Relevant bibliographies by topics / Hungary – Foreign economic relations

Academic literature on the topic 'Hungary – Foreign economic relations'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Hungary – Foreign economic relations"

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Kálmán, Botond, and Arnold Tóth. "The Success of Japanese Foreign Market Investments in Hungary." International Journal of Trade, Economics and Finance 12, no. 4 (August 2021): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijtef.2021.12.4.700.

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This study examines the recent history and current state of a special area of Japanese-Hungarian economic relations, foreign direct investments (FDI) in Hungary. We reviewed the flow of Japanese capital into Hungary. Foreign direct capital investments can improve productivity on the one hand via technology transfer, and one the other hand, they may have further positive effects through corporate relationships, such as market access or improved financing conditions. Through these means, they strengthen economic growth. When analyzing the data on the historical development of Japanese investment, we showed that the automotive industry plays a dominant role. Based on our results, the influx of Japanese FDI into the Hungarian economy is mutually advantageous to both parties. The most important result for Hungary was economic growth and for Japan, the easier access to the EU markets. Japanese-Hungarian relations are not limited to economic cooperation, they are present in everyday life and continue to grow closer.
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Sáringer, János. "The Hungarian–Czechoslovak Relations from the Hungarian Perspective." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 21, no. 1 (November 1, 2022): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2022-0002.

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Abstract As a result of the first free and democratic elections in Hungary, in May 1990, József Antall formed a government, whose foreign policy goal was the restoration of the sovereignty of Hungary and the support and representation of the Euro-Atlantic integration and of the Hungarians across the border. In the Hungarian–Czechoslovak bilateral relations, the new Hungarian government’s aim was to expand the political relations in both federal and republican levels. It was Hungary’s interest that serious legacies, such as the issue of the Bős– Nagymaros Dam system, should not hold back the general advance, wherefore a solution appropriate for both parties had to be found. Hungary considered Czechoslovakia as an outstanding economic partner. The Antall government took steps so that the fate and future of the Slovakian Hungarians would be ensured in accordance with the European development standards. One of the key issues in this was the consistent Czechoslovak condemnation of the principle of collective guilt, the Beneš decrees. During the dialogues, certain elements of the common historical past returned several times.
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Kozár, László, and György Iván Neszmélyi. "Hungarian endeavours for the enhancement of economic relations in Southeast Asia focusing on a new partnership with Vietnam." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 11, no. 3-4 (May 12, 2020): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2017/3-4/1.

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Beyond a brief review of the economic integration process among the states of the ASEAN region, the authors of the present study aimed to examine and analyze the main economic, social and political characteristics of the Hungaro-ASEAN relations. The importance of the topic of this research is underlined by the fact that the Hungarian government considers big importance to the improvement of the foreign economic relations with Asian economies. This intention was expressed by a new foreign economic strategy „Eastern opening” announced by the government in 2012, even though the foreign trade statistical figures did not justify its success by now.The authors believe that increasing opening towards Asia serves Hungarian economic interests. Therefore, it is a right and desirable direction to proceed, they consider that in the background of the modest results there might be the insufficient knowledge of the market mechanisms, the actors of the local supply chains and the potential partners. They believe that in order to make the Hungarian foreign economic endeavours in this direction more successful a more thorough examination of the local characteristics – including the actual demand arising at the targeted markets - is necessary. This opinion is prevalent to not only the Asian „Giants”, like China, India and Japan, but also to smaller states, like the ASEAN members, which – together - in terms of population and economic performance – reach the dimensions of an economic great power as well.Furthermore, the integration of the ten Southeast Asian countries develops rapidly, which is coupled by their increasing weight in the world trade. The dynamic economic and social development in the ASEAN region – and in parallel with this the growing demands and purchasing power - may encourage the Hungarian ventures in theory. However, there are still very few Hungarian entrepreneurs, who are ready to enter the market in the region and able in long run to operate there successfully. It is a well-known fact that the since the regime has changed in Hungary, foreign trade became strongly concentrated towards the EU members.The ASEAN countries – because of the geographic distance and by other reasons - definitely cannot mean an alternative of the EU market, however in a certain extent they can relieve this one-sided concentration and may provide additional opportunities for the Hungarian export of goods, and rather to the export of Hungarian services and know-how. The ratio of the ASEAN region within the entire Hungarian foreign trade turnover is small nowadays, furthermore – according to the statistical figures – this region is rather an import resource for Hungary than being an export market. This fact – just itself – is should not be considered as problem. When the amount of the import exceeds the amount of exports, that means that it is more worthwhile to do business with suppliers from there countries than with others. By and large all this is prevalent to the field of the agricultural trade as well: Hungary imports a range of commodities which cannot be produced by domestic farmers or in Europe (spices, tropical fruits, etc.). It is obvious that the ASEAN region cannot be the major market for the Hungarian agricultural export, not even in long run. However, there are still a lot of opportunities to enlarge the turnover of goods and services and enhance the co-operation in this geographic region. In the last chapter, the authors outlined an example in case of Vietnam – co-operation of joint public warehousing of agricultural commodities – which may be a good example for the promising potential opportunities. In contrast with the majority of the ASEAN countries, the Hungaro-Vietnamese political and economic relations had started much earlier than the regime was changed in Hungary. However, the potential advantages arose from this fact – the network of connections and the sympathy of Vietnamese professionals graduated in Hungary, the reputation and popularity of Hungarian agricultural products and technologies, the achievements of R&D in the field of agriculture – could not be utilized from Hungarian side. Vietnam, however still preserved its socialist political establishment, but in terms of its economic development strategy and economic policy has gradually been standing on the basis of market orientation. Vietnam, with its population of ninety million shows a rapid and successful development and it means good opportunities even for Hungarian entrepreneurs. It would be a mistake to leave these potentials unused. JEL Classification: F14, Q17, R11, N75
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Prantner, Zoltán. "Hungary and the Arabian Peninsula in the 1960s." East Central Europe 49, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49010003.

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Abstract In this article, the author discusses a particular episode in the history of Hungary’s foreign policy when the Hungarian Communist leadership attempted to expand its system of foreign policy relations within the Arab world in the 1960s. Regarding the latter, the analysis focuses on the Arabian Peninsula. The study is divided into four main parts. Accordingly, it presents the fundamental shift in attitudes toward socialist globalization following Stalin’s death in the first unit. The following chapters describe the relationship between Hungary and the two Yemens, as well as Kuwait in chronological order until the 1970s. The main objective of the article is to detail the role of that foreign policy, which had already tried to give preference to pragmatic, economic aspects, regardless of the political-ideological system of the given state.
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Comisso, Ellen, and Paul Marer. "The economics and politics of reform in Hungary." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 421–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027193.

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Reform of the domestic economic system is the distinctive element of Hungary's foreign economic strategy in the 1980s. The need for systemic economic reform stems from Hungary's status as a small country, heavily dependent on foreign trade, many of whose imports can no longer be met within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance alone. The many obstacles to economic reform lie in a heritage of policy choices that responded to domestic and CMEA supply constraints rather than to principles of comparative advantage. Such policies undercut the initial economic reform in 1968 and contributed to a major economic crisis in 1979–82. The subsequent changes in policy priorities and institutional mechanisms prompted by this crisis aimed to reduce Hungary's insulation from the larger international economy and make the economy more efficient. Politically, economic reform is possible in Hungary largely because of the impact of the 1956 revolt on both the subsequent composition of the political elite and the norms and features of collective leadership that guided its decision making afterwards. Nevertheless, the political and economic structures on which collective leadership rests weaken reform advocates and obstruct consistent implementation of their policy preferences. Yet Hungary's economic situation in the late 1970s altered the political balance offerees in favor of reformists, permitting them to alter both economic structures and policies.
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Domonkos, Endre. "The Consequences of Stalinist Economic Policy in Hungary (1949-1953)." Multidiszciplináris kihívások, sokszínű válaszok, no. 1 (August 31, 2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33565/mksv.2022.01.01.

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By 1948, with the eradication of private property ownership and multi-party-system, the institutional background of the Soviet-type dictatorship was created by the Hungarian Workers Party (HWP). In economic terms, forced industrialisation became buzzword, whereas both agricultural and infrastructural development were neglected by the communist leadership. The forced collectivisation in the agriculture, accompanied by the postponement of necessary investments led to a permanent shortage of goods. Compulsory deliveries coupled with the application of the principle of quantity further aggravated the situation of the agrarian sector. As a result of aggressive campaign against the wealthy peasants and forced collectivisation, 300 000 people ceased to work in the agriculture and were employed by industry. Within the centrally planned economy, profitability, cost of production, marketability and quality of products were neglected. Only one principle was taken into account, which was the fulfilment or overfulfilment of the global production plan index and all other criteria were ignored by decision-makers. Foreign trade relations were embedded within the framework of the command economy. Foreign trade corporations were set up and world market prices became hermetically isolated from domestic prices. Within Comecon, the endeavour of the USSR was to reduce any dependency of the socialist bloc on world markets and to achieve self-sufficiency. The introduction of fixed prices in 1950 led to serious price distortions, whilst Hungary depended on increasing import of raw material, which was essential for the development of heavy industry. Therefore, the targets of foreign trade were not fulfilled during the period 1949-53. The irrational economic objectives of the first Five-Year Plan produced lasting damages in the national economy of Hungary.
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Lazorkina, Olga. "Беларусь – Венгрия: паттерн взаимодействия в условиях ассиметричных объединений." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.008.13336.

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Belarus – Hungary: pattern of interaction in the conditions of asymmetric associations The article focuses on bilateral relations between the Republic of Belarus and Hungary in the context of their membership in the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union. The author made an attempt to define the model of bilateral cooperation between states limited in their actions by membership in regional associations. The features of the development of political dialogue, which was formed under the influence of the national vision and approaches of the EU as a whole, are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the regional format of relations within the Visegrad Group, CEI and the „Eastern Partnership” initiative. The analysis current state of trade and economic cooperation between Belarus and Hungary is made. The author identifies the strengths and weaknesses of relations, and outlines perspective spheres of cooperation. The active phase of relations between Belarus and Hungary began in the 2000-s, when the parties finally decided on the vectors of their foreign policy. The launch of the „Eastern Partnership” initiative has played a decisive role in the development of political dialogue and economic cooperation on an ongoing basis. Bilateral relations between Belarus and Hungary are an example for building a model of interaction that is not burdened by a common historical past and based on pragmatism. The fairly active political dialogue between the two countries is based on an economic component. In parallel, the parties actively declare the primacy of national interests over collective ones – the EU and the EAEU. At the same time, the analysis indicates, membership in regional associations significantly limits the possibilities of their implementation in practice. This especially affects the trade and economic sphere of interaction. These factors determine the cyclical nature of relations between Belarus and Hungary. Thus, the bilateral format of cooperation within the framework of asymmetric associations is a sufficiently effective mechanism for the development of a full-fledged dialogue. At the same time, it is important to understand that the political component is secondary to the economic one. This approach allows the parties not to overestimate expectations and to develop mutually beneficial, equal relationships based on pragmatism and real opportunities.
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Moldicz, Csaba. "Geopolitical Tensions in East Asia and the Effects on Japanese and Hungarian Economic Relations." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 1 (2021): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.76-97.

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The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview of the possible foreign policy strategies vis-à-vis the United States and China. The last chapter tries to find the common platform on which these two countries could work together to achieve their political and economic interests.
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Chetverikova, A. "Central Europe in the Pandemic Era: First Economic Results." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-92-101.

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The article analyzes the response of the Visegrad Group countries to the 2020 pandemic. Measures are outlined that were taken by Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic to support their economies, including efforts to stabilize labour markets and measures for several most affected sectors. The author assesses the main economic indicators of the Visegrad countries during the first half of 2020 in the light of the consequences of imposed restrictive measures. The reaction of the Visegrad economies to the pandemic correlates with the pan-European reaction. Special attention is paid to the condition of the foreign trade sector of the “four” members, which plays an important role in their economies. The dynamic of foreign trade relations of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic with the European Union and Russia during the pandemic is analyzed. Mutual trade flows within the Visegrad Group are evaluated in the light of opportunities to compensate downturns in other markets. Possible prospects for the development of the Visegrad Group after the pandemic are considered. The existing forecasts of the Group’s countries development are analyzed. The factors influencing the recovery process in the Visegrad countries are given. The consequences of COVID 19 will affect many sectors of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, which will not be able to cope with them without the EU support. Realization of opportunities including the emergence of more innovative elements in their economies that meet the challenges of the 21st century, will also depend on the members of the Visegrad Group themselves. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Török, László. "The contribution of the Visegrad four automotive industry to economic growth." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 15, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2022/15-1/6.

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In the countries of the Visegrad Four (V4) (Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia), significant and modern car production capacities were built due to foreign direct investment inflows. According to the results of mainstream research, the automotive industry can make a substantial contribution to the growth of the GDP of the affected national economy. In the V4 countries, the opposite has taken place in the automotive industry over the past decade. Automotive production increased in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Slovakia but decreased in Poland. The study seeks to answer the question of the close relationship between automotive output and changes in GDP in the countries concerned. The correlation calculation results show that the automotive industry has a powerfully positive effect on GDP growth in countries where the sector's contribution is significant and growing dynamically.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hungary – Foreign economic relations"

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Marinov, Marin kandidat na i︠u︡ridicheskite nauki. "Foreign direct investment in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and Hungary : a comparative study of the current legislation." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26212.

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The author's goal is to illuminate the current business legislation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) through a comparison of three countries from the region, namely, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary.
The present study is divided into four parts. The first part states the thesis itself, the goals, and the structure of the discussion.
The second part provides the basic premises of the analysis, with emphasis on the current data on foreign investment in the three countries.
The third part presents the core of the comparative study and deals with the following issues: basic foreign investment laws, including corporate laws, property rights of foreign persons, currency regimes. Among other important aspects, attention is paid to the following subjects: general treatment of FDI, foreign investment in corporate capital, branches of transnational corporations, forms of FDI, special procedures for banking and insurance, closed sectors for FDI, financing of investment, incentives of FDI, domestic and international guarantees for FDI etc. The set of criteria used to assess the compared legislation focuses primarily on the essential features of that legislation. This narrow approach is expedient in terms of the huge area that relates to foreign investment.
The final part uses the findings of the comparative study of the relevant legislation in order to determine the reasons for the lagging interest of foreign investors in Bulgaria. These reasons are found not to be due to any deep-seated differences in the pertinent legislation, but rather to some other factors, such as historical, socio-cultural, and geopolitical.
The law in the present work is stated as of 1 January 1994. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Knoetze, Christopher. "Feasting on foreign aid : a political economic examination of foreign aid's potential role in perpetuating chronic hunger and starvation in Malawi." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20050.

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Foreign aid to Malawi has the ability to perpetuate the country's fifteen-year long hunger crisis. For millions of Malawians, chronic starvation is attributable to their inability to access food available on internationalised markets. Bilateral foreign aid to the Southern African state is aimed at stimulating development which, if successful, should also lift the country beyond threat of chronic, long-term malnourishment for the poorest of its citizens. Donor's, however, measure developmental aid's success along a narrow set of indicators - such as economic growth - dictating the direction of policy for recipient nations wishing to maintain the inflow of aid. For Malawi, this is all but inevitable as foreign aid accounts for 40% of government revenue. As a result of this dependency on external income, Malawi's government has targeted economic growth in order to maintain its aid support. Economic growth in Malawi has been fuelled by public spending and is unsustainable in the long term. The rapid growth was accompanied by high levels of inflation and the further entrenchment of a perennial trade accounts deficit, leaving the national currency weak. In addition, the majority of public spending reinforces the country's economic identity of an agricultural state, ensuring that 90% of Malawians who rely on agriculture for an income will remain poor due to the imbalance of trade. The indirect perpetuation of an agricultural economy, alongside unsustainable and unstable growth, has led to a situation where most Malawians cannot afford to buy food.
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Wang, Zhen Quan. "Foreign investment and economic development : empirical evidence from Hungary and China." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319589.

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Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.

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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to the beginning of this century. From the beginning Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials and also as a potential market for its finished products Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British colonial administration. For example, the British enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the late 1930s.
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Davis, Robert Chris. "Certifiably Romanian : national belonging and contested identity of the Moldavian Csangos 1923-85." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669924.

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Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.

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The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment. That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic relationship.
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Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.

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Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.
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Ember, Adrienna. "Enlarged Europe, shrinking relations? the impacts of Hungary's EU membership on the development of bilateral relations between New Zealand and Hungary." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1567.

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The background to this study lies in the discrepancy between the special economic and foreign-political importance of the EU for New Zealand and New Zealand’s low foreignpolitical interaction and visibility in the 12 new EU Member States. This explorative study is the first of its kind to investigate from New Zealand’s viewpoint whether any potential connection points or areas of common interest may exist between New Zealand and Hungary as one of the new EU Member States which might foster directly or indirectly New Zealand’s national interests in the European Union (EU). Owing to the broad nature of such an inquiry, the study encompasses the political, diplomatic, commercial, scientific, and cultural interactions of the two countries from the 1970s until 2007. The theoretical framework of the study builds on Small State Theory, its limitations for the special setting of the thesis topic, however, suggested a necessity to incorporate the Theory on the Role of Ethnic Networks in International Trade. The explorative nature of the research topic required a qualitative research design, based on interviews, questionnaires, and case studies in New Zealand and Hungary in the years 2005 and 2007. Research results were compared with macro-level statistics and official analyses where available to support and enhance analytic validity. The thesis concludes that a solely trade focused foreign policy would not bring the advantages desired by New Zealand. Instead, the research suggests various alternative areas and ways to serve cost effectively New Zealand’s foreign political goals not just in Hungary but also in the Central and Eastern European region in general.
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Denca, Sorin Stefan. "European integration and foreign policy in Central and Eastern Europe : the cases of Hungary, Slovakia and Romania." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1462/.

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This thesis examines the impact of Europeanization on the foreign policy of the new member states of the European Union, using as case studies Hungary, Slovakia and Romania. It asks what the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy is and whether and to what extent there has been divergence in the way in which the new member states have responded to the similar constraints and opportunities of the European integration. Insofar as divergence can be identified, a third research question asks why there is policy divergence. It argues that the governmental politics and the politics of national identity play a key role as mediating factors for the Europeanization of the system of policy making, the process of elite socialization and the conduct of foreign policy itself. Three critical international events are used as sub-case studies in order to assess the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy of the CEE counties: the US-led war in Iraq in 2003, the NATO airstrikes against Yugoslavia in 1999 and the Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008. The study’s findings suggest that the pressures of Europeanization leads to convergence in some policy areas, but domestic factors such as governmental and national identity politics offer a more convincing explanation of divergence. Overall, Europeanization is uneven not only across issue-areas, but also across countries. The limits of convergence as an outcome of Europeanization and the persistence of diversity are therefore best accounted for by the diversity of domestic factors.
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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Books on the topic "Hungary – Foreign economic relations"

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Great Britain. Dept. for International Development., ed. Hungary. London: The Dept., 1999.

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Judy, Aniot, and G. Benedek István, eds. Hungary, democracy reborn. Budapest: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Hungary, 1991.

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Tovias, Alfred. Whither Hungary and the European Communities? Washington, DC (1818 H St., NW, Washington 20433): World Bank, 1991.

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Dr, Szűcs István, Balázsné Varga Margit, Gáspár Tibor, and Budapest Town Planning and Design Company Limited. Office for Regional Research and Urban Development., eds. Regional relationships of the European integration and modernization in Hungary. [Hungary]: Magazin, 1992.

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Opening up Hungary to the world market: External constraints and opportunities. London: Macmillan, 1995.

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Sándor, Richter. The economic relations of Austria, Finland, Yugoslavia, and Hungary with the Soviet Union: A comparative analysis. Wien: Vienna Institute for Comparative Economic Studies, 1989.

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Hieronymi, Otto. Economic policies for the new Hungary: Proposals for a coherent approach. Columbus, Ohio: Battelle Press, 1990.

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Rattan, Sharma Ram, Lévai I, and Indo-Hungarian Round Table Conference of Economists and Policy-makers (7th : 1995 : Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India), eds. Economic reforms, liberalization, and structural change: India and Hungary. New Delhi: Gyan Pub. House, 1997.

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Xin, Chen, and Junchi Ma. Xiongyali kan "yi dai yi lu" he Zhongguo-Zhong dong Ou he zuo: How Hungary perspectives the belt and road initiative and China-CEEC cooperation. Beijing: Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 2017.

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Hungary. Free trade agreement between the State of Israel and the Republic of Hungary. Budapest?: s.n., 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Hungary – Foreign economic relations"

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Török, Ádám. "Reflections on Enterprise-level Currency Conversion in Foreign Trade: The Case of Hungary." In The Challenge of Simultaneous Economic Relations with East and West, 197–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11409-2_15.

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Adam, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations." In Why did the Socialist System Collapse in Central and Eastern European Countries?, 71–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24239-9_5.

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Vinokurov, Evgeny. "Eurasian Economic Union: Foreign Economic Relations." In Introduction to the Eurasian Economic Union, 109–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92825-8_5.

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Stephan, Johannes. "Hungarian Foreign Trade and Catch-up Development." In Economic Transition in Hungary and East Germany, 177–222. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596580_7.

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Esmaili-Sardari, Mohamad, and Daria Mizza. "Economic Growth Predictions." In Persian in International Relations and Foreign Policy, 149–64. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429437090-12.

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Stankovsky, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations in Eastern Europe’s Transition." In Economics and Politics of Transition, 125–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12923-2_8.

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Kalamujić, Afan. "Foreign Economic Policy and Trade Relations of BiH." In Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Foreign Policy Since Independence, 97–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05654-4_5.

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McMillan, Samuel Lucas. "US States and Governors in Foreign Economic Relations." In The Involvement of State Governments in US Foreign Relations, 143–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137015402_8.

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Plowiec, Urszula. "U.S. Foreign Economic Policy Towards Eastern Europe." In The Impact of Governments on East-West Economic Relations, 95–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12419-0_7.

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Andreev, Yuri. "A New Foreign Economic Policy for the 1990s?" In East-West Economic Relations in the 1990s, 223–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11465-8_15.

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Conference papers on the topic "Hungary – Foreign economic relations"

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Bello, Ismail, Kabir Umar Musa, Asma'u Isyaku Dutse, and Muktar Bashir. "Indonesia- Nigeria Foreign Economic Relations: A Partnership for Economic Development." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.35.

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Saralinova, Dzhamilya. "Management Of Foreign Economic Relations Based On Structural Policy." In SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.374.

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Ohrimenko, Elena I., and Olga T. Ergunova. "Tourism Industry: Development and Importance of Foreign Economic Relations of Russia." In Proceedings of the First International Volga Region Conference on Economics, Humanities and Sports (FICEHS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200114.035.

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Mantaeva, Elza, Dayana Batyreva, Elza Goryaeva, and Olga Badlaeva. "Interregional and foreign economic relations’ development in the Republic of Kalmykia." In Proceedings of the Volgograd State University International Scientific Conference "Competitive, Sustainable and Safe Development of the Regional Economy" (CSSDRE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/cssdre-19.2019.100.

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Aryani, Made Gitanadya, and Annisa Pratamasari. "The Relationship between Foreign Direct Investment Influx, Economic Growth, and Financial Institutions in ASEAN-6." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010272600260033.

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Selminskaya, O. N., and N. A. Babkina. "FOREIGN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF RUSSIA: CONTENT AND ASSESSMENT." In CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.63.

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The article defines the essence of economic security in the context of the global crisis during the pandemic, analyzes the state of foreign economic security of the Russian Federation using the coefficient of import coverage by export, its dynamics, and compliance of indicators of foreign economic relations with the limit value.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Effects of Global Economic Crisis on Kyrgyzstan Economy and Developments in Economic Relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00239.

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The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.
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Puspita Sari, Viani, and M. Ali Mauludin. "Redefining the Role of Indonesian Subnational Actors in Foreign Relations through Economic Diplomacy." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.71.

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Luptáková, Anabela, and Elena Kašťáková. "The Position of the Eurasian Economic Union in the EU’s Foreign Trade Relations." In The 20th International Joint Conference: Central and Eastern Europe in the Changing Business Environment. Prague University of Economics and Business, Oeconomica Publishing House, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/pr.2020.cer.2395.13.

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Reports on the topic "Hungary – Foreign economic relations"

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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony: Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.

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Kelly, Luke. Characteristics of Global Health Diplomacy. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.09.

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This rapid review focuses on Global Health Diplomacy and defines it as a method of interaction between the different stakeholders of the public health sector in a bid to promote representation, cooperation, promotion of the right to health and improvement of health systems for vulnerable populations on a global scale. It is the link between health and international relations. GHD has various actors including states, intergovernmental organizations, private companies, public-private partnerships and non-governmental organizations. Foreign policies can be integrated into national health in various ways i.e., designing institutions to govern practices regarding health diplomacy (i.e., health and foreign affairs ministries), creating and promoting norms and ideas that support foreign policy integration and promoting policies that deal with specific issues affecting the different actors in the GHD arena to encourage states to integrate them into their national health strategies. GHD is classified into core diplomacy – where there are bilateral and multilateral negotiations which may lead to binding agreements, multistakeholder diplomacy – where there are multilateral and bilateral negotiations which do not lead to binding agreements and informal diplomacy – which are interactions between other actors in the public health sector i.e., NGOs and Intergovernmental Organizations. The US National Security Strategy of 2010 highlighted the matters to be considered while drafting a health strategy as: the prevalence of the disease, the potential of the state to treat the disease and the value of affected areas. The UK Government Strategy found the drivers of health strategies to be self-interest (protecting security and economic interests of the state), enhancing the UK’s reputation, and focusing on global health to help others. The report views health diplomacy as a field which requires expertise from different disciplines, especially in the field of foreign policy and public health. The lack of diplomatic expertise and health expertise have been cited as barriers to integrating health into foreign policies. States and other actors should collaborate to promote the right to health globally.
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Oltarzhevskyi, Dmytro. HISTORICAL FEATURES OF CORPORATE MEDIA FORMATION IN UKRAINE AND IN THE WORLD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11067.

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The article examines the world and Ukrainian history of corporate periodicals. The main purpose of this study is to reproduce an objective global picture of the emergence and formation of corporate periodicals, taking into account the business and socio-economic context. Accordingly, its tasks are to compare the conditions and features of corporate media genesis in different countries, to determine the main factors of their development, as well as to clarify the transformations of the terminological apparatus. The research is based on mostly foreign secondary scientific works published from 1915 to the present time. The literature was studied using methods such as overview, historical, functional and thematic analysis, description, and generalization. A systematic approach was used to determine the role and place of each element in the system, as well as to comprehensively consider the object in the general historical context and within the current scientific discourse. The method of systematization made it possible to establish internal and external connections, patterns and contradictions in the development of the object of study. The main historical milestones on this path are identified, examples of the first successful corporate publications and their contribution to business development, public relations, and corporate communications are considered. It was found that corporate media emerged in the mid-nineteenth century spontaneously, on the wave of practical business needs in response to industrialization, company increase, staff growth, and consumer market development. Their appearance preceded the formation of the public relations industry and changed the structure of the information space. The scientific significance of this research is that the historical look at the evolution of corporate media provides an understanding of their place, influence, capabilities, and growing communicative role in the digital age.
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TITOVA, E. FEATURES OF MIGRATION POLICY IN THE JEWISH AUTONOMOUS REGION. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-13-4-2-54-70.

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The article reveals the features of the state mechanism for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region. It is noted that labor migration is an integral part of the economic development of the region. The purpose of the study is the peculiarities of solving the problems of optimizing the mechanisms for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region (JAO). The practical significance of the study is underscored by the growing resource requirements of the Jewish Autonomous Region. The importance of attracting labor migrants from the widest list of countries, to increase the exchange of experience and improve interethnic relations, the organization of programs to increase the flow of willing workers and promising employers, is highlighted. The scientific novelty of the research is in the designation of the latest methods and state programs aimed at improving the efficiency of the labor migration management mechanism. Every year, the number of migrants illegally staying on the territory of Russia is growing, and the authorities of the Russian Federation are trying to improve the methods of control of foreign citizens entering the country, which makes it easier, but at the same time more effective, to exercise control over migrants and distribute it in. areas such as the patent system, employee-to-employer linkage and simplified taxation.
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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi, and Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.

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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.
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