Journal articles on the topic 'Hungary Economic policy 1945-'
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1
Domonkos, Endre. "The Consequences of Stalinist Economic Policy in Hungary (1949-1953)." Multidiszciplináris kihívások, sokszínű válaszok, no. 1 (August 31, 2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33565/mksv.2022.01.01.
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By 1948, with the eradication of private property ownership and multi-party-system, the institutional background of the Soviet-type dictatorship was created by the Hungarian Workers Party (HWP). In economic terms, forced industrialisation became buzzword, whereas both agricultural and infrastructural development were neglected by the communist leadership. The forced collectivisation in the agriculture, accompanied by the postponement of necessary investments led to a permanent shortage of goods. Compulsory deliveries coupled with the application of the principle of quantity further aggravated the situation of the agrarian sector. As a result of aggressive campaign against the wealthy peasants and forced collectivisation, 300 000 people ceased to work in the agriculture and were employed by industry. Within the centrally planned economy, profitability, cost of production, marketability and quality of products were neglected. Only one principle was taken into account, which was the fulfilment or overfulfilment of the global production plan index and all other criteria were ignored by decision-makers. Foreign trade relations were embedded within the framework of the command economy. Foreign trade corporations were set up and world market prices became hermetically isolated from domestic prices. Within Comecon, the endeavour of the USSR was to reduce any dependency of the socialist bloc on world markets and to achieve self-sufficiency. The introduction of fixed prices in 1950 led to serious price distortions, whilst Hungary depended on increasing import of raw material, which was essential for the development of heavy industry. Therefore, the targets of foreign trade were not fulfilled during the period 1949-53. The irrational economic objectives of the first Five-Year Plan produced lasting damages in the national economy of Hungary.
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Olejnik, Maciej. "A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (2020): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-2-178.
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Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.
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Birtalan, Iván. "A Magyar Orvosi Kamara, mint első polgári mozgalom újraalakításának szubjektív története. Az újkori orvostörténelem egyik nagy eseménye." Kaleidoscope history 10, no. 21 (2020): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2020.21.37-46.
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“General of Hungarian Medical Chamber (MOK), recalled my memory, about the history, purpose and goals of the MOK.” Re-founded in 1988, the MOK has previously been prohibited for decades since it ceased to exist after the World War 2, because 1945 it was deemed a fascist corporation. In its newly founded structure between 1988 and 1989, the MOK became soon the body for representing ethical, professional, social and health policy interests of medical doctors. Efforts of the MOK re-foundation turned out as a historical victory of the medical doctors’ community during the political changes of the socio-economic system in Hungary.
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Mommen, André. "Káldor versus Varga – The Hungarian three-year economic reconstruction plan of 1947." Acta Oeconomica 67, s1 (September 2017): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2017.67.s.11.
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After a monetary reform in 1946, the Communists helped by Jenő Varga and the Social Democrats advised by Nicholas Kaldor each drafted an economic reconstruction plan introducing central planning. Having already campaigned for economic planning after the war, Káldor was also in favour of a Keynesian income and fiscal policy. Good trade relations with the Soviet Union were in his eyes a precondition for economic recovery and stability. But the non-participation of Hungary in the Marshall Plan weakened the authority of the Social Democrats vis-à-vis the Communists who were now pressing for a Soviet-type planning system and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
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Rakonjac, Aleksandar. "IZMEĐU TRANSFERA TEHNOLOGIJA I DOMAĆIH REŠENJA: IZGRADNJA MOTORNE INDUSTRIJE U JUGOSLAVIJI 1945−1952." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.rak.405-422.
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This article aims to shed light on how the Yugoslav motor industry in the first post-war years sought to overcome the difficulties of mastering the technology of motor vehicle production on a modern industrial basis. During this period, gigantic efforts were made to get the country out of economic backwardness in the shortest possible time. The motor industry had one of the key roles on the path of modernization of the economy, and the state accordingly paid special attention to the construction of factories in this branch of industry. Reliance on pre-war pioneering moves of truck fabrication based on a license purchased in Czechoslovakia was the main capital with which began the process of emancipation of the domestic motor industry. Due to the impossibility to independently solve the issue of construction of all types of motor vehicles, help was sought abroad. Negotiations with the USSR and Hungary were started first, but even before the severance of all relations caused by the conflict between the Yugoslav and Soviet leadership, this attempt to establish cooperation failed. In the following years, after the failure in the East, the state concentrated all its efforts on establishing strong economic ties with the West. Thanks to favorable foreign policy circumstances, the reorientation of state policy had achieved great economic benefits for the further construction of the motor industry. Licenses for the fabrication of the “Ansaldo TCA/60” tractor were purchased, thus resolving the production of all heavy types of vehicles, as well as the production of oil-powered engines. By the early 1950s, cooperation had been established with several renowned companies from Germany, Italy and Switzerland, which provided opportunities for the Yugoslav engine industry to keep pace with the latest technological solutions. However, despite the transfer of technology that played a dominant role in raising the national car and tractor industry, domestic forces played a significant role in the production of the first air-cooled engine, a light wheeled tractor with a gasoline engine and the “Prvenac” truck. The Yugoslav example has shown that reliance on one’s own strength and international cooperation are two inextricably important factors in overcoming all the difficulties that come with the forced industrialization.
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Pass, Andrey A., and Marina N. Potemkina. "Archival Documents from the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History as a Source for Studying Economic Crime in the Days of the Great Patriotic War." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2021): 1064–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-4-1064-1075.
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The article determines the value and prospects of using historical sources stored in the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History (RGASPI) for disclosing problems of economic crime in 1941–45. Understanding modern dangers of corruption, illegal enrichment, and malfeasance requires studying the historical experience of the Great Patriotic War of 1941–45. It was a time to confront not only a strong external enemy, but also internal challenges, including, in particular, activation of criminal elements in the economic sphere. Despite an abundance of legal and historical publications devoted to economic crime and combating it, a whole layer of archival documents remains outside the field of research. The study has been carried out on the basis of institutional methodological approach using source heuristics, source analysis, historical-comparative method. The documents revealed in the RGASPI consist of previously unpublished materials of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Party Control Commission under the Central Committee of the CPSU, regional and city party committees (obkoms and gorkoms), and political departments of various agencies, through which transportation and distribution of food and industrial goods was conducted, as well as fragments of national leaders’ personal funds. The analyzed documents reflect criminal acts characteristic of the war period: speculation, embezzlement, bribery, malfeasance of high-ranking officials. The aforementioned delicts are reflected in the minutes of meetings, reports, certificates, and directives describing in detail the most common types of economic crime and measures taken by the authorities to curb it. The study concludes that the identified documents possess a high degree of objectivity and confirm the thesis of numerical growth and expansion in range of economic crimes in the context of a social wartime crisis. As main strategy for combating the growth of economic crimes throughout the war, the national leadership used a tough punitive policy, but these measures did not give tangible results. The effectiveness of domestic policy measures aimed at ensuring protection of state and personal property of citizens decreased due to deterioration in the quantitative and qualitative composition of the judiciary and political pressure from the party leadership, as well as selective nature of Soviet justice and use of unnecessarily harsh punishments, while deviance resulted from need and hunger.
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Péterffy, Gergely. "Vasutasok és a szovjet megszállók." Belvedere Meridionale 31, no. 2 (2019): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.2.3.
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At the end of World War 2, it took more than a half year for the Red Army to occupy Hungary. Following the negotiations in Tehran and Yalta, Hungary joined the socialist camp led by Moscow. Therefore, thousands of cases of pillage, rape and murder committed by Soviet soldiers could not be articulated in the official historiography, Russian troops could only be mentioned in a positive context within any publication. After the collapse of the Soviet Union the above-mentioned policy on historiography changed, and several books, articles and reminiscences were published on the Soviet crimes against the population. The aim of this study is present the types of connection between the Russian soldiers and the railwaymen from the beginning of the occupation to the end of the monetary stabilization in 1946. In the first half of the 20th century, the railway was the backbone of Hungary’s economy. Without the railway – due to the lack of roads and automobiles – the economic system would have totally collapsed. The Russians were aware of the importance of the railway, hence as the front moved on, they ordered the citizens and railwaymen to reconstruct the railway tracks as fast as they could. To achieve a complex picture on the connection between soldiers and railwaymen, we need to focus on not only the negative, but the positive cases as well.
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Skyba, Ivanna. "The state and Protestant Churches in Hungary in 1948 – 1989." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (45) (December 25, 2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(45).2021.247275.
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The purpose of the article is to characterize the activities of the largest and most influential Protestant churches in Hungary: Reformed (Calvinist) and Lutheran (Evangelical). These religious denominations along with the Catholic denomination belong to the so-called historical churches of Hungary. The chronological framework is the following: 1948 – the year of the communist regime’s rapid attack on the political, economic, educational activities of the Reformed and Lutheran churches and the signing of a compromise cooperation agreement with them, which lasted until 1990. 1989 – the liquidation of the State Administration for Churches, socio-political transformation in Hungary, which resulted in gaining absolute freedom. Based on Hungarian historiography, the relations between the Protestant churches and the state during the reign of Janos Kadar (1956 – 1988), called by Hungarian researchers the Kadar era, and are analyzed. It was Janos Kadar, the leader of the “soft dictatorship”, who managed to turn the Hungarian People’s Republic into “the funniest barracks in the socialist camp”. The background for the successful policy of the Hungarian government after the revolutionary events of 1956 was the achievement of social harmony, including through great tolerance and flexibility in the religious sphere. The article notes that representatives of the Reformed and Lutheran churches did not take an active part in the preparations for the events of 1956, but pastors and congregations supported the revolution. It is stressed that the relations with the Protestant denominations were settled specifically during the 50s of the twentieth century; the authorities managed to turn part of the clergy into their allies. Based on the analysis of the scientific literature, it is identified that relations were compromise in the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century, as the leadership of the Reformed and Lutheran churches helped the government to pursue the policy of the Popular Front in the struggle for socialism. Owing to it, no one was persecuted for their religious beliefs. In the 1980s, the state’s influence on historical churches gradually weakened, and processes leading to socio-political transformation in the late 1980s started, and as a result, churches in Hungary gained absolute freedom.
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Megyeri-Pálffi, Zoltán, and Katalin Marótzy. "Changes in Administrative Status and Urban Built Forms of the Town Centre of Berettyóújfalu After the Second World War." Építés - Építészettudomány 48, no. 3-4 (September 22, 2020): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/096.2020.006.
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After the Second World War, Hungary adopted the so-called Soviet model, which gave rise to significant changes in the state organisation. “Centralisation” and “democratic centralism” are the keywords which described the operation of government and local bodies in the four decades between 1945 and 1990.Through the change of the townscape of one settlement, this study throws light on how the change in administrative status and the centrally determined settlement policy affected urban development in Hungary, similarly to other former socialist states.Our highlighted example is Berettyóújfalu, whose administrative status changed from period to period in its 19–20th century history. Today, Berettyóújfalu’s townscape is basically determined by three architectural periods: the era of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy (1867–1918), the period between the two world wars (1918–1944) and the age of state socialism (1949–1989). Out of these periods, the third one was the most significant, as the most important interventions into the townscape occurred at that time.It seems that in Berettyóújfalu, the appearance of urban buildings has not been brought about by economic forces, but expressly by the change in the settlement’s administrative status. It was this change that influenced the town’s architectural character, which consists of two components: the official buildings and the residential building stock.In the era of socialism, the construction of housing estates also falls into the category of public developments, as after the Second World War, the system of state organisation changed fundamentally. Local governments ceased to exist, their role was taken over by hierarchical councils. Consequently, urban policy and urban construction became central duties according to the socialist state concept.The centrally developed industry and the resulting increase in the population was served by building housing blocks with system-building technology. These panel apartment blocks occupied the urban fabric that had been an integral part of the former townscape.In this way, this changed townscape could become a kind of architectural reader on Central and Eastern European history and urban development of the 19–20th centuries.Összefoglaló. A második világháború után Magyarország átvette az úgynevezett szovjet modellt, amely jelentős változásokhoz vezetett az államszervezetben. A „központosítás” és a „demokratikus centralizmus” azok a kulcsszavak, amelyek az állami szervek, s mellettük a helyi szervek működését jellemezték az 1945 és 1990 közötti négy évtizedben.Jelen tanulmány egy település városképének változásán keresztül arra világít rá, hogy Magyarországon – hasonlóan a többi volt szocialista államhoz – miként hatott a közigazgatási státus változása és a központilag meghatározott településpolitika a városépítészetre.A mai Berettyóújfalu településképét alapvetően három építési periódus határozza meg: az Osztrák– Magyar Monarchia kora (1867–1918), a két világháború közötti időszak (1918–1944) és az államszocializmus periódusa (1949–1989). Ezek közül a legmarkánsabb a harmadik, ugyanis ekkor történtek a legjelentősebb beavatkozások a településképben. E korszakokat és a mai városképet tekintve úgy tűnik, hogy a városias épületek megjelenése Berettyóújfaluban nem a gazdasági erő hozadéka volt, hanem kifejezetten a közigazgatási helyzetének megváltozásáé. Ez befolyásolta igazán a mai építészeti karaktert, amelynek két összetevője van: egyrészt a hivatali, másrészt a lakóépület-állomány.Az államszocializmusban a lakótelepek építése is a középítkezések körébe esik, miután a második világháború után alapvetően megváltozott az államszervezet rendszere. Az önkormányzatok megszűntek, helyüket a hierarchikusan működő tanácsok vették át. Ennek velejárója volt, hogy a településpolitika, a városépítés központi feladattá vált a szocialista államfelfogásnak megfelelően.A központilag meghatározott módon telepített ipart, a hozzá kapcsolódó lakosságnövekedést házgyári lakások felépítésével szolgálták ki. Ezek a paneles lakóházak épp azt a városszövetet foglalták el, amely egyébként a maga módján szervesen illeszkedett a korábbi városképbe.Ilyen módon ez a megváltozott településkép egyfajta építészeti olvasókönyvévé vált a 19–20. század közép-kelet-európai történelmének és városépítészetének.
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Zakharchenko, Petro. "Russia's sanctions policy in the context of the First World War." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 68 (March 24, 2022): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.68.1.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the sanctions policy of the Russian Empire towards the countries that were its opponents in the First World War. Such states included Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, which joined forces in the military bloc of the Central Powers to fight the Allies.
The victories of the member states of the Entente bloc were forged not only on the fronts, but also achieved through the partial or complete abolition of trade, financial and economic relations with the countries of the Fourth Bloc. The aim of this paper is to study and comprehend the experience of imposing sanctions by the Russian Empire against states that participated in the war against it during the war of 1914-1918. , which is waging a long-running hybrid war with Ukraine. The article demonstrates an example of an adequate response of state institutions to encroachment on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. It has been proved that immediately after the start of hostilities, measures were taken against the subjects of the states fighting against Russia to limit their legal capacity and legal capacity. They could be deported both outside the country and outside its individual localities.
These people were allowed to enter Russia only with the permission of the relevant authorities. Merchant ships of countries fighting against Russia, seized in Russian ports, were detained. Merchant ships built for foreign countries were confiscated and converted for military purposes.
Investment policy has also been revised. This is confirmed by the approval by the Russian emperor in 1915 of the Regulations on the Liquidation of Trade Enterprises Belonging to Enemy Citizens, which referred to the liquidation of enterprises and joint-stock companies that co-owned with Russian nationals. It is noteworthy that only those enterprises that operated at the expense of German, Austrian, Hungarian or Turkish investments were subject to liquidation. Other normative legal acts abolished the right of ownership of land of the same group of foreign citizens.
The result of the scientific article was the conclusion that by applying the emergency legislation, the Russian government did everything possible to prevent national security from financing the citizens of those countries that were at war with it.
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O’Rourke, K. A. C. "Post-Brexit. The Politics of Resentment and EU Reintegration: Creating A New Legal Constitution for Capitalism." International and Comparative Law Review 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 38–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2019-0002.
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Summary The GeoNOMOS model introduced in Part I, is a qualitative descriptive taxonomy updating traditional notions of sovereignty for this century and was generally applied to the 2016–2018 BREXIT divorce negotiations between the U.K. and the remaining 27EU suggesting a reintegration and redefinition of the legitimate expression of sovereignty in the region.[Diagram 01] The taxonomy depicts a framework of liberty that functions simultaneously within the core function of the State at the intersection of a vertical axis depicting a State’s domestic operation and a horizontal axis depicting the State function as part of an international community of States. The GeoNOMOS confirms two primary roles for the 21st century sovereign State: [1] to protect participatory democracy based on individual liberty. This is generally accomplished by the State supporting broad diversity and its cultural heritage as well as fully funded, functional and integrated domestic institutions along its vertical axis, and [2]to promote an enterprise of law supporting a global society of economic traders along its horizontal axis. This primary role of the State occurs at its core when all three essential capital resources –economic capital, social capital, and human capital – remain highly integrated and in balance. Part II specifically highlights economic capital development and utilization at the core function of the State – a shifting dynamic that has influenced most all of the BREXIT 2017–2019 negotiations to date. The December 2018 EU – BREXIT Withdrawal Agreement a Declaration repeatedly failed U.K. parliamentary adoption between January – June 2019 forcing Theresa May’s resignation as Prime Minister. The most contentious quagmire of the BREXIT Withdrawal Agreement was in the structuring of rules of law around regulating economic capital, financial markets, and global marketplace function for any future UK – EU partnership. The political chaos around BREXIT was feared by the EU political elite in terms of its disruptive impact on the May 2019 European Parliament elections and future EU budget planning and priorities. But the 2019 EU Parliament election was already a process divided on questions of political party legitimacy since 2014 with a deepening of the “politic of resentment” on the Continent between 2016–2018.The EUP elections of May 2019 have caused the biggest political shift in the EU for forty years. Part II engages this “politic of resentment” best described as a steady rise of populism across the region and Continent that challenges the post-World War II notions of liberal democracy, the values of EU solidarity, and the traditional role of the “welfare state.” More to the point, the U.K. electorate was not the only EU member outlining an action plan based on its politic of resentment in the 2016–2018 national election cycles – electoral politics in Greece, Italy, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Germany, France, Czech Republic, and Spain aggressively promoted rights of sovereign States. These national elections and the 2019 EUP elections attacked fragmented EU economic policy and highlighted the democratic imbalances of EU institutions in their day-to-day operations. These calls for an institutional “course correction” within the EU are shattering fifty years of solidarity and crying out for a redefinition of democracy and new rules of law for economic models relevant to the 21st century. Economic, legal, and historical research by Piketty, Rodrik, Grewal, and others who support democracy, point to documented gaps in economic capital at the level of the State, in global capital formation and in growing wealth inequality, all alarming trends which are part of the “politic of resentment”. Their research calls for creating a new 21st century legal constitution for capitalism as a course correction for the first legal constitution for capitalism, eg, colonialism. Picketty and Grewal argue new approaches are needed to replace both the post-war “welfare State” [1945–1979]and now, the capitalist ideology of neoliberalism [c.1980–2010], decried as defunct even by the International Monetary Fund. Part II suggests a legal reconfiguration for economic capital development and utilization –one operating inside the GeoNOMOS framework of liberty, first to support its four cornerstones and its enterprise of law and, then, based on those choice sets, to design a new paradigm for capitalist globalization in the marketplace.1
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McCagg, William O. "Gypsy Policy in Socialist Hungary and Czechoslovakia, 1945–1989." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 3 (1991): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408206.
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In discussion of ethnic minorities in Eastern Europe, one hears regularly of appalling official misbehavior—not just about attempted genocide (though that too), but also about bureaucratic cruelties inflicted in every field of human activity and at every level of control. Nonetheless, it is always useful to have a measurable basis for assessing unfairness; and historians have the special task of inquiring rationally why and how unfairness came about. Hence the following paper, which attempts not just to condemn, but to explain and evaluate the Hungarian and Czechoslovak official treatment of the Gypsies in recent decades. As is fairly well known, this treatment has included not only harassment of populations which presently exceed 600,000 people in each country, but also (in both countries) systematic abduction of children by the state from unwilling Gypsy parents, and (in Czechoslovakia) equally systematic sterilization of Gypsy women.Since the point of the paper is to reach beyond mere indictment, I will use a comparative method. Specifically, in recounting each stage of the development of policy towards the Gypsies I will compare what was being done to two other groups: the Jews, on the one hand, and the physically disabled on the other.
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Emese, Fayne Peter. "Economic Policy and Foreign Trade of Hungary." Artha Vijnana: Journal of The Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics 29, no. 3 (September 1, 1987): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.21648/arthavij/1987/v29/i3/116273.
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Bódi, Ferenc, and Ralitsa Savova. "Sociocultural Change in Hungary." International Journal of Social Quality 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ijsq.2020.100205.
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Although Hungary joined the European Union in 2004, it seems that it has not yet been able to catch up with its Western European neighbors socioeconomically. The reasons for this are numerous, including the fact that this former historical region (Kingdom of Hungary), today the sovereign state of Hungary, has a specific sociocultural image and attitude formed by various historical events. And the nature of these events can explain why Hungary’s economic development and overarching political narrative differ so markedly from Western Europe. The aim of this article is to present the unique location of Hungary in the context of Central and Eastern Europe, and to address such factors as urbanization and industrialization, migration, population, politics, economic development, and social values crisis. We argue that these factors, including the European status quo that emerged after 1945, have influenced the existing sociopolitical, socioeconomic, and sociocultural differences between Hungary and Western European EU states.
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Diez Puertas, Emeterio. "Cine español en la Argentina: La exportación del nacionalismo ruralista." RIHC. Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación 2, no. 15 (2020): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rihc.2020.i15.03.
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The first Francoism created a film policy based on autarky, that is, on strict control of foreign trade for both economic and ideological reasons. It was necessary to control the balance of payments and the ideology of foreign governments. This is how, after the Second World War, Argentina became the main partner of the regime. Above all because the importation of cereals is vital to alleviate hunger. Moreover, to solidify these relationships, a cultural exchange is encouraged in which the cinema plays an important role. Specifically, the purpose of these pages is to study the commercial, artistic, moral, and critical impact of the Spanish rural drama exported by Spain to Argentina in the period from 1944 to 1947. It is intended to show that this cinema served to disseminate the national ruralist ideology among Argentines and, above all, among the colony of Spanish emigrants, many of them from the countryside.
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SCRANTON, PHILIP. "Managing Communist Enterprises: Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, 1945–1970." Enterprise & Society 19, no. 3 (September 2018): 492–537. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.13.
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Business history for three generations has focused almost exclusively on capitalist firms, their managers, and their relations with markets, states, and rivals. However, enterprises on all scales also operated within communist nations “building socialism” in the wake of World War II. This article represents a first-phase exploration of business practices in three Central European states as Stalinism gave way to cycles of reform and retrenchment in the 1960s. Focusing chiefly on industrial initiatives, the study asks: How did socialist enterprises work and change across the first postwar generation, given their distinctive principles and political/economic contexts, and implicitly, what contrasts with capitalist activities are worth considering.
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Godawa, Grzegorz, and Erzsébet Rákó. "Social Pedagogy Training in Poland and Hungary." Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II 12, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.12209.
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In the present study we compare the formation and development of Polish and Hungarian social pedagogy. The main aspects of the comparison are the principal stages in the history of social pedagogy, the development of training, and the current situation in Hungary and Poland.The history of social pedagogy can be divided into three stages, following key events in the history of Central and Eastern Europe, as these historical events had an impact on the appearance and development of social pedagogy. The first stage is the early period, in the era before 1945, the second is the period after 1945, when the number of orphaned children increased significantly after the second World War and communism determined the socio-economic development of both Poland and Hungary. The third period started after 1989 when, after the collapse of communism, the development of both countries was placed on new socio-economic foundations, and new social problems appeared in the subsystems of society, which were partly addressed by social pedagogical solutions. In what follows, we give a brief overview of the 20th century history of Polish and Hungarian social pedagogy, the initial period of its formation.
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Yun, Sung-Jong. "Recent Economic Situation in Hungary and Policy Recommendations." East European and Balkan Institute 41, no. 4 (November 7, 2017): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2017.41.4.177.
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Keune, Maarten, and Alena Nesporova. "Towards an employment-promoting economic policy in Hungary." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 3, no. 2 (August 1997): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899700300221.
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Jakarta, Moh Saubari. "Reflections on Economic Policy Making: 1945–51." Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 23, no. 2 (August 1987): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00074918712331335221.
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Piasecki, Marcin A. "Was Viktor Orbán’s Unorthodox Economic Policy the Right Answer to Hungary’s Economic Misfortunes?" International Journal of Management and Economics 46, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijme-2015-0021.
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Abstract This paper assesses whether the unorthodox policies implemented in Hungary since 2010 were, given a four-year perspective, the right answer to Hungarian economic problems. The paper draws on findings from the author’s August and November 2014 study trips to Hungary, during which Hungarian government officials and scholars from Budapest University of Technology and Economics were interviewed. These findings were supplemented by publications and data from Eurostat and World Bank databases. Statistical data from May 2015 demonstrate that significant improvements took place in most (if not all) areas of the Hungarian economy since 2010. The country avoided bankruptcy and its 2014 GDP growth outpaced that of the Czech Republic and Poland. Viktor Orbán’s economic reforms therefore seem to have been the appropriate response to the Hungary’s economic misfortunes. The jury is, however, still out on whether those policies laid lasting fundaments for long-term growth. Hungary is the first Central European country (since the anti-communist revolution triggered by Solidarność movement) that is experimenting with an independent economic policy. The results of Viktor Orbán’s experiment, if ultimately judged positive, could have profound consequences for the other countries in Central Europe and beyond.
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PHILLIPS, RICHARD, JEFFREY HENDERSON, LASZLO ANDOR, and DAVID HULME. "Usurping Social Policy: Neoliberalism and Economic Governance in Hungary*." Journal of Social Policy 35, no. 4 (September 4, 2006): 585–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279406000092.
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This paper takes issue with arguments emanating from the global social policy literature that neoliberal policy agendas have been largely a consequence of the interplay of international agencies with indigenous reform interests. While relevant, such arguments grasp only part of the story of social policy change. By means of a case study of Hungary between 1990 and 2002, this article emphasises the role played by the bureaucratic reconstitution of the state and changing forms of national economic governance in the explanation of social policy change. We show how the bureaucratic redesign of the Hungarian state generated a ‘finance-driven’ form of economic governance with the state bureaucracy reconfigured around the fiscal control of the Finance Ministry. These changes had significant implications, not simply for social expenditure, but for the intellectual nature and bureaucratic space for social policy-making. Whereas critiques of neoliberal social policy reform tend to focus on the ideological nature of the projects, this analysis highlights the need to develop visions of, and arguments for, an alternative to the finance-driven forms of economic governance that have become the de facto bureaucratic archetype for re-designing welfare states.
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Gulácsi, László, Gábor Vas, István Pintér, and Ildikó Kriszbacher. "Colorectal cancer screening policy in Hungary." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, no. 01 (January 2009): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309091028.
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We read with great interest the excellent paper of Gutiérrez-Ibarluzea et al. on the review of current policies of screening for colorectal cancer in European countries (12).Colorectal cancer screening has been a hot topic in health technology assessment and medical decision making (13;15;18). The study by Gutiérrez-Ibarluzea and colleagues focused mainly on the “old” fifteen member states of the European Union; however, colorectal cancer represents a large epidemiological (3;11) and economic (4) burden for the society and the healthcare financing agency in Eastern European countries. We would like to highlight some important aspect of colorectal cancer screening in Hungary.
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Strange, Susan. "Years of recovery: British economic policy 1945–51." International Affairs 62, no. 1 (1985): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618111.
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Worswick, David, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Economic Journal 96, no. 381 (March 1986): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2233447.
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Capie, Forrest, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51." Economic History Review 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596126.
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Pollard, Sidney, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 931. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873391.
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Drummond, Ian M., and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Economica 54, no. 214 (May 1987): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2554395.
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Lange, Even, and Helge Pharo. "Planning and economic Policy in Norway, 1945–1960*." Scandinavian Journal of History 16, no. 3 (January 1991): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759108579219.
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Adnett, Nick. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Journal of Economic Issues 20, no. 1 (March 1986): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.1986.11504495.
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Belane, Vinkler, Csilla Kalmar-Rimoczi, and Beatrix Lenkovics. "A Literature Review On The Development Phases Of Hungarian Pig Industry (1945 - 1989) Part I." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 20 (July 30, 2016): 288. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n20p288.
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Pig farming enjoys a significant tradition in Hungary and the pig industry plays a key role within the domestic animal husbandry sector. Raising pork has always played an important role in the domestic meat supply, but it has a crucial role in supplying the export markets. It can be concluded that our natural resources provide in themselves significant comparative advantages for us with a high proportion of arable land in agricultural use. Our social and economic endowments and potentials are also favourable for agricultural production and stock-raising. Our paper aims to employ financial data to describe the development of raising pig livestock in Hungary best characterized by its constant changes. Part I summarises two periods describing the changes affecting the animal husbandry sector and their subsequent impact on the economy. On the one hand, it covers the period following World War II, from 1945 to 1965, describing the situation of the country and the farmers; on the other hand, it lists the economic achievements and their impact on the pig industry preceding the political-economic transition in the course of the years lasting from 1966 to 1989.
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Comisso, Ellen, and Paul Marer. "The economics and politics of reform in Hungary." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 421–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027193.
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Reform of the domestic economic system is the distinctive element of Hungary's foreign economic strategy in the 1980s. The need for systemic economic reform stems from Hungary's status as a small country, heavily dependent on foreign trade, many of whose imports can no longer be met within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance alone. The many obstacles to economic reform lie in a heritage of policy choices that responded to domestic and CMEA supply constraints rather than to principles of comparative advantage. Such policies undercut the initial economic reform in 1968 and contributed to a major economic crisis in 1979–82. The subsequent changes in policy priorities and institutional mechanisms prompted by this crisis aimed to reduce Hungary's insulation from the larger international economy and make the economy more efficient. Politically, economic reform is possible in Hungary largely because of the impact of the 1956 revolt on both the subsequent composition of the political elite and the norms and features of collective leadership that guided its decision making afterwards. Nevertheless, the political and economic structures on which collective leadership rests weaken reform advocates and obstruct consistent implementation of their policy preferences. Yet Hungary's economic situation in the late 1970s altered the political balance offerees in favor of reformists, permitting them to alter both economic structures and policies.
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Kerekes, Professor Sandor. "Economic development and environmental performance in Hungary." European Environment 3, no. 2 (July 6, 2007): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/eet.3320030206.
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Fehér, I., and R. Fejős. "The main elements of food policy in Hungary ." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 52, No. 10 (February 17, 2012): 461–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5052-agricecon.
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Hungary has recently become a member of the European Economic Union (EU) and most of the economic benefits are expected to come from expanded trade with other EU nations. While some variation in agricultural policy continues to exist between EU members, all countries generally, benefit from lower tariffs and expanded trade opportunities. However, Hungary must also be able to compete on the basis of quality and price in order to maintain current domestic markets and sell more to other EU countries. In order for the Hungarian agriculture and food industry to contribute to economic development it must continue to focus on efficiency and competitiveness. Hungary benefits from many natural features, which provide favourable conditions for agriculture: fertile plains, an advantageous climate and production experience, which makes possible a total yearly agricultural and food products trade surplus fluctuating between 1.5 and 2 billion US $ for the last 12 years. However, after the EU accession, the Hungarian internal market has become fully open and domestic products have to compete with the products of other EU members. This is why the renewal of food regulation and policy was indispensable. This article examines the Hungarian food policy (1) before the transformation to a market oriented system, when the policy was quantity orientated, (2) during the pre-accession period, when quality policy became more important, and (3) after accession to the EU where food safety has become more important.
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Czirfusz, Márton. "Making the Space-Economy of Socialist Hungary: The Significance of the Division of Labor." Hungarian Cultural Studies 8 (January 22, 2016): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2015.221.
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This article discusses in detail how the division of labor at different spatial scales has been an important line of argument in both economic geography and spatial planning in Hungary since 1945. First, I outline the intellectual heritage of interwar geography, and show how the role of different landscapes in the national division of labor was regarded as a distinctive feature. Second, I discuss different ways of thinking about spatial divisions of labor after 1945. I draw a distinction between neoclassical and Marxist ways of theorizing, and their differences in the Western and Eastern European (Hungarian) contexts, respectively. Third, to emphasize the national scale in the argument, I contrast spatial divisions of labor at supra- and sub-national scales with that of the national scale, and point to the inherent theoretical tensions within socialist scholarship in economic geography. I conclude by showing how scholars under socialism used the concept of the spatial divisions of labor in discussing the future of the nation, and how overcoming this kind of reasoning might be built upon in order to understand the current embeddedness of the Hungarian economy within the spatial order of the world economy.
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Wrigley, C. J. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51. Alec Cairncross." Journal of Modern History 59, no. 4 (December 1987): 848–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/243309.
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Matray, James I. "Development Delayed: U.S. Economic Policy in Occupied Korea, 1945–1948." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 10, no. 1-2 (2001): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656101793645579.
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AbstractOn 9 September 1945, U.S. military forces landed at Inchon to begin American occupation of southern Korea. For almost three years thereafter, a U.S. military government under the command of Lieutenant General John R. Hodge was responsible for civil affairs south of the 38th parallel. Its policies resulted in delaying Korea's economic development. Early in World War II, the U.S. government had begun preparations for the postwar administration of military government and civil affairs. At first, the focus was on Germany and its occupied territories, but during 1944, training began for 1,500 army and navy officers to serve in occupied Japan. The program ignored Korea, with the exception of a one-hour lecture in some classes near the end of the war. Plans to prepare civil affairs handbooks summarizing conditions in target areas for over thirty nations did not include Korea. Not surprisingly, many civil affairs officers who served in postwar Korea had trained for duty in Japan. They knew nothing about the country they were to govern and of course did not speak the language. Historians have argued that this lack of preparation was largely responsible for the failures of the American occupation. But other factors were more important in explaining the lack,
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Brookshire, Jerry H., and Jim Tomlinson. "Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: The Attlee Years, 1945-1951." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651258.
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Erdős, T. "Inflation targeting in Hungary: A case study." Acta Oeconomica 58, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 29–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.58.2008.1.2.
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In the present article the author examines how to develop economic and monetary policy in order to efficiently apply inflation targeting. In Hungary, an inflation targeting system has been applied since 2001. As a result of the current monetary policy, consumer price level must regularly be kept stable at least in a mid-term approach in the middle but possibly also in the long run, or else it should be rising slowly, two per cent per year, at the most. Should the monetary authority have to deal with an already existing fast inflation rate, a considerable reduction of the rate of inflation must be aimed at year by year. Once monetary policy succeeds in bringing down inflation, the low rate achieved must permanently be secured. However, it is not sure that monetary policy has to prefer inflation targeting under any circumstances whatsoever.This policy has a favourable effect only if two substantial preconditions are given: public finances are near the equilibrium and nominal wages are regularly adjusted to the growth rate of GDP. Otherwise, inflation targeting may also have harmful effects such as excessive overvaluation of the national currency, excess of domestic use over GNP, increase of domestic and external debt, decreasing trend of the savings and investment rate, lower economic growth potential.
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Kullberg, Patricia. "Social Visions and Social Control: The Evolution of Medical Thought in Postwar Hungary." International Journal of Health Services 16, no. 3 (July 1986): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/e45g-tqll-1x63-2n3q.
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After nearly two decades of rigid adherence to the Soviet model of social and economic development, Hungary initiated a series of reforms in the 1960s that emphasize decentralization and market economic mechanisms. Internal repression and surveillance have diminished concurrently. Shaped by these broader social trends, three explanations of disease causation have successively emerged in Hungary since World War II: social medicine, a lifestyle model, and a psychosocial model. Although each model attempts to offer the best explanation for prevailing patterns of morbidity and mortality, each also reflects an underlying world view and the political priorities that derive from it. Social medicine and the lifestyle model have served largely to consolidate the power of ruling elites. The psychosocial model, on the other hand, has the potential to challenge the social order. The current popularity of the lifestyle model seems rooted in a widespread cynicism about social change which in turn is a product of contemporary social conditions in Hungary.
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Gál, Judit. "Zadar, the Angevin Center of Kingdom of Croatia and Dalmatia." Hungarian Historical Review 11, no. 3 (2022): 570–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2022.3.570.
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When royal power started weakening in Hungary in the last third of the thirteenth century, the Hungarian royal authority in the Dalmatian towns also started to lose influence, and by the first third of the thirteenth century, most of the towns previously under Hungarian rule had become Venetian territories. The reoccupation of these towns and even more lands on the Eastern Adriatic coast could be connected to King Louis I of Hungary, who defeated Venice in 1358 in the war between Hungary and the Italian city state. This study focuses on the king’s exercise of power in Dalmatia, particularly the economic aspects of royal policy and the place of Zadar in this policy. My analysis also focuses on the formation of a Hungarian center in Dalmatia from the twelfth century and on how King Louis turned away from the policies of the previous kings of Hungary. My intention is to highlight the economic importance of Zadar, the process of the formation of an economic and trade center of Hungary, and also the formation of the Dalmatian elite, with a particular focus on the citizens of Zadar, who were in the closest circles of the Hungarian king. The focus will be also on the integration of the coastal territories into the mainland of Hungary under the reign of King Louis I.
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TOYE, RICHARD. "THE LABOUR PARTY'S EXTERNAL ECONOMIC POLICY IN THE 1940s." Historical Journal 43, no. 1 (March 2000): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9900881x.
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This article challenges the view that, in accepting the 1945 American loan and its attendant commitments to international economic liberalization, the Labour party easily fell in behind the Atlanticist approach to post-war trade and payments. It is suggested instead that Labour's sometimes seemingly paradoxical behaviour in office was driven, not only by the very tough economic conditions it faced, but also by a fundamental contradiction inherent in its desire to ‘plan’ at both domestic and international levels. This contradiction – the ‘planning paradox’ – is explored with reference to pre-war and war-time developments, including Labour's reactions to the Keynes and White plans of 1943, and to the Bretton Woods conference of 1944. The decision to accept the US loan, and with it the Bretton Woods agreements, is then examined within this context. Finally, an assessment is made of whether, in this key area of policy, Labour's pre-1945 deliberations were effective in preparing the party for the challenges it would face in government.
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Skyba, Ivanna. "ECONOMIC REFORMS IN HUNGARY (LATE 1950s – 1960s.)." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (47) (December 20, 2022): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(47).2022.267357.
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The article is devoted to the characteristics of economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic carried out in the late 1950s-1960s by representatives of the reformist wing of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP) under the leadership of J. Kadar. It is noted, in particular, that the ultimate success of the ruling communist regime was the economic reform, the main provisions of which came into effect on January 1, 1968, having received the name "a New economic mechanism." The reform anticipated the transition from a centralized directive-planning system to an indicative one, i.e., the elements of market-based relations were introduced along with the existing socialist planned economy. As the study pointed out, liberal transformations in Hungary resulted from J. Kadar's policy of consolidation and social harmony after the revolutionary events of 1956, and their goal was primarily to increase the population's welfare. Both the best Hungarian economists and political figures took an active part in developing essential reforms under the chairmanship of the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party Rezső Nyers, Prime Minister Jenő Fock, Vice Prime Minister Lajos Fehér. It is emphasized that the economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic brought the following changes: mandatory planning tasks were canceled, material incentives appeared, pricing practices changed, liberalization of agriculture took place, and small-scale production with the simultaneous functioning of large cooperative farms originated. Based on the developed scientific material, it was concluded that the most significant successes were in agriculture. However, after the events in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the liberal changes in Hungary, which destroyed the directive management system, caused dissatisfaction among the communist leaders of the countries of the socialist camp and in the Kremlin. There were also many opponents of reforms in the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party and in the party-state apparatus, which ultimately led to the collapse of the New economic mechanism in 1972–1973. Based on the analysis of specialized domestic and foreign publications, the author points out that the amount of scientific literature on the studied issues in modern Ukrainian historical science is insufficient.
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Yun, Sungjong, and Yunjung Kim. "Changes in the Welfare Policy and Their Socio-economic Effects in Hungary." East European and Balkan Institute 41, no. 3 (August 25, 2017): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2017.41.3.245.
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Weiner, Czaba, and Tekla Szép. "The Residential Energy Cost Reduction Programme in Hungary." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope120218694.
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The article outlines the positive and negative effects as well as the policy context of Hungary’s residential energy cost reduction programme initiated in 2013. This programme has occupied a permanent and high-profile place on Hungary’s political agenda and has been shaping the country’s economic policy, energy policy and the everyday lives of Hungarian households. Both quantitative and qualitative methods are applied. The logarithmic mean Divisia index (LMDI) method is applied to decompose the absolute change in residential energy consumption between 2010 and 2017. The results show that decreasing energy prices for households had a positive impact on their energy use only in the first few years of the programme’s implementation. The authors conclude that the programme was realised without the necessary policy background. A significantly declining ratio of residential expenditure on energy services in total expenditure, decreased inflation rate and considerably improved socio-economic situation of the majority of the population are identified as positive effects. However, the programme discourages energy conservation and energy efficiency, erodes the competitiveness of renewables, reduces capital formation in the energy sector, deteriorates security of supply, and increases energy prices for non-household customers
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Pratama, Agung Rifqi. "SISTEM EKONOMI INDONESIA DALAM PERSPEKTIF PANCASILA DAN UUD 1945." Veritas et Justitia 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2018): 304–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25123/vej.3067.
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The focus of this article, using a juridical normatif and philosophical approach, is in tracking how Article 33 of the Indonesian Constitution is understood and how the Pancasila economic system (based on the five tenets of the State’s ideology) is being implemented by a number of exisitng economic policies. While the Article should be regarded as the embedodiment of Indonesian economic policy, it cannot be denied that the understanding of it evolved and changed following the 4thamendment to the Constitution. It is observed that the 4thamendment to the 1945 Constitution have had a great impact on the direction taken by the Indonesian economic policy makers. In using a juridical normative approach we are forced to take the position that Pancasila economic system as found in the Constitution should be followed by the letter in real economic policy making. On the other hand, just to do that, we cannot but realize the need for the existence of government political will.
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Nevskiy, Sergey. "Economic Policy of Aliens in Post-War West Germany (1945—1947)." Economic Policy (in Russian) 10, no. 6 (December 2015): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18288/1994-5124-2015-6-03.
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Whittaker, D. H., and James E. Vestal. "Planning for Change: Industrial Policy and Japanese Economic Development, 1945-1990." Economic Journal 106, no. 438 (September 1996): 1423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2235536.
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Kovács, Sándor Zsolt, Bálint Koós, Annamária Uzzoli, Balázs Páger, and Ildikó Egyed. "Regional effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and policy responses in Hungary." R-Economy 6, no. 3 (2020): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/recon.2020.6.3.018.
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Relevance. The new coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19) has brought major changes to everyday life and economy in 2020. The impacts of the pandemic are still difficult to measure and interpret. This paper analyses the key socio-economic factors that shaped the course of the pandemic and its regional effects in Hungary. Research objective. The aim of this paper is to provide a secondary data-based analysis of regional disparities in Hungary as well as the implications of the coronavirus pandemic and the related policy responses. Data and methodology. The analysis consisted of the three stages: first, we processed the official epidemiologic data related to the coronavirus pandemic and the territorial patterns of infections as well as the data on the socio-economic impacts of the lockdown (on retail trade, employment, tourism, local governments’ revenues, etc). Second, we collected the data related to the socio-economic effects of the pandemic and revealed the territorial impacts of the crisis. Finally, we evaluated the government’s measures and interventions introduced in the first wave of the pandemic in terms of their efficiency. Results. Our results demonstrate that while the epicentre of the pandemic was the capital city and its surrounding area, the socio-economic impacts of containment measures implemented by the Hungarian government were felt across the whole country. In some areas, the lockdown measures could have been unreasonably tight as no reasonable justification for these restrictions was provided. Therefore, territorial monitoring and development of regionally differentiated policies are the main tasks in preparation for further waves of the pandemic. In our opinion, it is necessary to devise an action plan that would regulate the protocols of prevention and protection in connection with the regional focal points (hospitals, nursing homes, schools, etc.) and their immediate surroundings. Conclusions. Although territorial aspects have been taken into account by the government in their efforts to contain the pandemic in Hungary, they have been given significantly less attention in terms of socio-economic support. Thus, as the article makes clear, it is important to devise and implement regionally differentiated policies of containment as well as socio-economic protection measures.
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Imaniyati, Neni Sri, Efik Yusdiansyah, Muhardi Muhardi, Husni Syam, Mohammad Tahir Cheumar, and Panji Adam. "The Political Direction of Indonesian Economic Law as the Conception of Welfare State in the 1945 Constitution." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (August 23, 2021): 1310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.151.
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Political law, political economy and political economy law are three concepts that arise from a deep understanding of the 1945 Constitution as statutory norms. A series that tries to align the interests and desires of the 1945 Constitution with the interests of the state and the people's wishes, which often have different views and practices between the two. This article aims to analyze the direction of Indonesian economic law politics policy in the Welfare State conception based on the 1945 Constitution. The method used is a normative juridical approach with descriptive-analytical techniques using qualitative juridical data analysis methods. This article concludes that the direction of Indonesian economic policy shows some adoption of neoliberalism values that have become references in the formulation of monetary policy in Indonesia. As a government law politics, the direction of economic policy must be oriented towards the institutionalization of the status of the Indonesian nation to advance the general welfare. And the "vehicle" for institutionalizing this staatsidee, as formulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, is the concept of a welfare state.