." In The West and the Soviet Union, 48–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20985-9_3.
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Clerc, Louis. "Coordinating and Facilitating Bilateral Cultural Contacts." In Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy, 131–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12205-7_4.
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AbstractIn 1970, when Marjatta Oksanen joined the Ministry of Education, the Department of international affairs was divided into three administrative units: multilateral affairs, bilateral affairs (with two different organizations for East and West) and Nordic relations. The Finnish state managed various forms of cultural relations with countries or groups of countries, mostly in a facilitative function: support for exhibitions or concerts, longer-term support for cultural centres or language teaching and so forth. Most of these bilateral activities originated from private initiatives, and some domains like sports, scientific cooperation or relations with the Soviet Union were dominated by private, non-governmental or semi-public organizations that acted on their own or to whom the state devolved certain functions. Generally, only relations with the Soviet Union and technical issues with strong foreign political dimensions commanded a degree of involvement from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and interest from the country’s higher political leadership.
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Stockwin, J. A. A. "Japan and the Soviet Union." In Japan’s Foreign Relations, 66–84. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429046353-5.
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Lewis, Robert. "Foreign economic relations." In The Economic Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1913–1945, 198–215. Cambridge University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781139170680.012.
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"Relations with the Former Soviet Union/Russia." In India's Foreign Relations, 1947-2007, 549–94. Routledge India, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203085295-14.
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Gabrisch, Hubert. "Finnish-Soviet Economic Relations." In Foreign Trade in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, 117–26. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044489-10.
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"11. Foreign Relations During "The Great Turn"." In When the Soviet Union Entered World Politics, 257–72. University of California Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520915671-014.
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Richter, Sándor. "Four Small Countries' Relations with the Soviet Union." In Foreign Trade in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, 63–82. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044489-7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Hungary – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Mozgovaya, O. S. "THE FOREIGN POLICY SITUATION ON THE EVE OF KHRUSHCHEV'S ULTIMATUM OF 1958." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/16.
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After the Second World War, the issue of German unity and the status of West Berlin remained on the agenda of international politics. The most striking example of solving these problems was the ultimatum of the Soviet Union in 1958 to the Western powers, which strained relations between the allied countries, the USSR and Germany.
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Ebrem, İlker Salih. "Examination Relations of Turkey and Kazakhstan from the Perspective of Foreign Trade Datas and Organizations." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01330.
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Established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Turkic Republics has tried to improve its relations with Turkey but relations have not developed to the required level. Existing relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan which from one of these countries, is assessed, have been mentioned economic and political contributions of organizations such as Turkish Exim Bank, Turkish International Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and Hoca Ahmet Yasawi University, which are effective in the development of bilateral relations. Turkey and Kazakhstan relations has reached a momentum in recent years. The development of bilateral relations have also reflected the economic figures but this level of development is not enough.
Finally, by examining the trade volume between the two countries, import and export rates and which product mainly taken place in the foreign trade volume are examined and interpreted.
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Akça, Tacinur. "Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries: An Empirical Study." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.
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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region.
The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Karaman, Ömer Faruk. "The Impacts of the Eurasian Economic Union on the Relations Between Kyrgyzstan and Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02023.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian Federation, trying to develop economic and political relations with various countries, in order to maintain its influence in the newly independent states, is in charge of creating an organization called the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union, which started its activity in January 2015, is an attempt to economic integration among Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. The Turkish foreign policy has changed in multi-vector direction. Thus, the last events in Eurasia began to attract the attention of Turkey. In this paper, focusing on the perceptions of Eurasia by Russia and Turkey, examines the influence of the Eurasian Economic Union on relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan. In this context, Kyrgyzstan's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, in a political sense, may negatively affect relations between two countries and reduce the presence of Turkey in Kyrgyzstan. Also, because of the expected increasing in customs duties and hence rise in prices for goods imported from Turkey, the decline in demand for Turkish goods is expected. Nevertheless, the possibility of signing free trade agreements between member states, including Kyrgyzstan and Turkey in the long term, will change the political, commercial and cultural relations between two countries in a positive way.
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Ergül, Osman. "Regionalism in Russian Foreign Policy and Russian Integration Strategy through Eurasian Economic Community." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00560.
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This paper aims to analyze how Russia could develop different regional models of economic cooperation in order to integrate better into the world economy. Russia’s new strategy especially after the establishment of the EurAsEC and its perception of regionalism, especially in the context of EurAsEC, is an important issue. This is valid not only for the specific analysis of the current concept of regionalism; but also for identifying the key variables of both the new international order and the changing character of new inter-state relations. With in this context, Russian foreign policies toward former Soviet republics in the areas of economy and energy have significant effects on the formation of a new world order. This article therefore aims at studying the attempts of the integration process within the EurAsEC that can be defined as a unique example combining both the process of old regionalism with the new one. Thus, EurAsEC is also worth analyzing not only for drawing inspiration from the EU; but also for being the only example declaring its ambition in its founding treaty of customs union to become a supranational integration process in the post-Soviet area.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan, and Ayşen Hiç Gencer. "Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01466.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.
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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.
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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
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Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.
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After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009.
This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute.
Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.