Journal articles on the topic 'Hungary – Foreign economic relations'
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1
Kálmán, Botond, and Arnold Tóth. "The Success of Japanese Foreign Market Investments in Hungary." International Journal of Trade, Economics and Finance 12, no. 4 (August 2021): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijtef.2021.12.4.700.
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This study examines the recent history and current state of a special area of Japanese-Hungarian economic relations, foreign direct investments (FDI) in Hungary. We reviewed the flow of Japanese capital into Hungary. Foreign direct capital investments can improve productivity on the one hand via technology transfer, and one the other hand, they may have further positive effects through corporate relationships, such as market access or improved financing conditions. Through these means, they strengthen economic growth. When analyzing the data on the historical development of Japanese investment, we showed that the automotive industry plays a dominant role. Based on our results, the influx of Japanese FDI into the Hungarian economy is mutually advantageous to both parties. The most important result for Hungary was economic growth and for Japan, the easier access to the EU markets. Japanese-Hungarian relations are not limited to economic cooperation, they are present in everyday life and continue to grow closer.
2
Sáringer, János. "The Hungarian–Czechoslovak Relations from the Hungarian Perspective." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 21, no. 1 (November 1, 2022): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2022-0002.
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Abstract As a result of the first free and democratic elections in Hungary, in May 1990, József Antall formed a government, whose foreign policy goal was the restoration of the sovereignty of Hungary and the support and representation of the Euro-Atlantic integration and of the Hungarians across the border. In the Hungarian–Czechoslovak bilateral relations, the new Hungarian government’s aim was to expand the political relations in both federal and republican levels. It was Hungary’s interest that serious legacies, such as the issue of the Bős– Nagymaros Dam system, should not hold back the general advance, wherefore a solution appropriate for both parties had to be found. Hungary considered Czechoslovakia as an outstanding economic partner. The Antall government took steps so that the fate and future of the Slovakian Hungarians would be ensured in accordance with the European development standards. One of the key issues in this was the consistent Czechoslovak condemnation of the principle of collective guilt, the Beneš decrees. During the dialogues, certain elements of the common historical past returned several times.
3
Kozár, László, and György Iván Neszmélyi. "Hungarian endeavours for the enhancement of economic relations in Southeast Asia focusing on a new partnership with Vietnam." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 11, no. 3-4 (May 12, 2020): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2017/3-4/1.
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Beyond a brief review of the economic integration process among the states of the ASEAN region, the authors of the present study aimed to examine and analyze the main economic, social and political characteristics of the Hungaro-ASEAN relations. The importance of the topic of this research is underlined by the fact that the Hungarian government considers big importance to the improvement of the foreign economic relations with Asian economies. This intention was expressed by a new foreign economic strategy „Eastern opening” announced by the government in 2012, even though the foreign trade statistical figures did not justify its success by now.The authors believe that increasing opening towards Asia serves Hungarian economic interests. Therefore, it is a right and desirable direction to proceed, they consider that in the background of the modest results there might be the insufficient knowledge of the market mechanisms, the actors of the local supply chains and the potential partners. They believe that in order to make the Hungarian foreign economic endeavours in this direction more successful a more thorough examination of the local characteristics – including the actual demand arising at the targeted markets - is necessary. This opinion is prevalent to not only the Asian „Giants”, like China, India and Japan, but also to smaller states, like the ASEAN members, which – together - in terms of population and economic performance – reach the dimensions of an economic great power as well.Furthermore, the integration of the ten Southeast Asian countries develops rapidly, which is coupled by their increasing weight in the world trade. The dynamic economic and social development in the ASEAN region – and in parallel with this the growing demands and purchasing power - may encourage the Hungarian ventures in theory. However, there are still very few Hungarian entrepreneurs, who are ready to enter the market in the region and able in long run to operate there successfully. It is a well-known fact that the since the regime has changed in Hungary, foreign trade became strongly concentrated towards the EU members.The ASEAN countries – because of the geographic distance and by other reasons - definitely cannot mean an alternative of the EU market, however in a certain extent they can relieve this one-sided concentration and may provide additional opportunities for the Hungarian export of goods, and rather to the export of Hungarian services and know-how. The ratio of the ASEAN region within the entire Hungarian foreign trade turnover is small nowadays, furthermore – according to the statistical figures – this region is rather an import resource for Hungary than being an export market. This fact – just itself – is should not be considered as problem. When the amount of the import exceeds the amount of exports, that means that it is more worthwhile to do business with suppliers from there countries than with others. By and large all this is prevalent to the field of the agricultural trade as well: Hungary imports a range of commodities which cannot be produced by domestic farmers or in Europe (spices, tropical fruits, etc.). It is obvious that the ASEAN region cannot be the major market for the Hungarian agricultural export, not even in long run. However, there are still a lot of opportunities to enlarge the turnover of goods and services and enhance the co-operation in this geographic region. In the last chapter, the authors outlined an example in case of Vietnam – co-operation of joint public warehousing of agricultural commodities – which may be a good example for the promising potential opportunities. In contrast with the majority of the ASEAN countries, the Hungaro-Vietnamese political and economic relations had started much earlier than the regime was changed in Hungary. However, the potential advantages arose from this fact – the network of connections and the sympathy of Vietnamese professionals graduated in Hungary, the reputation and popularity of Hungarian agricultural products and technologies, the achievements of R&D in the field of agriculture – could not be utilized from Hungarian side. Vietnam, however still preserved its socialist political establishment, but in terms of its economic development strategy and economic policy has gradually been standing on the basis of market orientation. Vietnam, with its population of ninety million shows a rapid and successful development and it means good opportunities even for Hungarian entrepreneurs. It would be a mistake to leave these potentials unused.
JEL Classification: F14, Q17, R11, N75
4
Prantner, Zoltán. "Hungary and the Arabian Peninsula in the 1960s." East Central Europe 49, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49010003.
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Abstract In this article, the author discusses a particular episode in the history of Hungary’s foreign policy when the Hungarian Communist leadership attempted to expand its system of foreign policy relations within the Arab world in the 1960s. Regarding the latter, the analysis focuses on the Arabian Peninsula. The study is divided into four main parts. Accordingly, it presents the fundamental shift in attitudes toward socialist globalization following Stalin’s death in the first unit. The following chapters describe the relationship between Hungary and the two Yemens, as well as Kuwait in chronological order until the 1970s. The main objective of the article is to detail the role of that foreign policy, which had already tried to give preference to pragmatic, economic aspects, regardless of the political-ideological system of the given state.
5
Comisso, Ellen, and Paul Marer. "The economics and politics of reform in Hungary." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 421–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027193.
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Reform of the domestic economic system is the distinctive element of Hungary's foreign economic strategy in the 1980s. The need for systemic economic reform stems from Hungary's status as a small country, heavily dependent on foreign trade, many of whose imports can no longer be met within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance alone. The many obstacles to economic reform lie in a heritage of policy choices that responded to domestic and CMEA supply constraints rather than to principles of comparative advantage. Such policies undercut the initial economic reform in 1968 and contributed to a major economic crisis in 1979–82. The subsequent changes in policy priorities and institutional mechanisms prompted by this crisis aimed to reduce Hungary's insulation from the larger international economy and make the economy more efficient. Politically, economic reform is possible in Hungary largely because of the impact of the 1956 revolt on both the subsequent composition of the political elite and the norms and features of collective leadership that guided its decision making afterwards. Nevertheless, the political and economic structures on which collective leadership rests weaken reform advocates and obstruct consistent implementation of their policy preferences. Yet Hungary's economic situation in the late 1970s altered the political balance offerees in favor of reformists, permitting them to alter both economic structures and policies.
6
Domonkos, Endre. "The Consequences of Stalinist Economic Policy in Hungary (1949-1953)." Multidiszciplináris kihívások, sokszínű válaszok, no. 1 (August 31, 2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33565/mksv.2022.01.01.
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By 1948, with the eradication of private property ownership and multi-party-system, the institutional background of the Soviet-type dictatorship was created by the Hungarian Workers Party (HWP). In economic terms, forced industrialisation became buzzword, whereas both agricultural and infrastructural development were neglected by the communist leadership. The forced collectivisation in the agriculture, accompanied by the postponement of necessary investments led to a permanent shortage of goods. Compulsory deliveries coupled with the application of the principle of quantity further aggravated the situation of the agrarian sector. As a result of aggressive campaign against the wealthy peasants and forced collectivisation, 300 000 people ceased to work in the agriculture and were employed by industry. Within the centrally planned economy, profitability, cost of production, marketability and quality of products were neglected. Only one principle was taken into account, which was the fulfilment or overfulfilment of the global production plan index and all other criteria were ignored by decision-makers. Foreign trade relations were embedded within the framework of the command economy. Foreign trade corporations were set up and world market prices became hermetically isolated from domestic prices. Within Comecon, the endeavour of the USSR was to reduce any dependency of the socialist bloc on world markets and to achieve self-sufficiency. The introduction of fixed prices in 1950 led to serious price distortions, whilst Hungary depended on increasing import of raw material, which was essential for the development of heavy industry. Therefore, the targets of foreign trade were not fulfilled during the period 1949-53. The irrational economic objectives of the first Five-Year Plan produced lasting damages in the national economy of Hungary.
7
Lazorkina, Olga. "Беларусь – Венгрия: паттерн взаимодействия в условиях ассиметричных объединений." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.008.13336.
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Belarus – Hungary: pattern of interaction in the conditions of asymmetric associations The article focuses on bilateral relations between the Republic of Belarus and Hungary in the context of their membership in the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union. The author made an attempt to define the model of bilateral cooperation between states limited in their actions by membership in regional associations. The features of the development of political dialogue, which was formed under the influence of the national vision and approaches of the EU as a whole, are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the regional format of relations within the Visegrad Group, CEI and the „Eastern Partnership” initiative. The analysis current state of trade and economic cooperation between Belarus and Hungary is made. The author identifies the strengths and weaknesses of relations, and outlines perspective spheres of cooperation. The active phase of relations between Belarus and Hungary began in the 2000-s, when the parties finally decided on the vectors of their foreign policy. The launch of the „Eastern Partnership” initiative has played a decisive role in the development of political dialogue and economic cooperation on an ongoing basis. Bilateral relations between Belarus and Hungary are an example for building a model of interaction that is not burdened by a common historical past and based on pragmatism. The fairly active political dialogue between the two countries is based on an economic component. In parallel, the parties actively declare the primacy of national interests over collective ones – the EU and the EAEU. At the same time, the analysis indicates, membership in regional associations significantly limits the possibilities of their implementation in practice. This especially affects the trade and economic sphere of interaction. These factors determine the cyclical nature of relations between Belarus and Hungary. Thus, the bilateral format of cooperation within the framework of asymmetric associations is a sufficiently effective mechanism for the development of a full-fledged dialogue. At the same time, it is important to understand that the political component is secondary to the economic one. This approach allows the parties not to overestimate expectations and to develop mutually beneficial, equal relationships based on pragmatism and real opportunities.
8
Moldicz, Csaba. "Geopolitical Tensions in East Asia and the Effects on Japanese and Hungarian Economic Relations." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 1 (2021): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.76-97.
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The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview of the possible foreign policy strategies vis-à-vis the United States and China. The last chapter tries to find the common platform on which these two countries could work together to achieve their political and economic interests.
9
Chetverikova, A. "Central Europe in the Pandemic Era: First Economic Results." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-92-101.
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The article analyzes the response of the Visegrad Group countries to the 2020 pandemic. Measures are outlined that were taken by Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic to support their economies, including efforts to stabilize labour markets and measures for several most affected sectors. The author assesses the main economic indicators of the Visegrad countries during the first half of 2020 in the light of the consequences of imposed restrictive measures. The reaction of the Visegrad economies to the pandemic correlates with the pan-European reaction. Special attention is paid to the condition of the foreign trade sector of the “four” members, which plays an important role in their economies. The dynamic of foreign trade relations of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic with the European Union and Russia during the pandemic is analyzed. Mutual trade flows within the Visegrad Group are evaluated in the light of opportunities to compensate downturns in other markets. Possible prospects for the development of the Visegrad Group after the pandemic are considered. The existing forecasts of the Group’s countries development are analyzed. The factors influencing the recovery process in the Visegrad countries are given. The consequences of COVID 19 will affect many sectors of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, which will not be able to cope with them without the EU support. Realization of opportunities including the emergence of more innovative elements in their economies that meet the challenges of the 21st century, will also depend on the members of the Visegrad Group themselves. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
10
Török, László. "The contribution of the Visegrad four automotive industry to economic growth." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 15, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2022/15-1/6.
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In the countries of the Visegrad Four (V4) (Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia), significant and modern car production capacities were built due to foreign direct investment inflows. According to the results of mainstream research, the automotive industry can make a substantial contribution to the growth of the GDP of the affected national economy. In the V4 countries, the opposite has taken place in the automotive industry over the past decade. Automotive production increased in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Slovakia but decreased in Poland. The study seeks to answer the question of the close relationship between automotive output and changes in GDP in the countries concerned. The correlation calculation results show that the automotive industry has a powerfully positive effect on GDP growth in countries where the sector's contribution is significant and growing dynamically.
11
Horbachenko, O. V. "CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE EXTERNAL FUNCTIONS OF UKRAINE AND HUNGARY UNDER A THEORETICAL AND LEGAL PRISM." Legal Bulletin 64, no. 3 (May 12, 2022): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31732/2708-339x-2022-03-29-36.
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The modern globalized world needs the creation of a new type of international relations. The state cannot exist by itself, for its successful development it is necessary to actively cooperate with the international community. These are permanent good-neighborly relations, cooperation with leading democratic countries, and participation and active activity in universal and regional international organizations. This is required from the state, the medium type, and the existence of external threats, such as armed aggression, information wars, economic blockades by other states. The latest type of international relations, considering such factors as globalization, the transformation of modern society from post- industrial to information society, brings significant changes to the interaction of various types of external state activity. In the theory of the state and law, the functions of the state are classified according to the following criteria: according to the quintessence and tasks, according to the direction of the functions, according to the methods and means of their implementation, according to the spheres of state activity, according to the social weight of the functions, according to their time frames, etc. Recognizing that each of these scientific classifications has the right to exist, we support the opinion of those scientists who refer to such a classification the division of state functions by spheres of activity of the latter into internal and external functions of the state. Take for example the defense function of the state, which directly depends on its integration into the collective security system. Functions of the state are formalized tasks of activity for a specific period, of a specific state in the sphere of regulation of social relations, in particular, of an external nature, using methods not prohibited by national and international law in order to achieve the most advantageous positions of influence. The following sub-functions of the syncretic external function of the modern state are distinguished: foreign policy (diplomatic); defense of the state against external military aggression; foreign economic; establishment of international humanitarian relations; environmental or ecological (participation in international environmental protection); countering international terrorism and international organized crime. Within the scope of this article, we consider Ukrainian foreign policy (diplomatic), foreign economic and establishment of international humanitarian ties.
12
Skyba, Ivanna. "ECONOMIC REFORMS IN HUNGARY (LATE 1950s – 1960s.)." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (47) (December 20, 2022): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(47).2022.267357.
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The article is devoted to the characteristics of economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic carried out in the late 1950s-1960s by representatives of the reformist wing of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP) under the leadership of J. Kadar. It is noted, in particular, that the ultimate success of the ruling communist regime was the economic reform, the main provisions of which came into effect on January 1, 1968, having received the name "a New economic mechanism." The reform anticipated the transition from a centralized directive-planning system to an indicative one, i.e., the elements of market-based relations were introduced along with the existing socialist planned economy. As the study pointed out, liberal transformations in Hungary resulted from J. Kadar's policy of consolidation and social harmony after the revolutionary events of 1956, and their goal was primarily to increase the population's welfare. Both the best Hungarian economists and political figures took an active part in developing essential reforms under the chairmanship of the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party Rezső Nyers, Prime Minister Jenő Fock, Vice Prime Minister Lajos Fehér. It is emphasized that the economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic brought the following changes: mandatory planning tasks were canceled, material incentives appeared, pricing practices changed, liberalization of agriculture took place, and small-scale production with the simultaneous functioning of large cooperative farms originated. Based on the developed scientific material, it was concluded that the most significant successes were in agriculture. However, after the events in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the liberal changes in Hungary, which destroyed the directive management system, caused dissatisfaction among the communist leaders of the countries of the socialist camp and in the Kremlin. There were also many opponents of reforms in the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party and in the party-state apparatus, which ultimately led to the collapse of the New economic mechanism in 1972–1973. Based on the analysis of specialized domestic and foreign publications, the author points out that the amount of scientific literature on the studied issues in modern Ukrainian historical science is insufficient.
13
Koshovyi, Serhii. "Model of Cooperation between Taiwan and Visegrad Countries: Lessons for Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 668–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-33.
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The article highlights issues and trends of the relations between the Visegrad Group countries (Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary, hereinafter – V4) and the Republic of China on Taiwan. The preconditions and prospects for the development of relationships in the post-coronavirus world are analysed. The main ways of bilateral economic cooperation, investment activity, and cooperation in the humanitarian sphere are identified. It is stated in the article that the abovementioned states heavily rely on pragmatic instruments of partnership in foreign policy and foreign economic activity, while the Taiwanese practice is characterised by a more balanced approach. Particular attention is also paid to the analysis of direct investment of Taiwanese companies in Central and Eastern Europe. It is argued that the experience of the Visegrad Four countries in the successful trade and economic cooperation with Taiwan can potentially contribute to the modernisation of Ukraine. What is implied herein is that relations with Taiwan should be developed in such areas as economy, investment, trade, tourism, culture, education, science, interpersonal contacts, etc., which will provide Ukrainian products with new markets. An important step may be establishing working contacts among representatives of Ukrainian and Taiwanese agencies responsible for relevant portfolios. The author emphasises that the experience of the Visegrad Four countries in forging cooperation with Taiwan and attracting foreign direct investment into their economies is useful and instructive for Ukraine. Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary are Ukraine’s immediate European neighbours, and this aspect alone necessitates a more in-depth examination of the matter of a possible economic interaction between Ukraine and Taiwan. Keywords: Ukraine, Visegrad Four countries, the Indo-Pacific geopolitical area, regional cooperation.
14
Reményi, Péter, Tibor Pap, and Norbert Pap. "The changing room for manoeuvre of ‘Visegrad’ Hungary in the Western Balkans. An extraordinary change in Hungarian-Serbian relations." Politics in Central Europe 17, s1 (October 1, 2021): 791–819. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0032.
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Abstract Hungarian-Serbian relations have never been as cordial as they are now, and this is an opinion shared by the leadership of both countries in spite of the modern history of the two nations. In our paper, we seek explanation for this change and argue that it is a consequence of multiple factors: First, the geopolitical changes in the Western Balkans, which have resulted in a great power competition that has opened up space for small states, like Hungary, to assert their interests. Secondly, the changes in domestic politics in Hungary that have brought national interests into the foreground, resulting, among other outcomes, in more active foreign policy with regard to the Western Balkans region. In this paper, we attempt to give a different, critical view of these relations, discussing migration, economic cooperation and political maneuvers in particular.
15
Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Kotkowski, Daniel. "Napływ zagranicznych inwestycji bezpośrednich i ich oddziaływanie na gospodarkę Węgier." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 28, 2014): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2014.1.6.
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At the turn of century the paradigm of economic development has been changing. Despite the economic instability in the world the process of globalization has not been stopped. The importance of growth factors included in the area of R&D (research and development) increased. These two aspects are also important in the analysis of the economic transition in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Factors from R&D area are now perceived as the key conditions for creating knowledge -based economy and for sustainable development. There should also be noted low potential of CEE countries to generate investments in modern sectors of economy based on R&D. In this context, there is increasing importance of foreign direct investment (FDI) as an indirect instrument for strengthening the modernization process of economic structures and providing the basis for sustainable development. In this paper the subject of analysis is the influx of FDI in Hungary and their impact on the economy of the country in the period 1989–2012. The paper also attempts to answer the question on relations between the level and characteristics of the inflow of FDI and structural changes and economic development in Hungary.
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Plenta, Peter. "The European Two-Level Game in Central Asia: Visegrad Countries and Kazakhstan." International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (October 19, 2016): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01702004.
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Since 2007, the European Union has developed a strategy towards Central Asia. Relations with the region have created an opportunity to focus on a wider spectrum of interests across different levels of EU foreign policy. This article examines the “two-level game” between EU member states (from Central Europe) and EU institutions in Brussels regarding economic interests versus values agenda with the focus on Kazakhstan. In this game, the EU’s member states focus on developing trade and economic relations while they let space for the EU’s institutions to discuss sensitive issues, such as democracy promotion and human rights dialogue. This is the case for the Visegrad countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) that prefer a pragmatic approach towards Kazakhstan as the most important country in the Central Asian region.
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Borhi, László. "Rollback, Liberation, Containment, or Inaction? U.S. Policy and Eastern Europe in the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (September 1999): 67–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976814.
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This article discusses the Eisenhower administration's policy toward Eastern Europe in the years leading up to the 1956 Hungarian revolution. The article first considers the broader context of U.S. Cold War strategy in Eastern Europe, including policies of “economic warfare” and “psychological warfare,” as well as covert operations and military supplies. It then examines U.S. policy toward Hungary, particularly during the events of October-November 1956, when the Eisenhower administration had to decide how to respond to the uprising. The article brings to light the Eisenhower administration's dual policy toward Hungary—a policy that attempted, on the one hand, to strike a negotiated settlement with the Soviet Union, and, on the other hand, to promote instability within the Soviet bloc. An analysis of these contradictory approaches sheds broader light on the dynamics of U.S. foreign policy in the 1950s.
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ÇAPRAZ, Hüseyin Şevket Çağatay. "SEEKING COALITION IN EUROPE AGAINST THE SUBLIME PORTE ON THE EVE OF THE BATTLE OF MOHACS AND HUNGARY." Turkology 112, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 219–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2022-4/2664-3162.11.
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The place of the Hungarian Kingdom before Mohacs in Europe and its political maneuverability are of great importance in the comprehensive analysis of Ottoman-Hungarian connections. Thus, the place occupied by the Buda administration in European diplomacy and its attempts to maintain its political presence against the Sublime Porte [Dîvân-ı Hümâyûn] will be clearly revealed. In this way, developments that have a direct impact on Hungarian foreign policy are centered in this study. The time interval was determined as the years 1521-1522. Thus, the Ottoman raids that led to the conquest of Hungary were accepted as the starting point. The events were brought up to the conquest of Rhodes, which shook the balance of power in Europe and pointed out that the Hungarian Kingdom could not hold out any longer. In the aforementioned process, it was not aimed to review the signs of internal crisis in Hungary. For this reason, the domestic political and economic conditions of the country were not mentioned. Finally, the political and military approach of the Western European monarchs to the Hungarian Kingdom is discussed. In addition, the complex nature of multi-layered relations and the loneliness of Hungary due to being away from the west of Europe were tried to be reflected. As a matter of fact, it cannot be said that the only factor in Hungary’s foreign policy was the Ottoman threat until the conquest efforts of Sultan Suleiman. Despite the Turkish threat, the Hungarian kings Sigismund, Matthias Corvinus and to some extent the Jagiellonian Dynasty are not only observers but also guides in European politics. In the relevant context, the analyzes are intended to illustrate the characteristics of the political relationship network in during the collapse of the Hungarian Kingdom.
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Kasumović, Amila. "Activities of the Consular Missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the First Years of the Austro-Hungarian Occupation 1878 – 1881." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line 7, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2020.2.181.
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The system of capitulations was dominant from the 16th century in economic
and political relations of the Ottoman Empire and the European countries. Capitulations
had always emphasized the right of foreign consuls to execute consular jurisdiction in
the territory of the Ottoman Empire. Since the Eyalet of Bosnia was an integral part of
the Ottoman Empire, the consular jurisdiction of foreign consuls included that area,
which had especially become significant in the 19th century when the leading European
powers increasingly started to open their consulates in this part of the Empire. However,
after Austria-Hungary occupied Bosnia in 1878, it aimed at terminating everything the
capitulations contained regarding this area. The paper analyses the dynamics of termination
of the consular jurisdiction of foreign consuls, the termination of the Austro-Hungarian
consulates and the establishment of the new practice of appointment of foreign consuls in
Bosnia and Herzegovina after 1878.
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Kovály, Katalin. "The Role of Ethnic Social Capital in the Operation of Entrepreneurs in Transcarpathia, Ukraine." Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 9, no. 3 (November 22, 2021): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/brs4505.
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Owing to its geopolitical position, history of shifting borders, and multiethnic-multilingual population, Transcarpathia provides a convenient environment to study how ethnicity interplays with the economy. The present research aims to examine the role of formal and informal ethnic social capital in the life of Transcarpathian enterprises. The research is based on mainly semi-structured interviews conducted with foreign investors in Transcarpathia and with local Transcarpathian Hungarian entrepreneurs as well as with representatives of business organizations related to the given community. I also analyzed economic databases and statistical data. The results of the research imply that informal relationships are essential in the operation of enterprises, however, these relationships are not always organized on an ethnic basis. I argue that institutionalized relations have not played an important role in the case of foreign enterprises. However, among Transcarpathian Hungarian entrepreneurs, the role of formal ethnic relations has increased due to the financial support provided by Hungary.
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Horbachenko, O. "Comparative legal analysis of external functions of Ukraine and Hungary: implementation of experience (Part 1)." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 72 (November 16, 2022): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.72.4.
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The structure of external functions is the same for most states, the main differences between them are contained in the approaches to their implementation. For Ukraine, which until February 24 was on the verge of a full-scale military invasion and conducted its activities in an almost basic mode, today must not only review its stereotypical tasks, but must create them in a new way. Now a new military battle has begun for Ukraine and Ukrainians, and each component of the function is own separate front of confrontation today. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is considered as a PR manager of the international level of a specific state. Based on the experience of Hungary and the legislative tasks of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, which are quite extensive with a wide range of tasks, it is proposed to systematize its competences into six logical groups. The first is to promote the interests of Ukraine and support security and territorial integrity. The second is investments and information space. The third is maintaining ties with legal and physical Ukrainians. The fourth is image formation. The fifth is the EU and NATO. And considering the foreign policy strategy, as a sixth separate group we can highlight the expansion of relations with Africa and Asia, because this is not only a new breath for the renewal of relations, but also a new stage of investment and trade, which is mutually beneficial for both sides. The group's data are priorities for the coming years, and each of these realized directions will help not only in rebuilding the destroyed, but also in creating a new one, otherwise, we can predict that Ukraine will be thrown back decades. Under each of the proposed systematic groups, a specific component of the external function is considered, as a way of realizing the function itself and the goal of the selected group. These components of the external function in this scientific article of the first part are considered foreign-political (diplomatic), foreign-economic and foreign-informational as a comparative analysis with the experience of Hungary. A significant difference is the levels from which they operate. It is not surprising that the de jure level of a European state with all its privileges and disadvantages makes Hungary more stable and protected from external influences, Ukraine is, on the contrary, more vulnerable, because behind Hungary stands the Alliance with the latest weapons developments, behind Ukraine - Ukrainians.
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Artner, Annamária. "Production Technology and Competitiveness in the Hungarian Manufacturing Industry." Acta Oeconomica 55, no. 3 (August 1, 2005): 317–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.55.2005.3.4.
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Following the big transformations of the 1990s, enterprise structure and technological level seem to have become stabilised in Hungary. Under these circumstances it is especially interesting to identify the elements responsible for competitiveness in general, and the role technology plays in development in particular, according to managers experienced in production and marketing. This empirical study - based on in-depth interviews and field research - summarises characteristics of the technological level in the sectors examined, role of technology and labour in production, effects of foreign direct investment, relations between competition and firm-level factors determining competitiveness, and concludes by summing up those most frequently mentioned proposals that should be incorporated into economic policy according to managers. Main findings indicate that more qualified, more intensive and cheaper labour can be substituted for high technology. The competitiveness of an enterprise is not determined by technology alone, but rather by a combination of technology, the parameters of available labour and the costs of investment increasing productivity. The insufficiency of inter-company relations, together with a shortage of available assets necessary for investment constitute the major threat undermining the competitiveness of enterprises in present-day Hungary.
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Shishelina, Lyubov. "THE MULTI-VECTOR NATURE OF HUNGARY’S EASTERN POLICY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120223543.
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The author attempts to trace the development of the eastern direction of Hungary’s foreign policy, which received the name «Opening to the East» with the return in 2010 to the Hungarian policy of Viktor Orban’s cabinet. The reason for the study of this aspect was the recent visit of the Hungarian Prime Minister to Moscow on February 1, 2022. In our country, especially after the crisis of 2014, these visits are seen as a breakthrough event, a success of politics and diplomacy. The European Union does not share such a degree of pragmatism of Viktor Orban’s foreign policy, seeing in his trips primarily a political component, which forces him to precede and conclude visits to Moscow with a cascade of meetings with leading Western politicians. The same thing happens before and after the visits of the Russian leader to Budapest. In Hungary, relations with Moscow are viewed exclusively from a pragmatic standpoint, since their economic component allows to achieve real results in overcoming the crisis phenomena affecting the daily lives of citizens (gas, gasoline, electricity, etc.). In addition, the Russian direction is a component of a broader direction of «Opening to the east»” policy. This program, where the Turk element is a significant factor, also separately includes relations with specific Muslim republics of central Russia, with the states of the Caucasus and Central Asia, with Turkey, China, etc.
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Gorin, Nazar. "Development of international economic ties of Western Ukraine in the second half of the XIX – early XX century." Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2019, no. 52 (2019): 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2019.52.155.
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The article describes the main forms and channels of international economic relations of the Western Ukrainian lands during their being in Austro-Hungary state. The role of government policy in attracting foreign investment for the development of economy of the Western Ukrainian region has been clarified. The role of railway network development in the integration of Western Ukraine economy into the world commodity-cash flows is analyzed. It was noted that the northeastern regions of the empire were developed by the central government primarily in order to obtain cheap raw materials and labor, as well as to create a market for the sale of industrial goods produced by enterprises from the central regions of the empire. It is noted that the then shaped specialization of production laid the foundations for the disproportionate development of the economy of Western Ukrainian lands in the future. Generalized sectors where foreign capital participated most, in particular: railway construction, chemical, machine building, oil and refining, electricity, sawmill, woodworking and ozokerite industry, banking and wholesaling. The role of Austrian, German, American, French and English capital in the development of individual branches of economy was tracked down. It is shown that the weakness of the competitive environment and institutional mechanisms of asset capitalization, governmental patronage for large enterprises caused the emergence and accelerated development of monopolistic tendencies in the economy of the region. The main vectors of foreign trade relations of Western Ukrainian lands are analyzed and the reasons and directions of labor migration of Ukrainians in the second half of the nineteenth – beginning of the twentieth century are highlighted.
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Bélyácz, Iván, and Mónika Kuti. "Foreign direct investment and external debt in Hungary." Society and Economy 31, no. 2 (December 1, 2009): 211–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/socec.31.2009.2.4.
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Naray, Peter. "The End of the Foreign Trade monopoly (The Case of Hungary)." Journal of World Trade 23, Issue 6 (December 1, 1989): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1989044.
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Budai, G., and N. D. Afanasieva. "Teaching the Russian Language in Hungary: History of Cultural Interactions." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-1-17-121-131.
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The paper is dedicated to outlining the main specific features of the spread and reception of Russian language in Hungary, with attention paid to the chronological perspective and the current situation. The text aims at revealing the factors, institutional and personal agents that fuel the interest to studying and teaching Russian in the atmosphere of Hungary. Russian history, culture, literature, traditions, and, consequently, the Russian language have always been of interest in Hungary. The Hungarian national culture developed in parallel with the rise of enthusiasm toward Russia — and in 1849 the Department of Slavic Philology was introduced at the University of Pest. Russian was popularized and spread in Hungary by textbooks and translations of famous oeuvres of Russian writers. The turn of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th marked the growing interest of students to Russian, with the First World War, the October revolution in Russia and the subsequent Russian exodus intensifying mundane interactions. The Second World War, its outcomes and the split of Europe into two zones showed the clout that the Russian language acquired. In 1949, Russian became the only compulsory foreign language at school; Russian was introduced in higher educational institutions on a broader basis, including pedagogical institutes which were training Russian teachers for middle schools. After 1989, Hungary, like other Central and Eastern European countries, saw a sharp decline in the number of Russian language learners due to geopolitical reasons. The current stage of the spread of the Russian language in Hungary is characterized by positive changes: strengthening of economic relations between the countries, expansion of cultural and educational ties that is gradually leading to an increase in emphasis on the Russian language. In particular, it is owed to the liberalization of book industry and publishing of new Russian textbooks, digital promotion via Internet, construction of the Baksi nuclear power plant, and numerous exhibitions and festivals. What can be concluded is that cultural bonds connecting the Hungarians and the Russian language have a long path dependency relative to the post-1917 diaspora, the period of socialism and favourable relations with the USSR. Their effect is maintained by modern funds and associations. Economic ties that have foundation in both historical industrial cooperation and modern projects also foster attention to maintaining closer cultural interactions — and, thus, to studying Russian.
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Chetverikova, A. "Investment Ties of Visegrad Countries." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 3 (2022): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-3-90-100.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the investment ties of the Visegrad Group countries over the last three decades with the emphasis on the period of their EU membership. Transformation and subsequent integration into the EU predetermined certain imbalances in investment sectors of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, some of which still remain. The Visegrad countries continue to be strong importers of capital, but Hungary and the Czech Republic were able to equalize several imbalances, which is manifested in increased export opportunities. The importance of FDI for the Visegrad economies is only increasing, which exacerbates the problem of external dependence and associated risks. The territorial diversification of investment ties is among positive trends, but dependence on several economies of the European market is preserved. A quantitative analysis of sectoral imbalances has shown that the Czech Republic and Hungary have the least diversified outward FDI, Hungary – inward FDI. Slovakia has the most diversified FDI sectoral structure. The analysis of several types of investments indicates a certain exhaustion of the potential of the Visegrad market. Large companies and their projects and deals continue to play a significant role in investment ties of the V4. At the same time, Visegrad companies are not inferior to foreign ones in terms of volume of investments, which is often associated with their sectors of specialization – raw materials. The branch network of Visegrad companies is small compared to the foreign one, which plays a significant role in the V4 labor markets and produces a significant share of production. Investment ties of the Visegrad countries have common features, while maintaining the characteristics of each of them.
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Pivovar, Efim Iosifovich, Alexander Stanislavovich Levchenkov, and Alexander Vladimirovich Gushchin. "HUNGARIANS OF TRANSCARPATHIA IN RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND HUNGARY AT THE TURN OF THE XX-XXI CENTURIES." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 15, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 316–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2021-15-2-316-327.
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The article is devoted to the influence of the problem of the status and situation of the Hungarian population of the Transcarpathian region of modern Ukraine on the Ukrainian-Hungarian relations. Based on a wide range of sources - legislative acts, interstate agreements and other diplomatic documents, statements of politicians and public figures, published in the Hungarian and Ukrainian press, as well as in the media of other countries, the dynamics of changes in the approaches of the two countries to the Hungarian issue in Transcarpathia throughout the post-Soviet period is studied. The prerequisites and reasons for the aggravation of relations between Ukraine and Hungary in the 2010s are determined, including both the features of the historical, cultural and socio-economic development of Transcarpathia itself, and the transformation of the political systems of the two countries. The key factors that provoked the acute Ukrainian-Hungarian crisis in the mid-second half of the 2010s were the educational and language policy of Kiev, aimed at Ukrainization, as well as the refusal to make concessions on the autonomy of the Hungarians of Transcarpathia. At the same time, the issue of Transcarpathian Hungarians is only part of a larger problem of Ukrainian domestic and foreign policy - an attempt to form an ethnocentric model in a multicultural society.
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Kuttor, Dániel. "New drivers of industrialization and novel aspects of Hungarian-Chinese bilateral cooperation. Chinese foreign investments in Hungary." Tér és Társadalom 36, no. 3 (August 23, 2022): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.17649/tet.36.3.3436.
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A number of foreign, partly East Asian producers have made investments into Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county (Northern Hungary) since the millennium. They have contributed to the renewal of the industrial structure and enlargement of manufacturing capacity. In the past decade, the meaning and significance of Chinese investment in the Miskolc agglomeration has increased. Chinese interests have been concentrated in the dominant, export-oriented branches of the regional economy. The companies (namely, Wanhua-BorsodChem, TenPao, SEG-A, JOYSON, and Chervon Auto) comprise a key and real group of members engaged in Hungarian-Chinese bilateral relations. They represent China’s industrial development and expansion around the world and in Europe, as well as strengthen the high-value-added and technology-intensive market segments in the regional economy. The study includes two main parts. In the early sections, the evolution of Chinese economic development with a special focus on industry and industrialization are introduced, while later the related political measures and initiatives are described. Presenting an understanding of the Hungarian government’s reaction (the so-called New Foreign Economic Strategy) is part of the first half of the paper. The Flying Geese Paradigm is the conceptual frame of the synthesis. The key research question concerns the nature of Chinese economic development: Does the development differ from previous East-Asian models of export-oriented industrialization? The author discusses opinions which consider the Chinese developments to be distinct from other Asianones according to their political and market characteristics. In the second half of the article, the Chinese companies settled in Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county are evaluated and their regional-level impacts and national-level lessons are identified and assessed. The listed Chinese investments, which differ in financial and legal forms, have emerged as some of the major employers and producers of the region. These considerable investments have accelerated the process of industrial renewal in key branches, although ultimately increasing the exposure and vulnerability of the entire manufacturing structure to external global factors. The Chinese investors are bridging Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén with diverse regions in China, East Asia. They are generating new results and raising new questions about Hungarian-Chinese bilateral cooperation that represent original experiences and knowledge gain for both sides. This work is an attempt to detail the creation of the cluster of Chinese companies and to draw conclusions about the entrepreneurial background, the main activities, and the stories of the respective Asian parent companies. This research will be continued to support the development and embedding of the enterprises. It is crucial effort, as the latter are not only now present but essential for Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén and Hungary as well.
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Lutsyshyn, Halyna, and Nataliia Lukach. "Energy Aspect of Ukrainian-Russian Conflict of the End of XX and the XXI Centuries." Humanitarian vision 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2021.01.025.
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The article deals with bilateral Russia and Ukraine power relations, urgent questions of their cooperation and form of realization of large Russia foreign economic projects. The separation of bilateral Ukrainian-Russian relations in the energy sector is quite conditional, the authors have studied. Because they are objectively inscribed in the relations of both countries with a third party – first of all, European countries as consumers of energy resources transported through the territory of Ukraine. Thus, both from the point of view of the technological chain (producer-transit-consumer) and from the economic point of view (seller-provider of transportation services-buyer), these relations should be considered in a tripartite format. It tries to determine possible threats of Ukraine’s national security in the context of Russia foreign power strategy realization. Ukrainian-Russian relations in the energy sector are quite dynamic, but cannot be assessed unambiguously due to the presence of a combination of positive and negative factors and trends. They largely depend on the general state of relations between the two capitals, and sometimes have a decisive influence on them. It has been investigated that the weaknesses of the Ukrainian energy sector since independence in 1991 shed light on the fundamental link between energy security and national security. From the point of view of global energy processes, one should take into account the favorable geopolitical and geographical position of Ukraine and its related role as a transit state. The integration of the Ukrainian energy system into the European one is a component of Ukraine’s strategic goal of joining the EU. Ukraine has a sufficiently strong and developed gas, oil and electricity networks, connected to the transport networks of the EU and CIS countries: Russia, Moldova, Belarus, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, which allows it to participate in the formation of European energy policy and common energy market, play an important role in energy cooperation between the CIS and the EU.
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Fürjész, István. "Verifying the farm size – environment interaction." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 20 (May 23, 2006): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/20/3153.
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With this study, based on experience gained in the United States of America, the author intends to draw attention to the fact that farm size related questions in Hungary, which form an integrant part of farm policies all around the world, cannot and should not be discussed without taking environmental relations into account. In the United States, where the excessive use of agrochemicals poses a great threat to the environment, many researchers claim that the conventional large farm model is now getting outdated. These experts question the social and economic benefits of a large farm oriented farm structure and try to convince researchers arriving from Middle- and Eastern-European countries to reform their thought on optimum farm structure. In their opinion, it is essential to let countries in the region understand that they are not required to follow the US course of large farms, which many experts in the States also would prefer to leave. From the facts presented in this study, it can be concluded that large farms by nature can protect the environment less efficiently than small farms. It is also pointed out that the excessive use of fertilizers, which is a trait often attributed to large farms by researchers throughout the world, do not yet apply to large farms in Hungary. As regards the use of pesticides in Hungary, the unfavorable tendency portrayed in foreign literature is identified in this analysis, according to which the larger the farm involved in field cropping the larger per hectare doses they use to protect their crops.
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Tarrósy, István. "African immigrants in Hungary: Connection with the new national foreign policy." Society and Economy 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/socec.36.2014.2.8.
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Mroczkowski, Rafał. "Legal Effects of Unenforceability or Invalidity of an Agreement for a Denominated in or Indexed to a Foreign Currency Mortgage Loan in The Light of Judicial Decisions." Financial Law Review, no. 24 (4) (October 28, 2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/22996834flr.21.029.14654.
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An introduction of mortgage currency loans to the banks offers, particularly the indexed to a foreign currency and denominated in a foreign currency loans, based on agreements containing abusive clauses which lead, in the consumer/borrower's individual relations, to the violation of his legal and economic interest and on the financial system level to the creation the risk of its instability (systemic risk). In many European countries, in Hungary for instance, the problem was solved ex post on the statutory level by the legislator’s interference. In others, for example in Romania, such statutory solutions were contested by the constitutional courts. In the remaining ones, such as Poland, Spain or Austria, the problem was left to be solved within the individual cases by the civil or arbitration courts. The latter solution requires however the development of lines of jurisprudence solving the contentious legal issues resulting from the complicated legal relations that occurred between the banks and the consumers/borrowers. Given the above, the author undertook to analyse the judicial decisions of the European Court of Justice, Polish common courts and the Supreme Court in order to indicate these nodal issues which often evoke the discrepancies in jurisprudence, as well as to present the possible solutions. The importance of the issue is crucial not only to the economic condition of the households and financial results of particular banks, but also to the stability of the whole financial sector. The implementation of the research goal adopted in this article requires the application of legal research methods, such as in particular the general theoretical method and the formal-dogmatic method.
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Skyrda, Tetiana. "FORMATION OF ACADEMIC MOBILITY FOR FUTURE BACHELORS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: THE CONTEXT OF BOLOGNA'S REFORMS." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 17(10) (November 25, 2019): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.17(10)-5.
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Among the peculiarities of the professional training of future bachelors in international relations in NAU are the following: a focus on a high level of fundamental and practical training; formation of general and specific competences of a future specialist in the field of international economic, legal and information activity; providing up-to-date knowledge of the basic principles and norms of international business and law; providing deep knowledge of the theory and practice of international relations, acquiring the skills to successful advancement into the world markets with the competitive national products, analysis of market conditions, formation of foreign language competence. Analysis of the documents of the Bologna process, including the Bologna Joint Declaration (Italy, 1999), the Copenhagen Declaration (Denmark, 2001), the Bergen Communiqué (Norway, 2005), the London Communiqué (United Kingdom, 2007), the Leuven Communiqué (Belgium, 2009), Budapest The Vienna Declaration (Hungary Austria, 2010), the materials of the Bucharest Conference and the Third Bologna Forum (Romania, 2012), the Paris Communiqué (France, 2018), indicate that mobility is one of its important goals and tools. The documents of the Bologna Process, as well as the legislative and legal support of Ukraine, create the basis for the formation of academic mobility of NAU students, including bachelors in international relations.
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Tiutiunyk, Inna, Wojciech Cieśliński, Andrii Zolkover, and László Vasa. "Foreign direct investment and shadow economy: One-way effect or multiple-way causality?" JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 15, no. 4 (December 2022): 196–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2022/15-4/12.
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The article examines the relationship between the size of the shadow economy and indicators of the investment market development. Net inflow of foreign direct investments, volume of net investments in non-financial assets, volumes of portfolio investments, and net outflow of foreign direct investment were used as parameters characterizing the development of the investment market. The dependence between the indicators was analyzed using the regression equation, Shapiro-Wilk test. Research results demonstrate that the increase in the inflow and outflow of foreign direct investments leads to an increase in the size of the shadow economy without a time lag in Ukraine, Poland, Slovenia, Romania, Croatia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and with a time lag of 1 year in Slovakia and Hungary. The largest impact on the size of the shadow economy is made by the volume of inflow and outflow of direct foreign investments, while the volume of portfolio investments has a less significant effect. Consequently, it was concluded that the processes of inflow and outflow of direct foreign investments require enhanced control by specialized state executive bodies given the scale of their potential destabilizing impact on the macroeconomic stability of the country.
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Łukaszuk, Tomasz. "The evolution of India-Central Europe relations after the Cold War." Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 56 (June 15, 2020): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.56.15.
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The primary purpose of the article is to present the long term ties between India and Central Europe, and examine the transformation of their relationship after the end of the Cold War. Using J.A. Braveboy-Wagner’s liberal approach to diplomacy and foreign policy-making of developing countries as a tool of analysis, the article shows how the executive preferences of political leaders, historical narratives, and the strength of local values such as soft power, have influenced the political and economic cooperation between India and the Visegrad Group of countries that constitute the core of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. This method helps to show that contrary to the widely held opinion1 that the bonds between the Indian subcontinent and Central Europe were an artificial creation of the Soviet Union, they were instead created much earlier by contacts of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath Tagore in the first half of the 20th century. Indeed, a mutual interest and fascination between the two parties, combined with the complementary of needs of both sides after the end of WWII resulted in the development of a promising relationship in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Unfortunately, despite a lot of effort this promising partnership has failed to deliver since the end of the Cold War, and this paper is an attempt to find an explanation for this situation. The European’s focus on integrating with European institutions on one hand, and India’s new foreign policy priorities that were driven by modernization and regional, and then global power aspirations, on the other hand, weakened the intensity of this cooperation for two decades. The completing of the European Union enlargement process in 2004, and the increasing influence of China in Central Europe since 2012, has triggered a reaction by India in the form of the creation of India-Central Europe Business Forum in 2014, which until now has not yet met expectations. The article points to the potential of the Visegrad Group+ (V4+) formula of cooperation, which still possesses many untapped opportunities.
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Hoble, Adela, Daniela Popescu, Claudiu Bunea, Daniel Cluzeau, Muriel Guernion, Annegret Nicolai, Alben Fertil, Silvia Winter, Johann Zaller, and Gema Guzmán. "The Perception of Viticultural Landscapes as a Method of Promoting and Supporting Local Economic Activities Through Multifunctional Landscapes." “Agriculture for Life, Life for Agriculture” Conference Proceedings 1, no. 1 (July 1, 2018): 387–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/alife-2018-0058.
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Abstract The perception of landscape and consumption behaviour in relation to landscape was estimated using a questionnaire-based survey with 17 photographs: 15 photos from Romanian representative landscape units, 1 photo representing a foreign landscape (Hungary), and 1 marketing photo. The photo documentation was conducted in sixteen vineyards ecosystems from Târnave Viticultural Region - Transylvania (NW-Romania). The most representative landscape was the photo that had the specifications and criteria: low practices intensity with low landscape complexity; and the less representative landscape was the photo that had the specifications and criteria: photo capturing hiking, walking, tourism, and recreational activities in a viticulture landscape. The landscape could influence the following aspects of communities’ livelihood: establishments and development of enterprises, tourism and recreation businesses, and the place to live. The words used by interviewed people to point out the landscape were interpreted from the point of view of the concept of multifunctionality.
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Kuklin, O. V., R. F. Pustoviit, and M. Y. Kryvoruchko. "The European Integration Challenges of Ukraine." Business Inform 10, no. 513 (2020): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-4459-2020-10-14-21.
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The article is concerned with an analysis of Ukraine’s European integration challenges, which are considered from the position of the effectiveness of foreign trade, as well as in light of the institutional challenges of the European integration course. According to the results of research, both the dynamics and the structure of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations with the EU Member States, the CIS and Asia countries are analyzed. It is defined that the focus on the European Union market prevented domestic exporters from reaching the pre-crisis levels of 2013. The resource nature of the national exports to the EU is underlined. The high level of interdependence in the sphere of foreign trade relations with former partners of Ukraine in the CIS – the Russian Federation and Belarus, especially in the field of imports of fuel and energy resources, and export of nuclear reactors, boilers, machines, railway locomotives, products of inorganic chemistry, is emphasized. It is determined that Ukraine’s implementation of the Ukraine-EU Association Agreement is at a low level of 43%. The authors characterize the main tendencies in Europe as to the quality of life of the population on the basis of two indicators - the proportion of households that barely make ends meet (Bulgaria, Greece, Croatia, Cyprus, Portugal, Romania), and have unsatisfactory living conditions (Cyprus, Latvia, Hungary, Portugal, Slovenia) - the values of which are much higher compared to the average level in the EU. The general conclusion on the ambiguity of the issue of the effectiveness of the national economy’s orientedness toward the market of the European Union has been drawn. The need to take into account the multi-vector nature of the modern globalized world in the process of researching the impact of European integration on the economic development of Ukraine is reasoned.
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John, Frankenstein. "Foreign Investment and Economic Development in Hungary and China. 1898-1945.By Wang Zhen Quan. [Aldershot:Avebury,1995.xvi + 355 pp.£39.95. 1-85972-245-8]." China Quarterly 151 (September 1997): 675–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000047032.
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Varlamova, M. "Cross-cultural aspects of business negotiations." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 72, no. 5 (2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.05.103.
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The features of conducting business negotiations with foreign partners, taking into account the influence of cultural factors are investigated in this paper. The systematization of approaches to understanding business negotiations is performed and it is determined that business negotiations are bilateral or multilateral processes of communication, as a result of which a joint decision concerning business interests realization is made. Scientific approaches to the cultures grouping by certain features, particularly, E. Hall, G. Hofstede and R. Lewis, Florence Clachon and Fred Strodbeck, D. Pinto, R. Gesteland, F. Trompenaars and C. Hampden-Turner are considered. Analysis of the manifestation of certain cultural features in relation to the representatives of the countries with which Ukraine currently has the most developed trade and economic relations is carried out. Accordingly, the probability of the need to negotiate the foreign economic activity implementation is rather high. The following countries are selected among them according to 2020 statistics: China, Poland, India, Spain, Italy, Russia, Belarus, Egypt, the Netherlands, Germany, Romania, Turkey, Hungary, USA, Belgium, Israel, Indonesia, Iraq, Moldova, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France and the Czech Republic. Using Hert Hofstede's approach and his theory of cultural dimensions for the listed countries, the indicators characterizing the manifestation of the distance of power, individualism, masculinity, avoidance of uncertainty, long-term orientation and indulgence are analyzed. The countries which cultures are the closest to Ukraine’s one are identified according to the above mentioned methodology, and, consequently, the construction of communications with their representatives is more understandable and is characterized by lower probability of misunderstandings due to cultural factors. For other countries the cultural features similar and different from Ukraine ones are defined. Taking into account these features, recommendations for planning and conducting business negotiations with representatives of other countries, aimed at increasing the benefits and opportunities for Ukraine in the process of making joint decisions with partners are given.
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Nevskaya, Anastasia Alekseevna. "Are the Visegrad countries independent players in European politics and economics?" Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 11 (November 19, 2021): 839–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2111-03.
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The article examines the degree of independence of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union in terms of economic prerequisites and actual implementation. It has been suggested that the countries of the Visegrad Group, having reached a certain level of economic prosperity and diversified their foreign economic relations, began to strive to play a more independent role in making integration decisions in the EU, including on issues of basic common European values. This hypothesis is tested on the example of the negotiation process of the EU countries on the adoption of the MultiYear Financial Plan for 2021–2027 and the creation of a Next Generation EU Fund to work together to tackle the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The main directions of the negotiations, the positions of the participants and the general results are analyzed. Particular attention is drawn to the fact that Poland and Hungary have succeeded in achieving ambivalent language on the issues of linking the allocation of funds to member countries with their provision of the rule of law and observance of other democratic principles. It is shown that in practice the European Commission still does not abandon this linkage. It is concluded that during the EU membership, the Visegrad Group countries have succeeded in demonstrating their economic capabilities, and their ability to influence the solution of common European issues has increased, but the real degree of autonomy of the Visegrad countries within the EU has not reached a qualitatively new level, including and due to contradictions in the positions of countries within the bloc itself.
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Kornai, János. "Hungary’S U-Turn." Society and Economy 37, no. 3 (September 2015): 279–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2015.37.3.1.
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For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.
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Magadeev, Iskander. "“Shadow of Empires”: Ways and Means of Stability in Central and Eastern Europe Viewed by the British Diplomats and Political Leaders in the 1920s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013654-7.
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Using the evidence from the National Archives of Great Britain and published diplomatic documents, this article analyses the role, which the “shadow of empires” played in the British diplomatic estimates of the 1920s regarding the international stability in Central and Eastern Europe. This “shadow” is interpreted as the influence caused by the idea that the past images and realities of the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe before 1914, dominated by empires, could re-emerge. The author defined three main manifestations of this pattern. First, the fears that Germany and Russia would drift towards each other at the expense of Poland, and the feeling of risks, which emanated from the eventual growth of the Russian influence in the Balkans. Second, the British desire to reestablish the common economic space of the former Austro-Hungary in Danubian Europe. Finally, the criticism of nationalism of created/re-created states and the attempts to group them in confederations or blocs, which was rather widespread in the Foreign Office circles. The author concludes that the “shadow of empires” played a significant role in the British estimates of the post-war stability in Central and Eastern Europe though its influence and nature remained controversial. It was characterised, on the one hand, by the pragmatism and the desire to defend the British strategic and economic interests, but on the other, by the stereotypes and biased conceptions.
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Poljanec, Kristijan, and Tomislav Jakšić. "Safeguarding Croatian Strategic Industries Within the Scope of the EU Foreign Direct Investment Regime." Central European Journal of Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 123–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47078/2020.2.123-149.
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A European Union (EU)-wide screening regime entered into force in October 2020, marking the turning point in the Member States’ investment relations with third countries, most notably, the emerging economies of the Far East. Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) states have recently embraced novel screening solutions; some legislative proposals are still pending in a few states. These regulatory changes are the result of the socio-economic turmoil caused by the COVID-19 epidemic, which threatens a major fire sale of resources that are deemed critical for the Member States’ national security and public order. In this paper, the authors examine the existing screening mechanisms regarding foreign direct investment (FDI) in five EU countries: Austria, Germany, Hungary, Slovenia, and Poland. Given the apparent lack of comprehensive FDI screening mechanisms in Croatia, the authors consider that the findings of this comparative analysis could help Croatian legislator establish a comprehensive legal regime for FDI pouring into Croatian strategic industries. This paper argues that Croatia should introduce novel screening mechanisms along the lines of the Germanic legal tradition, most notably, the CEE and the German foreign trade and payments law. The authors suggest potential solutions de lege ferenda that would fit the scope and objectives of the screening regulation. Following the introduction, the second section of the paper glances through FDI screening mechanisms in four CEE countries. In the third section, the paper revisits the existing Croatian legislation on FDI control. The fourth section considers possible amendments thereof within the context of the German foreign trade and payments law. The fifth section summarises and concludes the paper.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
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Ferreira, Letícia Figueiredo. "O Território Econômico Alemão na Europa Central: análise dos investimentos estrangeiros recebidos pelo Grupo de Visegrado a partir de Hilferding | The German Economic Territory in Central Europe: analysis of foreign investments received by the Visegrado Group based on Hilferding." Mural Internacional 12 (June 10, 2021): e58878. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2021.58878.
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Formado por Polônia, Hungria, República Tcheca e Eslováquia, o Grupo de Visegrado é uma área privilegiada de destino dos investimentos alemães, integrando com a indústria alemã a maior cadeia produtiva da Europa. Visando responder como se organizam as relações econômicas entre o grupo e a Alemanha, apresentamos a hipótese de que Berlim converteu os países da Europa Central em parte do seu território econômico através de exportações massivas de capital. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as relações de produção entre Alemanha e Visegrado, de modo a lançar luz sobre a posição de dependência do último. Como referencial teórico, recorremos à obra de Hilferding (1910) e, como metodologia, empregamos uma análise quantitativa dos fluxos de capitais alemães para a região, além de uma análise qualitativa dos efeitos desse processo. Esperamos demonstrar que o grupo desempenha o papel de fábrica dos produtos alemães para o mercado europeu.Palavras-chave: Visegrad Group; Germany; economic territory.ABSTRACTFormed by Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the Visegrad Group is a privileged area of destination for German investments, integrating with the German industry the lar-gest supply chain in Europe. Aiming to answer how the economic relations between the group and Germany are organized, we present the hypothesis that Berlin converted the countries of Central Europe into part of its economic territory through massive capital exports. This article’s purpose is to analyze the production relations between Germany and Visegrad, in order to shed light on the latter's dependent position. As our theoretical framework, we resort to the work of Hilferding (1910) and, as our methodology, we employ a quantitative analysis of German capital flows to the region, as well as a qualitative analysis of the effects of this process. We expect to demonstrate that the group plays the role of a factory for German products in the European market.Keywords: Visegrad Group; Germany; economic territory. Recebido em: 02 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 08 jun. 2021.
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Hung, Ngo Thai. "Market integration among foreign exchange rate movements in central and eastern European countries." Society and Economy 42, no. 1 (March 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2020.00001.
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AbstractThis study focuses on the level of interdependence across the Central and Eastern European (CEE) foreign exchange markets (Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Romania and Croatia) from September 2008 to September 2017, using the return spillover measure proposed by Diebold and Yilmaz (2009; 2012). We mainly find a bidirectional volatility spillover among these assets and the cross-market linkages in the CEE region have become stronger over time. Furthermore, the Czech exchange market has a significant influence on the rest of the foreign exchange markets. The total spillover remained very high over the periods 2010–2012 and 2015–2017, despite the noteworthy fluctuations in other periods. These results would also be useful for portfolio managers, policy makers and speculative traders to develop exploitable strategies, by providing knowledge of the transmission mechanisms of the volatility of foreign exchange markets. The results may support the distribution of assets in a financial portfolio, especially after financial integration.