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1
Emese, Fayne Peter. "Economic Policy and Foreign Trade of Hungary." Artha Vijnana: Journal of The Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics 29, no. 3 (September 1, 1987): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.21648/arthavij/1987/v29/i3/116273.
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Birtalan, Iván. "A Magyar Orvosi Kamara, mint első polgári mozgalom újraalakításának szubjektív története. Az újkori orvostörténelem egyik nagy eseménye." Kaleidoscope history 10, no. 21 (2020): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2020.21.37-46.
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“General of Hungarian Medical Chamber (MOK), recalled my memory, about the history, purpose and goals of the MOK.” Re-founded in 1988, the MOK has previously been prohibited for decades since it ceased to exist after the World War 2, because 1945 it was deemed a fascist corporation. In its newly founded structure between 1988 and 1989, the MOK became soon the body for representing ethical, professional, social and health policy interests of medical doctors. Efforts of the MOK re-foundation turned out as a historical victory of the medical doctors’ community during the political changes of the socio-economic system in Hungary.
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Comisso, Ellen, and Paul Marer. "The economics and politics of reform in Hungary." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 421–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027193.
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Reform of the domestic economic system is the distinctive element of Hungary's foreign economic strategy in the 1980s. The need for systemic economic reform stems from Hungary's status as a small country, heavily dependent on foreign trade, many of whose imports can no longer be met within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance alone. The many obstacles to economic reform lie in a heritage of policy choices that responded to domestic and CMEA supply constraints rather than to principles of comparative advantage. Such policies undercut the initial economic reform in 1968 and contributed to a major economic crisis in 1979–82. The subsequent changes in policy priorities and institutional mechanisms prompted by this crisis aimed to reduce Hungary's insulation from the larger international economy and make the economy more efficient. Politically, economic reform is possible in Hungary largely because of the impact of the 1956 revolt on both the subsequent composition of the political elite and the norms and features of collective leadership that guided its decision making afterwards. Nevertheless, the political and economic structures on which collective leadership rests weaken reform advocates and obstruct consistent implementation of their policy preferences. Yet Hungary's economic situation in the late 1970s altered the political balance offerees in favor of reformists, permitting them to alter both economic structures and policies.
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Süli-Zakar, István. "The Formation of Social and Economic Peripheries in Hungary after the Change of Regime." Landscape & Environment 10, no. 3-4 (September 13, 2016): 179–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21120/le/10/3-4/11.
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The Hungarian industrial revolution started in the second half of the 19th century, which caused therevaluation of the geographical peripheries in Hungary. After the Trianon Treaty the rural areas of Hungarylost their foreign markets and became the "country of three million beggars". The socialist industrializationof the systems of Rákosi and Kádár absorbed the surplus of rural labour, but the industrializationmeant the redistributive exploitation of the agricultural areas and the further impoverishment. Afterthe political transition in 1989, the rural Hungary could not be the "pantry of the Council for MutualEconomic Assistance", and the final crisis of the Hungarian agricultural sales finalized the deformationof the three-quarters of Hungary, the major part of the rural areas in Hungary. In the recent decades thebrain drain worked in the Hungarian peripheries, the disinvestment and the pauperization increased.The emerging of the new latifundia and the monoculture commodity production operate independently,separated from the Hungarian rural people in the sense of ownerships and production. As the result ofthese negative processes, significant part of the society in the peripheral areas declassed. In this hopelesssituation awareness only a conscious regional policy and above all, a very well-considered education isonly able to offer a chance for break
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Domonkos, Endre. "The Consequences of Stalinist Economic Policy in Hungary (1949-1953)." Multidiszciplináris kihívások, sokszínű válaszok, no. 1 (August 31, 2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33565/mksv.2022.01.01.
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By 1948, with the eradication of private property ownership and multi-party-system, the institutional background of the Soviet-type dictatorship was created by the Hungarian Workers Party (HWP). In economic terms, forced industrialisation became buzzword, whereas both agricultural and infrastructural development were neglected by the communist leadership. The forced collectivisation in the agriculture, accompanied by the postponement of necessary investments led to a permanent shortage of goods. Compulsory deliveries coupled with the application of the principle of quantity further aggravated the situation of the agrarian sector. As a result of aggressive campaign against the wealthy peasants and forced collectivisation, 300 000 people ceased to work in the agriculture and were employed by industry. Within the centrally planned economy, profitability, cost of production, marketability and quality of products were neglected. Only one principle was taken into account, which was the fulfilment or overfulfilment of the global production plan index and all other criteria were ignored by decision-makers. Foreign trade relations were embedded within the framework of the command economy. Foreign trade corporations were set up and world market prices became hermetically isolated from domestic prices. Within Comecon, the endeavour of the USSR was to reduce any dependency of the socialist bloc on world markets and to achieve self-sufficiency. The introduction of fixed prices in 1950 led to serious price distortions, whilst Hungary depended on increasing import of raw material, which was essential for the development of heavy industry. Therefore, the targets of foreign trade were not fulfilled during the period 1949-53. The irrational economic objectives of the first Five-Year Plan produced lasting damages in the national economy of Hungary.
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Pula, Besnik. "Socialism Betrayed? Economists, Neoliberalism, and History in the Undoing of Market Socialism." Historical Materialism 23, no. 4 (November 27, 2015): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341426.
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Through an historical analysis of the transnational practices of economists during the Cold War, Johanna Bockman rejects the narrative that the revolutions of 1989 represented the victory of ‘Western economics’, and especially neoliberalism, over ‘East-European socialism’. Rather, Bockman shows that the space of exchange, as well as policy experimentation in socialist states such as Yugoslavia and Hungary, led to the articulation of alternative, decentralised, ‘market socialisms’ from the 1950s up until the 1980s. Instead of operating within separate and incommensurable paradigms of ‘capitalist’ and ‘socialist’ economics, Bockman shows how neoclassical theory and its long tradition of comparing distinct economic systems became the centralepistemeallowing for the transnational exchange of ideas between economists of both the East and the West. This review-essay evaluates the book’s central claims but argues that the book stands on weaker ground when arguing that a reformed socialism was a viable option in Eastern Europe after 1989.
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Fabry, Adam. "The origins of neoliberalism in late ‘socialist’ Hungary: The case of the Financial Research Institute and ‘Turnabout and Reform’." Capital & Class 42, no. 1 (February 16, 2017): 77–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817692125.
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This article contributes to ongoing debates in the transformatology literature, as well as the wider literature on the global neoliberal revolution, on the origins of neoliberalism in Soviet-style economies. Within these debates, the transition to a (free) market economy and liberal democracy in Hungary and elsewhere in the former Soviet bloc has commonly been perceived as an exogenous process, dating to the annus mirabilis of 1989. This article challenges this consensus. Through a case study of the Financial Research Institute ( Pénzügykutatási Intézet), the official research institute of the Ministry of Finance, and a programme of radical economic reform, known as ‘Turnabout and Reform’ ( Fordulat és Reform), published in 1987 by a group of experts at the institute, the article demonstrates that in the case of Hungary, neoliberalism was not simply an ‘imported project’, which arrived ‘from the West’ on the eve of the formal transition in 1989–1990. Rather, it is argued that it emerged organically in Hungarian society in the 1980s, as a response by domestic economic and political elites to the deepening crisis of the Kádár regime. Hence, the essential aim of the ‘neoliberal turn’ was to reconfigure the Hungarian economy in line with the exigencies of the capitalist world economy, while ensuring that the political transition went as smoothly as possible. As such, while obviously a repudiation of past policy, policymakers in Budapest pursued the similar objectives as central planners under ‘actually existing socialism’.
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Skyba, Ivanna. "The state and Protestant Churches in Hungary in 1948 – 1989." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (45) (December 25, 2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(45).2021.247275.
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The purpose of the article is to characterize the activities of the largest and most influential Protestant churches in Hungary: Reformed (Calvinist) and Lutheran (Evangelical). These religious denominations along with the Catholic denomination belong to the so-called historical churches of Hungary. The chronological framework is the following: 1948 – the year of the communist regime’s rapid attack on the political, economic, educational activities of the Reformed and Lutheran churches and the signing of a compromise cooperation agreement with them, which lasted until 1990. 1989 – the liquidation of the State Administration for Churches, socio-political transformation in Hungary, which resulted in gaining absolute freedom. Based on Hungarian historiography, the relations between the Protestant churches and the state during the reign of Janos Kadar (1956 – 1988), called by Hungarian researchers the Kadar era, and are analyzed. It was Janos Kadar, the leader of the “soft dictatorship”, who managed to turn the Hungarian People’s Republic into “the funniest barracks in the socialist camp”. The background for the successful policy of the Hungarian government after the revolutionary events of 1956 was the achievement of social harmony, including through great tolerance and flexibility in the religious sphere. The article notes that representatives of the Reformed and Lutheran churches did not take an active part in the preparations for the events of 1956, but pastors and congregations supported the revolution. It is stressed that the relations with the Protestant denominations were settled specifically during the 50s of the twentieth century; the authorities managed to turn part of the clergy into their allies. Based on the analysis of the scientific literature, it is identified that relations were compromise in the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century, as the leadership of the Reformed and Lutheran churches helped the government to pursue the policy of the Popular Front in the struggle for socialism. Owing to it, no one was persecuted for their religious beliefs. In the 1980s, the state’s influence on historical churches gradually weakened, and processes leading to socio-political transformation in the late 1980s started, and as a result, churches in Hungary gained absolute freedom.
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Kassai, Piroska, and Gergely Tóth. "Agricultural Soil Phosphorus in Hungary: High Resolution Mapping and Assessment of Socioeconomic and Pedological Factors of Spatiotemporal Variability." Sustainability 12, no. 13 (July 1, 2020): 5311. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12135311.
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Over-fertilization before 1989 resulted in high phosphorus levels in agricultural soils of Hungary, but the accumulated reserves seem to have been depleted in recent decades due to under-fertilization. The aims of this study were to map the spatial pattern of phosphorus level and its change in the last few decades in Hungary to document the effect of fertilization and underlying socio-economic conditions on P concentrations, to identify the role of soil properties in changing soil soluble P and to quantify the total amount of soluble phosphorus level change in agricultural areas in the last few decades in the country. Two soil datasets were analyzed (National Pedological and Crop Production Database of Hungary and the Land Use/Land Cover Area Frame Survey, LUCAS, topsoil dataset), representing the status of soil nutrient contents in 1989 and in 2009. The measured phosphorus concentrations were compared to the reported phosphorus fertilization inputs. We also evaluated the effect of some important soil properties on soluble phosphorus content and on its change. We produced three maps by using kriging methods: soluble phosphorus levels in 1989, in 2009 and the change between 1989 and 2009. The results confirmed that phosphorus levels in agricultural areas depend mainly on agricultural use, while soil physical characteristics play a smaller role. Nevertheless, we demonstrated that the decrease in soil phosphorus levels was significantly influenced by soil chemistry (pH and CaCO3 content). The mean soluble phosphorus level was 108 mg/kg in 1989 and 28 mg/kg in 2009, and the median values were 100 and 22. The total loss (caused by harvesting, fixation and erosion) is ~1.5 million tons of soluble phosphorus, which is twice as much as the reported phosphorus balances indicated. In conclusion, our results show that approximately 50% of agricultural areas in Hungary are characterized by a very low supply of phosphorus (according to the latest data), posing a risk of nutrient depletion in these areas.
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Olejnik, Maciej. "A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (2020): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-2-178.
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Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.
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Frankland, E. G., and R. H. Cox. "The Legitimation Problems of New Democracies: Postcommunist Dilemmas in Czechoslovakia and Hungary." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 13, no. 2 (June 1995): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c130141.
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After 1989 the countries of Eastern Europe embarked upon new directions away from central economies and one-party systems towards market economies and democratic systems. The courses of these political and economic transformations largely depended upon the ability of the emerging regimes to create legitimacy. In particular, those regimes which suffered from greater political divisiveness and significant economic problems were more likely to be confronted with a crisis of legitimacy. In this paper, the legitimation crisis theory is examined for post-communist Czechoslovakia and Hungary. It is found that the developments in Czechoslovakia and Hungary during this early transition period support the hypothesis, and, in addition, they hold implications for the survival of other transitional regimes as well as those in the West which have increasingly been confronted with questions of legitimacy.
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TAVITS, MARGIT, and NATALIA LETKI. "When Left Is Right: Party Ideology and Policy in Post-Communist Europe." American Political Science Review 103, no. 4 (October 20, 2009): 555–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990220.
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According to the classic partisan theory of spending, leftist parties are expected to increase government spending, and rightist parties are expected to decrease it. We argue that this relationship does not hold in post-Communist countries, where in the context of dual transition to democracy and to a market economy, leftist parties have had stronger incentives and better opportunities to enact tighter budgets, whereas rightist parties were compelled to spend more in order to alleviate economic hardships. We illustrate this theoretical argument with case studies from Hungary and Poland. We then test and find support for our theory by considering the influence of cabinet ideology on total, health, and education spending in thirteen post-Communist democracies from 1989 to 2004. We explore various alternative explanations and provide further narratives to support our causal argument.
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Mihályi, P. "FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN HUNGARY – THE POST-COMMUNIST PRIVATISATION STORY RE-CONSIDERED." Acta Oeconomica 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2001): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.51.2000-2001.1.5.
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This paper explores the theoretical possibility of re-interpreting the conventional wisdom of the transition economy literature on privatisation. Around 1989/90 the emphasis had been put on de-etatization and good corporate governance and little attention was paid to the necessity of integrating the Eastern economies into the network of transnational corporations (TNCs). Today, it is clear that this is the name of game. Without TNCs, privatisation simply does not produce the expected results. Based on the experience of Hungary, this paper describes an alternative model where the key policy variable is the rise of manufacturing exports. It is argued that for resource-poor transition economies privatisation to foreign strategic investors is the single most important question of the ownership revolution. Once this policy is advanced, the rise in exports can help to underpin macroeconomic stability. In other words divesting the manufacturing sector to TNCs is the beginning of a virtuous circle, where large and well publicized sell-offs help to attract portfolio investors and greenfield investors as well.
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Karsai, Judit. "Venture capital and private equity industry in Hungary." Acta Oeconomica 63, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.63.2013.1.2.
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Hungary represents the second most developed venture capital and private equity (VC&PE) market in Central and Eastern Europe. This article is based on a detailed survey of the entire VC industry between 1989–2010. It demonstrates that while there was a relatively strong correlation between the allocation of capital to VC&PE funds and the capital flow into the Budapest Stock Exchange, the changes in investment activities were closely related to election years. Investments had been hampered primarily not by the shortage of capital, but by a lack of demand and attractive business plans. The article illustrates the different roles and approaches of global, regional and country VC&PE funds in Hungary. It points out that VC investments hardly satisfied their principal function or mission, namely to support innovative start-up and small businesses. Government interventions in the VC market proved to be ineffective as well. Similarly to the whole region, the Hungarian market profited from a transitory situation in the case of high-value PE transactions between 2007 and 2008, at the beginning of the crisis, when the investment problems in Western Europe had yet not extended to the CEE region. From 2009 onward, however, the crisis has resulted in a drop in investments despite the significant amount of uninvested capital accumulated in recent years. As to the prospects for 2013, the early-stage VC segment in Hungary is expected to flourish owing to the Jeremie funds, while the high-value buyout segment of the market will suffer from both the euro zone debt crisis and the loss of transparency in economic policy.
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Lentner, Csaba. "Outline of the Evolution of the Hungarian Monetary Policy from the Restoration of the Two-level Banking System to the Present Day." Public Governance, Administration and Finances Law Review 6, no. 1 (October 29, 2021): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.53116/pgaflr.2021.1.9.
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This study outlines the development of Hungary’s monetary policy, and the course and changes in its objectives and instruments since the beginning of the market economy transition in the late 1980s. The author’s basic thesis is that the period since the two-level banking system was reinstated after four decades of a planned economy system, in 1987, can be basically divided into three development phases with significantly different characteristics. The first phase was an ‘attempt to introduce’ an imported monetary mechanism, or perhaps an urge to comply with it, while the second phase was an approach of a monetary regime change launched in 2013 and supporting economic growth and financial stability strongly and directly, which lasted until the appearance of the traumatic elements of the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. The third phase is evolving today, under the circumstances of adapting to the conditions of the real essence of the twenty-first century, i.e. a new type of international competitiveness, which is pursued by the Central Bank of Hungary as stipulated by the Fundamental Law and the cardinal Central Bank Act of Hungary.
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Fujisawa, Jun. "The End of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.213.
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This paper analyzes the negotiations within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance during the final years of its existence, focusing on the Soviet reform proposals and M. S. Gorbachev’s vision of the “Common European Home” as well as on Eastern European reaction to them. In the second half of the 1980s, Gorbachev tried to found a “unified market” for the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance by introducing a market-oriented reform of the organization. However, this attempt did not materialize because of the East German and Romanian objections. After the collapse of Eastern European socialist regimes in 1989, the Soviet leadership urged the member-states to accelerate the reform of this international organization, hoping to achieve the pan-European economic integration through close cooperation between the totally reformed Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Community. Although the Central European countries, namely Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, aspired to join the EC individually, they agreed to participate in a successor organization of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance because the EC was not ready to accept them. Accordingly, by the beginning of 1991, all the member-states agreed to establish a consultative organization, which would be named the Organization for International Economic Cooperation). However, as the Soviet Union failed to sustain trade with the Central European countries, the three countries lost interest in the project. As a result, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance was disbanded without any successor organization. In other words, it did not collapse automatically after 1989 but came to an end as a result of various factors, such as rapidly declining trade between the member-states, Western disinterest in the cooperation with it, and the Central European policy changes.
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Fogarassy, Csaba, Bálint Horváth, Linda Szőke, and Attila Kovács. "Low-carbon innovation policy with the use of biorenewables in the transport sector until 2030." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 9, no. 4 (December 30, 2015): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2015/4/6.
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The topic of the present study deals with the changes and future trends of the European Union’s climate policy. In addition, it studies the manner in which Hungary’s transport sector contributes to the success of the above. The general opinion of Hungarian climate policy is that the country has no need of any substantial climate policy measures, since it will be able to reach its emission reduction targets anyway. This is mostly true, because the basis year for the long term goals is around the middle/end of the 1980’s, when Hungary’s pollution indices were entirely different than today due to former large-scale industrial production. With the termination of these inefficient energy systems, Hungary has basically been “performing well” since the change in political system without taking any specific steps in the interest of doing so. The analysis of the commitments for the 2020-2030 climate policy planning period, which defined emissions commitments compared to 2005 GHG emissions levels, has also garnered similar political reactions in recent years. Thus, it is not the issue of decreasing GHG emissions but the degree to which possible emissions can be increased stemming from the conditions and characteristics of economic growth that is important from the aspect of economic policy. In 2005, the Hungarian transport sector’s emissions amounted to 11 million tons, which is equal to 1.2% of total EU emissions, meaning it does not significantly influence total transport emissions. However, the stakes are still high for developing a low GHG emission transport system, since that will decide whether Hungary can avoid those negative development tendencies that have plagued the majority of Western European transport systems. Can Budapest avoid the scourge of perpetual smog and traffic jams? Can it avert the immeasurable accumulation of externalities on the capital city’s public bypass roads caused by having road transport conduct goods shipping?
JEL classification: Q58
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Földesi, Gyöngyi. "Social Exclusion/Inclusion in the Context of Hungarian Sport." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 50, no. 1 (December 1, 2010): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-010-0023-z.
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Social Exclusion/Inclusion in the Context of Hungarian SportSimilar to international trends, this investigation of social exclusion/inclusion from sport was preceded by studying the impact of poverty on sport participation in Hungary. Research was made on inequality of chances and on the disadvantaged position of the lower classes in sport, even in state socialism. Following the transformation of the political regime in 1989-1990, there was a growing interest in exploring unequal social opportunities in sport, not only by marginal social groups, but also by the increasing number of lower middle class people dropping behind. However, Hungarian sport has never been studied in the context of social exclusion/inclusion. Theobjectiveof this paper is to approach sport in Hungary from these perspectives. Attempts are made to answer the following questions: in which fields of Hungarian sport can social exclusion be observed? How is social exclusion from sport linked to age, gender, dwelling place, socio-economic status and to the lack of cultural and social capital? How is the concept of social exclusion/inclusion understood by the actors in Hungarian sport? How can sport be used as a means to promote social inclusion for people marginalized by economic, social and cultural barriers? In order to answer the above questions, the followingmethodswere used: analyses of recent research findings on Hungarians' sport participation with a focus on deprivation; in-depth interviews with key persons (N= 15) in Hungarian sport with the aim to discover how the concept of social exclusion/inclusion is understood by them; and analyses of documents to explore which measures have been taken by sport policy to tackle social exclusion. Theresultsshow that exclusion from sport is widespread in Hungarian society. It is linked in a combined way to poverty, education, ethnicity, age, and settlements. It is established in early childhood and lasts the whole life cycle. Key excluded groups are in hopeless situations due to economic, social and cultural aspects, so they cannot overcome this problem alone. They receive assistance in several other areas, but they are left to their own resources in sport-related issues. Legally they should have access to sport, but they cannot claim their rights. The concept of combating social exclusion is generally not incorporated into the objectives and values of sport clubs and federations; it has not yet been an integral part of sport culture in Hungary. Government documents contain declarations in connection to tackling social exclusion, but very few actions are implemented to promote social inclusion. A majorconclusionof the paper is that a serious modification of sport policy does not mainly depend on the lack of financial recourses but on the lack of a strong determination of the Government. The involvement of the Hungarian population in sporting activity and the intention for their inclusion are much lower than it could be under the present economic circumstances.
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Megyeri-Pálffi, Zoltán, and Katalin Marótzy. "Changes in Administrative Status and Urban Built Forms of the Town Centre of Berettyóújfalu After the Second World War." Építés - Építészettudomány 48, no. 3-4 (September 22, 2020): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/096.2020.006.
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After the Second World War, Hungary adopted the so-called Soviet model, which gave rise to significant changes in the state organisation. “Centralisation” and “democratic centralism” are the keywords which described the operation of government and local bodies in the four decades between 1945 and 1990.Through the change of the townscape of one settlement, this study throws light on how the change in administrative status and the centrally determined settlement policy affected urban development in Hungary, similarly to other former socialist states.Our highlighted example is Berettyóújfalu, whose administrative status changed from period to period in its 19–20th century history. Today, Berettyóújfalu’s townscape is basically determined by three architectural periods: the era of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy (1867–1918), the period between the two world wars (1918–1944) and the age of state socialism (1949–1989). Out of these periods, the third one was the most significant, as the most important interventions into the townscape occurred at that time.It seems that in Berettyóújfalu, the appearance of urban buildings has not been brought about by economic forces, but expressly by the change in the settlement’s administrative status. It was this change that influenced the town’s architectural character, which consists of two components: the official buildings and the residential building stock.In the era of socialism, the construction of housing estates also falls into the category of public developments, as after the Second World War, the system of state organisation changed fundamentally. Local governments ceased to exist, their role was taken over by hierarchical councils. Consequently, urban policy and urban construction became central duties according to the socialist state concept.The centrally developed industry and the resulting increase in the population was served by building housing blocks with system-building technology. These panel apartment blocks occupied the urban fabric that had been an integral part of the former townscape.In this way, this changed townscape could become a kind of architectural reader on Central and Eastern European history and urban development of the 19–20th centuries.Összefoglaló. A második világháború után Magyarország átvette az úgynevezett szovjet modellt, amely jelentős változásokhoz vezetett az államszervezetben. A „központosítás” és a „demokratikus centralizmus” azok a kulcsszavak, amelyek az állami szervek, s mellettük a helyi szervek működését jellemezték az 1945 és 1990 közötti négy évtizedben.Jelen tanulmány egy település városképének változásán keresztül arra világít rá, hogy Magyarországon – hasonlóan a többi volt szocialista államhoz – miként hatott a közigazgatási státus változása és a központilag meghatározott településpolitika a városépítészetre.A mai Berettyóújfalu településképét alapvetően három építési periódus határozza meg: az Osztrák– Magyar Monarchia kora (1867–1918), a két világháború közötti időszak (1918–1944) és az államszocializmus periódusa (1949–1989). Ezek közül a legmarkánsabb a harmadik, ugyanis ekkor történtek a legjelentősebb beavatkozások a településképben. E korszakokat és a mai városképet tekintve úgy tűnik, hogy a városias épületek megjelenése Berettyóújfaluban nem a gazdasági erő hozadéka volt, hanem kifejezetten a közigazgatási helyzetének megváltozásáé. Ez befolyásolta igazán a mai építészeti karaktert, amelynek két összetevője van: egyrészt a hivatali, másrészt a lakóépület-állomány.Az államszocializmusban a lakótelepek építése is a középítkezések körébe esik, miután a második világháború után alapvetően megváltozott az államszervezet rendszere. Az önkormányzatok megszűntek, helyüket a hierarchikusan működő tanácsok vették át. Ennek velejárója volt, hogy a településpolitika, a városépítés központi feladattá vált a szocialista államfelfogásnak megfelelően.A központilag meghatározott módon telepített ipart, a hozzá kapcsolódó lakosságnövekedést házgyári lakások felépítésével szolgálták ki. Ezek a paneles lakóházak épp azt a városszövetet foglalták el, amely egyébként a maga módján szervesen illeszkedett a korábbi városképbe.Ilyen módon ez a megváltozott településkép egyfajta építészeti olvasókönyvévé vált a 19–20. század közép-kelet-európai történelmének és városépítészetének.
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Szilveszter, László Szilárd. "Ideological and political horizon shifts in Transylvanian Hungarian poetry during the communist period and after the 1989 Regime Change." Hungarian Studies 34, no. 2 (July 6, 2021): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/044.2021.00135.
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AbstractAlthough the communist regime, in literature as well as in all areas of social life, aimed at uniformity and creating an “art” serving propaganda purposes in the entire Central and Eastern European region, the Romanian Stalinist “cultural project” differed in many respects from that of other countries, e.g. Hungary's. In this era, the discourse emphasizing revolutionary transformation and radical policy change decisively builds on the image of the enemy; and the fault-lines between past and present, old and new, and the idea of the need for continuous political struggle also prevail in both poetry and prose as eternal actualities.For the Transylvanian Hungarian community, the 1989 Regime Change was supposed to mean the end of nationalist dictatorship, of the infinitely intensified ideological/political terror, of the deliberate policy of ethnic homogenization, and the solution of minority issues as well as of internal and external conflicts. Nevertheless, after a few months of cloudless enthusiasm, in 1990, Transylvanian Hungarians had to face the rearrangement of previous power structures; they confronted national and ethnic conflicts, disguised assimilation, and economic vulnerability. This paper aims to present the ideological/political characteristics which determined Transylvanian Hungarian poetry during the Communist Dictatorship and after the 1989 Regime Change.
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Ujváry, Gábor. "Klebelsberg Kunó kulturális politikája és a felsőoktatás." Gerundium 9, no. 3 (March 18, 2019): 102–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29116/gerundium/2018/3/7.
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The Cultural Policy of Kuno Klebelsberg and the Higher Education. The study presents the higher education policy of one of the best known and succesful Hungarian Minister of Religion and Education (1922–1931) Kuno Klebelsberg (1875–1932). As a politician of a state dismembered to one third of her original size-a consequence of the war loss and the Trianon peace treaty-he became a minister in miserable economic circumstances. With the contribution of him the stabilization of so-called refugee universities (from Kolozsvár and Pozsony to Budapest and then to Szeged [1921] and to Pécs [1923], the Academy of Minery and Forestry from Selmecbánya to Sopron [1918–1919]) could succesfuly be managed. Because of his conservative-liberal political attitude he tried to ease the effects of the so-called Numerus clausus Acts of 1920 which made the university entrance for Jewish Hungarians extremely serious. In 1928 he achieved the modification of that regulation. Instead of Budapest he supported the development of universities of Debrecen, Szeged and Pécs as a consequence of his well-grounded education policy based on decentralization. With his higher education policy he made great contribution to preserve the pre Great War Hungarian higher educational capacity in a dismembered Hungary lost 60% of her original population.
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Адриенн, Чизмади, and Чанади Габор. "Transitions in Budapest’s Agglomeration 1990–2005." Городские исследования и практики 5, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/usp542020112-125.
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Since the collapse of socialism in Hungary in 1989, political and economic factors increased residential mobility between Budapest and its agglomeration area. Social disparities have become more pronounced not only among the settlements of the agglomeration, but also within them. This paper identifies the different status-dependent paths within the general process of suburbanization using official statistical data, survey and interview analysis. The empirical research was made in 1992 and was repeated in 2002.
We argue that higher status groups used the new opportunities to strengthen their status by choosing to move while the poor were forced to move to less advantageous sectors of the agglomeration. These phenomena are the consequences partly of spontaneous factors and partly of state and local government policies. The effects of market forces can be taken as spontaneous factors and they increased western type suburbanization. Several measures taken by states and local governments increased the impact of these factors, helping higher-status groups to move to favorable areas within and around the cities. The same urban and housing policy measures increased the risk of concentrating poverty in certain areas of cities and they resulted in the not-well-known outmigration of lower-status groups. These groups had to move out of the city because it became too expensive for them to live there. Poverty meant that they were unable to find places in high or middle-status suburban areas around the cities and they had to move to more distant, poorer areas of the country.
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Carayannis, Elias G., and Aris Kaloudis. "21ST Century Democratic Capitalism." International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development 1, no. 1 (January 2010): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jsesd.2010010101.
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Starting on September 11, 2001, and following both actions and reactions around the world, it may well be that we have arrived at a major tipping point in terms of socio-economic development, political reform, as well as many other global issues - from financial and economic coordination to climate change as well as hunger and disease challenges in the developing world. On November 9, 1989 (more than 20 years ago), the world watched as the Berlin Wall was tumbling and with it the Cold War was slipping into memory as the morning fog. During the last two decades, progress was accomplished on many fronts but great opportunities were also missed or wasted both within the US (for instance, health care and social security reforms) as well as around the world where the Washington Consensus mantra of privatization and unbridled globalization led to the socioeconomic polarization of many former Warsaw pact countries as well as former parts of the Soviet Union and in effect made many people around the world cynical as to the capacity of free market regimes to allow for equitable and sustainable economic development along civic renaissance.
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McCagg, William O. "Gypsy Policy in Socialist Hungary and Czechoslovakia, 1945–1989." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 3 (1991): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408206.
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In discussion of ethnic minorities in Eastern Europe, one hears regularly of appalling official misbehavior—not just about attempted genocide (though that too), but also about bureaucratic cruelties inflicted in every field of human activity and at every level of control. Nonetheless, it is always useful to have a measurable basis for assessing unfairness; and historians have the special task of inquiring rationally why and how unfairness came about. Hence the following paper, which attempts not just to condemn, but to explain and evaluate the Hungarian and Czechoslovak official treatment of the Gypsies in recent decades. As is fairly well known, this treatment has included not only harassment of populations which presently exceed 600,000 people in each country, but also (in both countries) systematic abduction of children by the state from unwilling Gypsy parents, and (in Czechoslovakia) equally systematic sterilization of Gypsy women.Since the point of the paper is to reach beyond mere indictment, I will use a comparative method. Specifically, in recounting each stage of the development of policy towards the Gypsies I will compare what was being done to two other groups: the Jews, on the one hand, and the physically disabled on the other.
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Bruszt, Läszlö. "The Dilemmas of Economic Transition in Hungary." Comparative Southeast European Studies 38, no. 11-12 (November 1, 1989): 716–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1989-3811-1206.
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Žídek, Libor. "Evaluation of Economic Transformation in Hungary." Review of Economic Perspectives 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2014-0004.
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Abstract The paper analyses transformation process in Hungary between 1989 and 2004. The goal of this paper is to analyze and evaluate the transformation process in Hungary. The structure of the paper follows this general goal. First of all, an analysis of economic development of the country before the fall of the communist regime is carried out because this determined the whole process which followed. Then we shortly mention political development that had a significant impact on the transformation process and its results. In the next part we concentrate on the main steps in the economic transformation, and consequently we devote space to specific aspects - privatization, for example. The main economic indicators of this period are analyzed in the final part. We conclude that the transformation process achieved its main economic goal and the economy’s ability to grow increased. At the same time, however, the transformation process created environment for the subsequent economic problems.
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O’Rourke, K. A. C. "Post-Brexit. The Politics of Resentment and EU Reintegration: Creating A New Legal Constitution for Capitalism." International and Comparative Law Review 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 38–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2019-0002.
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Summary The GeoNOMOS model introduced in Part I, is a qualitative descriptive taxonomy updating traditional notions of sovereignty for this century and was generally applied to the 2016–2018 BREXIT divorce negotiations between the U.K. and the remaining 27EU suggesting a reintegration and redefinition of the legitimate expression of sovereignty in the region.[Diagram 01] The taxonomy depicts a framework of liberty that functions simultaneously within the core function of the State at the intersection of a vertical axis depicting a State’s domestic operation and a horizontal axis depicting the State function as part of an international community of States. The GeoNOMOS confirms two primary roles for the 21st century sovereign State: [1] to protect participatory democracy based on individual liberty. This is generally accomplished by the State supporting broad diversity and its cultural heritage as well as fully funded, functional and integrated domestic institutions along its vertical axis, and [2]to promote an enterprise of law supporting a global society of economic traders along its horizontal axis. This primary role of the State occurs at its core when all three essential capital resources –economic capital, social capital, and human capital – remain highly integrated and in balance. Part II specifically highlights economic capital development and utilization at the core function of the State – a shifting dynamic that has influenced most all of the BREXIT 2017–2019 negotiations to date. The December 2018 EU – BREXIT Withdrawal Agreement a Declaration repeatedly failed U.K. parliamentary adoption between January – June 2019 forcing Theresa May’s resignation as Prime Minister. The most contentious quagmire of the BREXIT Withdrawal Agreement was in the structuring of rules of law around regulating economic capital, financial markets, and global marketplace function for any future UK – EU partnership. The political chaos around BREXIT was feared by the EU political elite in terms of its disruptive impact on the May 2019 European Parliament elections and future EU budget planning and priorities. But the 2019 EU Parliament election was already a process divided on questions of political party legitimacy since 2014 with a deepening of the “politic of resentment” on the Continent between 2016–2018.The EUP elections of May 2019 have caused the biggest political shift in the EU for forty years. Part II engages this “politic of resentment” best described as a steady rise of populism across the region and Continent that challenges the post-World War II notions of liberal democracy, the values of EU solidarity, and the traditional role of the “welfare state.” More to the point, the U.K. electorate was not the only EU member outlining an action plan based on its politic of resentment in the 2016–2018 national election cycles – electoral politics in Greece, Italy, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Germany, France, Czech Republic, and Spain aggressively promoted rights of sovereign States. These national elections and the 2019 EUP elections attacked fragmented EU economic policy and highlighted the democratic imbalances of EU institutions in their day-to-day operations. These calls for an institutional “course correction” within the EU are shattering fifty years of solidarity and crying out for a redefinition of democracy and new rules of law for economic models relevant to the 21st century. Economic, legal, and historical research by Piketty, Rodrik, Grewal, and others who support democracy, point to documented gaps in economic capital at the level of the State, in global capital formation and in growing wealth inequality, all alarming trends which are part of the “politic of resentment”. Their research calls for creating a new 21st century legal constitution for capitalism as a course correction for the first legal constitution for capitalism, eg, colonialism. Picketty and Grewal argue new approaches are needed to replace both the post-war “welfare State” [1945–1979]and now, the capitalist ideology of neoliberalism [c.1980–2010], decried as defunct even by the International Monetary Fund. Part II suggests a legal reconfiguration for economic capital development and utilization –one operating inside the GeoNOMOS framework of liberty, first to support its four cornerstones and its enterprise of law and, then, based on those choice sets, to design a new paradigm for capitalist globalization in the marketplace.1
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Bodo, Bela. "The White Terror in Hungary, 1919–1921: The Social Worlds of Paramilitary Groups." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 133–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000099.
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The Hungarian Republic, which emerged from of the ashes of Austria-Hungary, experienced two revolutions between October 1918 and April 1919. However, neither the democratic regime nor the more radical Soviet Republic born in these revolutions was able to solve the country's most pressing economic and social problems. The collapse of the Soviet Republic at the end of July 1919, in turn, was followed by a rapid rise in extra-legal violence. Freikorps units (szabadcsapatok) and civic guards (polgárőrségek), aided by the members of the local police, set up kangaroo courts, organized summary executions, and ignited pogroms in the central and western parts of the country.
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Banai, Károly. "Permanent and Changing Features of Foreign Policy in Hungary since 1989." Comparative Southeast European Studies 63, no. 2 (February 1, 2015): 223–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2015-630205.
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Yun, Sung-Jong. "Recent Economic Situation in Hungary and Policy Recommendations." East European and Balkan Institute 41, no. 4 (November 7, 2017): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2017.41.4.177.
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Keune, Maarten, and Alena Nesporova. "Towards an employment-promoting economic policy in Hungary." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 3, no. 2 (August 1997): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899700300221.
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Bod, Péter Ákos. "Hungarian Economic Policy between 1989 and 2019." Economy & finance 6, no. 1 (2019): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33908/ef.2019.1.2.
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Kopyś, Tadeusz. "Upolitycznienie procesów depopulacji i migracji na Węgrzech po 1989 roku." Politeja 19, no. 1(76) (May 10, 2022): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.76.05.
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POLITICIZATION OF DEPOPULATION AND MIGRATION PROCESSES IN HUNGARY AFTER 1989 Hungary’s population count has been declining since 1981. And if this trend continues, the country will have only 6 million inhabitants by 2070. The Fidesz administration, which has been in power continuously since 2010, has taken decisive steps to act against this trend. The population of Hungary is dropping by 40,097 people annually, which corresponds to the disappearance of a mediumsized city in one year. Hungary was the first country in Europe after the Second World War where the fertility rate fell below the level of simple population replacement, i.e. below 2.1 births per woman. Since the end of the 1980s, the population number has been declining by around 0.15-0.20 percent per year, and today the fertility rate in Hungary is one of the lowest in Europe. The Hungarian age structure will become more and more problematic as the fertile age group of the population continues to shrink. The explanation of these phenomena is the significant emigration of the native population and the complicated immigration policy. The authorities are trying to reverse this trend by introducing many legal and fiscal facilitations to encourage young people to have many children (in 2012, Hungary registered the lowest employment rate among women in the entire European Union).
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Piasecki, Marcin A. "Was Viktor Orbán’s Unorthodox Economic Policy the Right Answer to Hungary’s Economic Misfortunes?" International Journal of Management and Economics 46, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijme-2015-0021.
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Abstract This paper assesses whether the unorthodox policies implemented in Hungary since 2010 were, given a four-year perspective, the right answer to Hungarian economic problems. The paper draws on findings from the author’s August and November 2014 study trips to Hungary, during which Hungarian government officials and scholars from Budapest University of Technology and Economics were interviewed. These findings were supplemented by publications and data from Eurostat and World Bank databases. Statistical data from May 2015 demonstrate that significant improvements took place in most (if not all) areas of the Hungarian economy since 2010. The country avoided bankruptcy and its 2014 GDP growth outpaced that of the Czech Republic and Poland. Viktor Orbán’s economic reforms therefore seem to have been the appropriate response to the Hungary’s economic misfortunes. The jury is, however, still out on whether those policies laid lasting fundaments for long-term growth. Hungary is the first Central European country (since the anti-communist revolution triggered by Solidarność movement) that is experimenting with an independent economic policy. The results of Viktor Orbán’s experiment, if ultimately judged positive, could have profound consequences for the other countries in Central Europe and beyond.
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Igbedioh, S. O. "Policy Considerations for a Realistic Approach to Hunger in Nigeria." Nutrition and Health 10, no. 4 (January 1996): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026010609601000405.
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Hunger is usually caused by a break down in the food security mechanisms of a society and lack of purchasing power. In Nigeria, food shortages have become common since 1972, culminating in the food crises of the 1980s, made worse by the implementation of a macroeconomic economic adjustment policy in 1986. The paper confirms the hunger situation and presents evidence to show that it is of wider significance than hitherto acknowledged. The paper proposes policy options to tackle the situation and these include the development of agriculture to attain self-sufficiency in staple food production which must be backed by political will using a widely accepted framework and well articulated set of programmes and strategies borne out of consensus.
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PHILLIPS, RICHARD, JEFFREY HENDERSON, LASZLO ANDOR, and DAVID HULME. "Usurping Social Policy: Neoliberalism and Economic Governance in Hungary*." Journal of Social Policy 35, no. 4 (September 4, 2006): 585–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279406000092.
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This paper takes issue with arguments emanating from the global social policy literature that neoliberal policy agendas have been largely a consequence of the interplay of international agencies with indigenous reform interests. While relevant, such arguments grasp only part of the story of social policy change. By means of a case study of Hungary between 1990 and 2002, this article emphasises the role played by the bureaucratic reconstitution of the state and changing forms of national economic governance in the explanation of social policy change. We show how the bureaucratic redesign of the Hungarian state generated a ‘finance-driven’ form of economic governance with the state bureaucracy reconfigured around the fiscal control of the Finance Ministry. These changes had significant implications, not simply for social expenditure, but for the intellectual nature and bureaucratic space for social policy-making. Whereas critiques of neoliberal social policy reform tend to focus on the ideological nature of the projects, this analysis highlights the need to develop visions of, and arguments for, an alternative to the finance-driven forms of economic governance that have become the de facto bureaucratic archetype for re-designing welfare states.
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Gulácsi, László, Gábor Vas, István Pintér, and Ildikó Kriszbacher. "Colorectal cancer screening policy in Hungary." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, no. 01 (January 2009): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309091028.
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We read with great interest the excellent paper of Gutiérrez-Ibarluzea et al. on the review of current policies of screening for colorectal cancer in European countries (12).Colorectal cancer screening has been a hot topic in health technology assessment and medical decision making (13;15;18). The study by Gutiérrez-Ibarluzea and colleagues focused mainly on the “old” fifteen member states of the European Union; however, colorectal cancer represents a large epidemiological (3;11) and economic (4) burden for the society and the healthcare financing agency in Eastern European countries. We would like to highlight some important aspect of colorectal cancer screening in Hungary.
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Belane, Vinkler, Csilla Kalmar-Rimoczi, and Beatrix Lenkovics. "A Literature Review On The Development Phases Of Hungarian Pig Industry (1945 - 1989) Part I." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 20 (July 30, 2016): 288. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n20p288.
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Pig farming enjoys a significant tradition in Hungary and the pig industry plays a key role within the domestic animal husbandry sector. Raising pork has always played an important role in the domestic meat supply, but it has a crucial role in supplying the export markets. It can be concluded that our natural resources provide in themselves significant comparative advantages for us with a high proportion of arable land in agricultural use. Our social and economic endowments and potentials are also favourable for agricultural production and stock-raising. Our paper aims to employ financial data to describe the development of raising pig livestock in Hungary best characterized by its constant changes. Part I summarises two periods describing the changes affecting the animal husbandry sector and their subsequent impact on the economy. On the one hand, it covers the period following World War II, from 1945 to 1965, describing the situation of the country and the farmers; on the other hand, it lists the economic achievements and their impact on the pig industry preceding the political-economic transition in the course of the years lasting from 1966 to 1989.
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Åslund, Anders. "The Making of Economic Policy in 1989 and 1990." Soviet Economy 6, no. 1 (January 1990): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08826994.1990.10641318.
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Spencer, Elaine Glovka. "The Habsburg Monarchy as a Customs Union: Economic Development in Austria-Hungary in the Nineteenth Century. By John Komlos. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983. xix + 347 pp. $35.00.) - Austrian Banking and Financial Policy: Creditanstalt at a Turning Point, 1913-1923. By Eduard März. Translated by Charles Kessler. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985. Originally published in German in 1981. xxvi + 627 pp. $32.50.)." Business History Review 60, no. 2 (1986): 334–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115337.
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Godawa, Grzegorz, and Erzsébet Rákó. "Social Pedagogy Training in Poland and Hungary." Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II 12, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.12209.
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In the present study we compare the formation and development of Polish and Hungarian social pedagogy. The main aspects of the comparison are the principal stages in the history of social pedagogy, the development of training, and the current situation in Hungary and Poland.The history of social pedagogy can be divided into three stages, following key events in the history of Central and Eastern Europe, as these historical events had an impact on the appearance and development of social pedagogy. The first stage is the early period, in the era before 1945, the second is the period after 1945, when the number of orphaned children increased significantly after the second World War and communism determined the socio-economic development of both Poland and Hungary. The third period started after 1989 when, after the collapse of communism, the development of both countries was placed on new socio-economic foundations, and new social problems appeared in the subsystems of society, which were partly addressed by social pedagogical solutions. In what follows, we give a brief overview of the 20th century history of Polish and Hungarian social pedagogy, the initial period of its formation.
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Géza, Vincze. "Football Talent-Nurture after the 1989-1990 Political Transformation in Hungary." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 46, no. 1 (December 1, 2009): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-009-0015-z.
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Football Talent-Nurture after the 1989-1990 Political Transformation in HungaryHungarian football used to be in the first line of the international arena but for the last five decades a steady and strong setback has been a characteristic feature. The main purpose of this paper is to discover the major problems related to the education of young players and to make suggestions to improve the current situation. The study is based on a research in which three different but complementary methods, called "triangulation" were used: fieldwork, content analysis and in-depth interviews. The results show that although sport had always been the area which served political interests, this situation has dramatically changed after 1989-1990. Since then moral and economic crisis could be observed and this has resulted in the collapse of the Hungarian football. Concerning the talent care program there is no a common educational project for young players. This could be explained by the lack of cooperation between professionals who believe that they have different professional and financial interests and act accordingly. In conclusion it can be stated that success could only be reached if politics and the central budget were be independent and the cooperation between decision makers and experts in football were stronger. The unskilled managers and coaches responsible for the education of young players should be exchanged for real professionals.
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Kerekes, Professor Sandor. "Economic development and environmental performance in Hungary." European Environment 3, no. 2 (July 6, 2007): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/eet.3320030206.
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Ryan, Phil. "Hungry Dreams: The Failure of Food Policy in Revolutionary Nicaragua, 1979-1990. Brizio N. Biondi-Morra." Economic Development and Cultural Change 45, no. 2 (January 1997): 453–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/452285.
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Wilson, Ernest J. "Perestroika in Perspective: The Design and Dilemmas of Soviet Reform. By Padma Desai. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. 128p. $14.95. - The Road to a Free Economy: Shifting from a Socialist System: The Case of Hungary. By Janos Kornai. New York: Norton, 1990. $16.95. - Fragile Coalitions: The Politics of Economic Adjustment. Edited by Joan Nelson. Washington: Overseas Development Council, 1989. 224p. $24.95 cloth, $15.95 paper. - Economic Crisis and Policy Choice: The Politics of Adjustment in the Third World. Edited by Joan Nelson. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. 406p. $45.00 cloth, $14.95 paper. - Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance. By Douglass C. North. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. 160p. $10.95 paper." American Political Science Review 85, no. 4 (December 1991): 1477–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963989.
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Fehér, I., and R. Fejős. "The main elements of food policy in Hungary ." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 52, No. 10 (February 17, 2012): 461–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5052-agricecon.
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Hungary has recently become a member of the European Economic Union (EU) and most of the economic benefits are expected to come from expanded trade with other EU nations. While some variation in agricultural policy continues to exist between EU members, all countries generally, benefit from lower tariffs and expanded trade opportunities. However, Hungary must also be able to compete on the basis of quality and price in order to maintain current domestic markets and sell more to other EU countries. In order for the Hungarian agriculture and food industry to contribute to economic development it must continue to focus on efficiency and competitiveness. Hungary benefits from many natural features, which provide favourable conditions for agriculture: fertile plains, an advantageous climate and production experience, which makes possible a total yearly agricultural and food products trade surplus fluctuating between 1.5 and 2 billion US $ for the last 12 years. However, after the EU accession, the Hungarian internal market has become fully open and domestic products have to compete with the products of other EU members. This is why the renewal of food regulation and policy was indispensable. This article examines the Hungarian food policy (1) before the transformation to a market oriented system, when the policy was quantity orientated, (2) during the pre-accession period, when quality policy became more important, and (3) after accession to the EU where food safety has become more important.
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Virmani, Arvind. "Poverty and Hunger in India: What is Needed to Eliminate Them." Pakistan Development Review 45, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v45i2pp.241-259.
Full textAbstract:
There is a widespread impression among the Indian intelligentsia, foreign scholars, and residents of developed/rich countries that India’s economic growth has not reduced poverty, that globalisation has worsened poverty and/or income distribution, and that there are hundreds of millions of hungry people in India. These arguments are buttressed by recourse to India’s ranking on several social indicators. Esoteric debates about the comparability of survey data and gaps between NSS and NAS add to the confusion and allow ideologues to believe and assert whatever information suits the argument. What are the basic facts about poverty, income distributions, and hunger at an aggregate level? This paper reviews the available data and debates on this subject and comes to a commonsense view. It then tries to link some of the outcomes to the policy framework and programmes of the government. The paper finds that India’s poverty ratio of around 22 percent in 1999-2000 is in line with that observed in countries at similar levels of per capita income. The ratio is relatively high because India is a relatively poor/ low-income country, i.e., with low average income. 90 percent of the countries in the world have a higher per capita (average) income than India. The number of the poor is very high because India’s population is very large, the secondhighest in the world. India’s income distribution as measured by the Gini co-efficient is better than three-fourths of the countries of the world. The consumption share of the poorest 10 percent of the population is the sixth best in the world. Where India has failed as a nation is in improving its basic social indicators like literacy and mortality rates. Much of the failure is a legacy of the three decades of Indian socialism (till 1979-80). The rate of improvement of most indicators has accelerated during the market period (starting in 1980-81). The gap between its level and that of global benchmarks is still wide and its global ranking on most of these social parameters remains very poor. This is the result of government failure. The improvement in social indicators has not kept pace with economic growth and poverty decline, and this has led to increasing interstate disparities in growth and poverty. JEL classification: I3, I32, I38 Keywords: Hunger, Poverty, Public Goods, Public and Quasi-Public Goods and Services, Basic Education, Public Health, Sanitation
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Jeremić, Zlatan. "Strategic culture of Hungary in the post-cold war period." Годишњак Факултета безбедности, no. 1 (2021): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/fb_godisnjak0-34213.
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In 1989, the process of Westernization and Europeanization began in Hungary, which, in the conditions of global reorganization of relations in the world, resulted in a change of foreign and domestic political paradigms, and managed to put national interests in the forefront in the past decade. In such as context, the analysis of the strategic culture of Hungary is approached from a perspective that will frame the cultural and ahistorical view of the international policy of the neorealists with its own cultural and historical dimension. The subject of this paper is to examine the changes in the strategic culture of Hungary under the influence of changes in the international political and security scene. By determining the patterns of "fine" changes in the strategic culture at the level of statements of the practical activity of the security policy, the analysis of the strategic documents of Hungary on the security policy is realized. The changes in the statements of the security policy were a necessary consequence of the changed circumstances on the international scene and the need to reconcile the fundamental elements that came into the relationship of conflict. Defining the role of the armed forces appears as a central segment of the change in strategic culture in the post-Cold War era.
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Szabó, Erika. "Land regulation in the European Union and Hungary." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2007): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2007/1/8.
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Land, as it constitutes one of the bases of agricultural production, has a special position in the economic-judiciary surroundings of states. In Hungarian history, land ownership has undergone many radical transitions. The decade starting from the political and land regulation reform is a short time in land tenure. In spite of it, there have been several important changes in land ownership structure. In the 1970s and 80s, large agricultural firms, especially co-operatives and state farms, were common in Hungary. State hegemony was typical of land ownership and use, with rather small, privately owned parcels. Since privatization began after 1989, this tendency has changed, with land owned by farmers. In the following article, I am going to review the laws regulating land ownership and land use in Hungary and in the European Union.
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Szántó, Ildikó. "Child and Family Benefits to Halt Hungary’s Population Decline, 1965-2020: A Comparison with Polish and Romanian Family Policies." Hungarian Cultural Studies 14 (July 16, 2021): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2021.429.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the long-term, demographic forecast, Hungary faces a significant population loss. This paper examines the continuing low level of Hungarian fertility, as well as the marked decline of population due to out-migration beginning in the mid-2000s. First, I will discuss the role governmental family policies play in halting fertility decline before 1989, the demographic post-transitional period of 1960-1980 and the past thirty years since 1989. Second, this paper particularly aims to highlight the impact of the new family policy since 2010, a reverse redistribution of resources from poor to the better-off families which did not result in a marked growth of birth rates. The new family benefits possibly further contribute to the existing polarization of Hungarian society without altering Hungary’s demographic data. Finally, the paper also compares the recent changes of family policies in Poland, Hungary and Romania since 2004.