Relevant bibliographies by topics / Hungary Economic policy 1945-

Academic literature on the topic 'Hungary Economic policy 1945-'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Hungary Economic policy 1945-"

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Domonkos, Endre. "The Consequences of Stalinist Economic Policy in Hungary (1949-1953)." Multidiszciplináris kihívások, sokszínű válaszok, no. 1 (August 31, 2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33565/mksv.2022.01.01.

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By 1948, with the eradication of private property ownership and multi-party-system, the institutional background of the Soviet-type dictatorship was created by the Hungarian Workers Party (HWP). In economic terms, forced industrialisation became buzzword, whereas both agricultural and infrastructural development were neglected by the communist leadership. The forced collectivisation in the agriculture, accompanied by the postponement of necessary investments led to a permanent shortage of goods. Compulsory deliveries coupled with the application of the principle of quantity further aggravated the situation of the agrarian sector. As a result of aggressive campaign against the wealthy peasants and forced collectivisation, 300 000 people ceased to work in the agriculture and were employed by industry. Within the centrally planned economy, profitability, cost of production, marketability and quality of products were neglected. Only one principle was taken into account, which was the fulfilment or overfulfilment of the global production plan index and all other criteria were ignored by decision-makers. Foreign trade relations were embedded within the framework of the command economy. Foreign trade corporations were set up and world market prices became hermetically isolated from domestic prices. Within Comecon, the endeavour of the USSR was to reduce any dependency of the socialist bloc on world markets and to achieve self-sufficiency. The introduction of fixed prices in 1950 led to serious price distortions, whilst Hungary depended on increasing import of raw material, which was essential for the development of heavy industry. Therefore, the targets of foreign trade were not fulfilled during the period 1949-53. The irrational economic objectives of the first Five-Year Plan produced lasting damages in the national economy of Hungary.
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Olejnik, Maciej. "A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (2020): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-2-178.

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Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.
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Birtalan, Iván. "A Magyar Orvosi Kamara, mint első polgári mozgalom újraalakításának szubjektív története. Az újkori orvostörténelem egyik nagy eseménye." Kaleidoscope history 10, no. 21 (2020): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2020.21.37-46.

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“General of Hungarian Medical Chamber (MOK), recalled my memory, about the history, purpose and goals of the MOK.” Re-founded in 1988, the MOK has previously been prohibited for decades since it ceased to exist after the World War 2, because 1945 it was deemed a fascist corporation. In its newly founded structure between 1988 and 1989, the MOK became soon the body for representing ethical, professional, social and health policy interests of medical doctors. Efforts of the MOK re-foundation turned out as a historical victory of the medical doctors’ community during the political changes of the socio-economic system in Hungary.
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Mommen, André. "Káldor versus Varga – The Hungarian three-year economic reconstruction plan of 1947." Acta Oeconomica 67, s1 (September 2017): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2017.67.s.11.

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After a monetary reform in 1946, the Communists helped by Jenő Varga and the Social Democrats advised by Nicholas Kaldor each drafted an economic reconstruction plan introducing central planning. Having already campaigned for economic planning after the war, Káldor was also in favour of a Keynesian income and fiscal policy. Good trade relations with the Soviet Union were in his eyes a precondition for economic recovery and stability. But the non-participation of Hungary in the Marshall Plan weakened the authority of the Social Democrats vis-à-vis the Communists who were now pressing for a Soviet-type planning system and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
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Rakonjac, Aleksandar. "IZMEĐU TRANSFERA TEHNOLOGIJA I DOMAĆIH REŠENJA: IZGRADNJA MOTORNE INDUSTRIJE U JUGOSLAVIJI 1945−1952." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.rak.405-422.

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This article aims to shed light on how the Yugoslav motor industry in the first post-war years sought to overcome the difficulties of mastering the technology of motor vehicle production on a modern industrial basis. During this period, gigantic efforts were made to get the country out of economic backwardness in the shortest possible time. The motor industry had one of the key roles on the path of modernization of the economy, and the state accordingly paid special attention to the construction of factories in this branch of industry. Reliance on pre-war pioneering moves of truck fabrication based on a license purchased in Czechoslovakia was the main capital with which began the process of emancipation of the domestic motor industry. Due to the impossibility to independently solve the issue of construction of all types of motor vehicles, help was sought abroad. Negotiations with the USSR and Hungary were started first, but even before the severance of all relations caused by the conflict between the Yugoslav and Soviet leadership, this attempt to establish cooperation failed. In the following years, after the failure in the East, the state concentrated all its efforts on establishing strong economic ties with the West. Thanks to favorable foreign policy circumstances, the reorientation of state policy had achieved great economic benefits for the further construction of the motor industry. Licenses for the fabrication of the “Ansaldo TCA/60” tractor were purchased, thus resolving the production of all heavy types of vehicles, as well as the production of oil-powered engines. By the early 1950s, cooperation had been established with several renowned companies from Germany, Italy and Switzerland, which provided opportunities for the Yugoslav engine industry to keep pace with the latest technological solutions. However, despite the transfer of technology that played a dominant role in raising the national car and tractor industry, domestic forces played a significant role in the production of the first air-cooled engine, a light wheeled tractor with a gasoline engine and the “Prvenac” truck. The Yugoslav example has shown that reliance on one’s own strength and international cooperation are two inextricably important factors in overcoming all the difficulties that come with the forced industrialization.
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Pass, Andrey A., and Marina N. Potemkina. "Archival Documents from the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History as a Source for Studying Economic Crime in the Days of the Great Patriotic War." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2021): 1064–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-4-1064-1075.

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The article determines the value and prospects of using historical sources stored in the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History (RGASPI) for disclosing problems of economic crime in 1941–45. Understanding modern dangers of corruption, illegal enrichment, and malfeasance requires studying the historical experience of the Great Patriotic War of 1941–45. It was a time to confront not only a strong external enemy, but also internal challenges, including, in particular, activation of criminal elements in the economic sphere. Despite an abundance of legal and historical publications devoted to economic crime and combating it, a whole layer of archival documents remains outside the field of research. The study has been carried out on the basis of institutional methodological approach using source heuristics, source analysis, historical-comparative method. The documents revealed in the RGASPI consist of previously unpublished materials of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Party Control Commission under the Central Committee of the CPSU, regional and city party committees (obkoms and gorkoms), and political departments of various agencies, through which transportation and distribution of food and industrial goods was conducted, as well as fragments of national leaders’ personal funds. The analyzed documents reflect criminal acts characteristic of the war period: speculation, embezzlement, bribery, malfeasance of high-ranking officials. The aforementioned delicts are reflected in the minutes of meetings, reports, certificates, and directives describing in detail the most common types of economic crime and measures taken by the authorities to curb it. The study concludes that the identified documents possess a high degree of objectivity and confirm the thesis of numerical growth and expansion in range of economic crimes in the context of a social wartime crisis. As main strategy for combating the growth of economic crimes throughout the war, the national leadership used a tough punitive policy, but these measures did not give tangible results. The effectiveness of domestic policy measures aimed at ensuring protection of state and personal property of citizens decreased due to deterioration in the quantitative and qualitative composition of the judiciary and political pressure from the party leadership, as well as selective nature of Soviet justice and use of unnecessarily harsh punishments, while deviance resulted from need and hunger.
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Péterffy, Gergely. "Vasutasok és a szovjet megszállók." Belvedere Meridionale 31, no. 2 (2019): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.2.3.

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At the end of World War 2, it took more than a half year for the Red Army to occupy Hungary. Following the negotiations in Tehran and Yalta, Hungary joined the socialist camp led by Moscow. Therefore, thousands of cases of pillage, rape and murder committed by Soviet soldiers could not be articulated in the official historiography, Russian troops could only be mentioned in a positive context within any publication. After the collapse of the Soviet Union the above-mentioned policy on historiography changed, and several books, articles and reminiscences were published on the Soviet crimes against the population. The aim of this study is present the types of connection between the Russian soldiers and the railwaymen from the beginning of the occupation to the end of the monetary stabilization in 1946. In the first half of the 20th century, the railway was the backbone of Hungary’s economy. Without the railway – due to the lack of roads and automobiles – the economic system would have totally collapsed. The Russians were aware of the importance of the railway, hence as the front moved on, they ordered the citizens and railwaymen to reconstruct the railway tracks as fast as they could. To achieve a complex picture on the connection between soldiers and railwaymen, we need to focus on not only the negative, but the positive cases as well.
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Skyba, Ivanna. "The state and Protestant Churches in Hungary in 1948 – 1989." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (45) (December 25, 2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(45).2021.247275.

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The purpose of the article is to characterize the activities of the largest and most influential Protestant churches in Hungary: Reformed (Calvinist) and Lutheran (Evangelical). These religious denominations along with the Catholic denomination belong to the so-called historical churches of Hungary. The chronological framework is the following: 1948 – the year of the communist regime’s rapid attack on the political, economic, educational activities of the Reformed and Lutheran churches and the signing of a compromise cooperation agreement with them, which lasted until 1990. 1989 – the liquidation of the State Administration for Churches, socio-political transformation in Hungary, which resulted in gaining absolute freedom. Based on Hungarian historiography, the relations between the Protestant churches and the state during the reign of Janos Kadar (1956 – 1988), called by Hungarian researchers the Kadar era, and are analyzed. It was Janos Kadar, the leader of the “soft dictatorship”, who managed to turn the Hungarian People’s Republic into “the funniest barracks in the socialist camp”. The background for the successful policy of the Hungarian government after the revolutionary events of 1956 was the achievement of social harmony, including through great tolerance and flexibility in the religious sphere. The article notes that representatives of the Reformed and Lutheran churches did not take an active part in the preparations for the events of 1956, but pastors and congregations supported the revolution. It is stressed that the relations with the Protestant denominations were settled specifically during the 50s of the twentieth century; the authorities managed to turn part of the clergy into their allies. Based on the analysis of the scientific literature, it is identified that relations were compromise in the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century, as the leadership of the Reformed and Lutheran churches helped the government to pursue the policy of the Popular Front in the struggle for socialism. Owing to it, no one was persecuted for their religious beliefs. In the 1980s, the state’s influence on historical churches gradually weakened, and processes leading to socio-political transformation in the late 1980s started, and as a result, churches in Hungary gained absolute freedom.
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Megyeri-Pálffi, Zoltán, and Katalin Marótzy. "Changes in Administrative Status and Urban Built Forms of the Town Centre of Berettyóújfalu After the Second World War." Építés - Építészettudomány 48, no. 3-4 (September 22, 2020): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/096.2020.006.

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After the Second World War, Hungary adopted the so-called Soviet model, which gave rise to significant changes in the state organisation. “Centralisation” and “democratic centralism” are the keywords which described the operation of government and local bodies in the four decades between 1945 and 1990.Through the change of the townscape of one settlement, this study throws light on how the change in administrative status and the centrally determined settlement policy affected urban development in Hungary, similarly to other former socialist states.Our highlighted example is Berettyóújfalu, whose administrative status changed from period to period in its 19–20th century history. Today, Berettyóújfalu’s townscape is basically determined by three architectural periods: the era of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy (1867–1918), the period between the two world wars (1918–1944) and the age of state socialism (1949–1989). Out of these periods, the third one was the most significant, as the most important interventions into the townscape occurred at that time.It seems that in Berettyóújfalu, the appearance of urban buildings has not been brought about by economic forces, but expressly by the change in the settlement’s administrative status. It was this change that influenced the town’s architectural character, which consists of two components: the official buildings and the residential building stock.In the era of socialism, the construction of housing estates also falls into the category of public developments, as after the Second World War, the system of state organisation changed fundamentally. Local governments ceased to exist, their role was taken over by hierarchical councils. Consequently, urban policy and urban construction became central duties according to the socialist state concept.The centrally developed industry and the resulting increase in the population was served by building housing blocks with system-building technology. These panel apartment blocks occupied the urban fabric that had been an integral part of the former townscape.In this way, this changed townscape could become a kind of architectural reader on Central and Eastern European history and urban development of the 19–20th centuries.Összefoglaló. A második világháború után Magyarország átvette az úgynevezett szovjet modellt, amely jelentős változásokhoz vezetett az államszervezetben. A „központosítás” és a „demokratikus centralizmus” azok a kulcsszavak, amelyek az állami szervek, s mellettük a helyi szervek működését jellemezték az 1945 és 1990 közötti négy évtizedben.Jelen tanulmány egy település városképének változásán keresztül arra világít rá, hogy Magyarországon – hasonlóan a többi volt szocialista államhoz – miként hatott a közigazgatási státus változása és a központilag meghatározott településpolitika a városépítészetre.A mai Berettyóújfalu településképét alapvetően három építési periódus határozza meg: az Osztrák– Magyar Monarchia kora (1867–1918), a két világháború közötti időszak (1918–1944) és az államszocializmus periódusa (1949–1989). Ezek közül a legmarkánsabb a harmadik, ugyanis ekkor történtek a legjelentősebb beavatkozások a településképben. E korszakokat és a mai városképet tekintve úgy tűnik, hogy a városias épületek megjelenése Berettyóújfaluban nem a gazdasági erő hozadéka volt, hanem kifejezetten a közigazgatási helyzetének megváltozásáé. Ez befolyásolta igazán a mai építészeti karaktert, amelynek két összetevője van: egyrészt a hivatali, másrészt a lakóépület-állomány.Az államszocializmusban a lakótelepek építése is a középítkezések körébe esik, miután a második világháború után alapvetően megváltozott az államszervezet rendszere. Az önkormányzatok megszűntek, helyüket a hierarchikusan működő tanácsok vették át. Ennek velejárója volt, hogy a településpolitika, a városépítés központi feladattá vált a szocialista államfelfogásnak megfelelően.A központilag meghatározott módon telepített ipart, a hozzá kapcsolódó lakosságnövekedést házgyári lakások felépítésével szolgálták ki. Ezek a paneles lakóházak épp azt a városszövetet foglalták el, amely egyébként a maga módján szervesen illeszkedett a korábbi városképbe.Ilyen módon ez a megváltozott településkép egyfajta építészeti olvasókönyvévé vált a 19–20. század közép-kelet-európai történelmének és városépítészetének.
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Zakharchenko, Petro. "Russia's sanctions policy in the context of the First World War." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 68 (March 24, 2022): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.68.1.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the sanctions policy of the Russian Empire towards the countries that were its opponents in the First World War. Such states included Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, which joined forces in the military bloc of the Central Powers to fight the Allies. The victories of the member states of the Entente bloc were forged not only on the fronts, but also achieved through the partial or complete abolition of trade, financial and economic relations with the countries of the Fourth Bloc. The aim of this paper is to study and comprehend the experience of imposing sanctions by the Russian Empire against states that participated in the war against it during the war of 1914-1918. , which is waging a long-running hybrid war with Ukraine. The article demonstrates an example of an adequate response of state institutions to encroachment on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. It has been proved that immediately after the start of hostilities, measures were taken against the subjects of the states fighting against Russia to limit their legal capacity and legal capacity. They could be deported both outside the country and outside its individual localities. These people were allowed to enter Russia only with the permission of the relevant authorities. Merchant ships of countries fighting against Russia, seized in Russian ports, were detained. Merchant ships built for foreign countries were confiscated and converted for military purposes. Investment policy has also been revised. This is confirmed by the approval by the Russian emperor in 1915 of the Regulations on the Liquidation of Trade Enterprises Belonging to Enemy Citizens, which referred to the liquidation of enterprises and joint-stock companies that co-owned with Russian nationals. It is noteworthy that only those enterprises that operated at the expense of German, Austrian, Hungarian or Turkish investments were subject to liquidation. Other normative legal acts abolished the right of ownership of land of the same group of foreign citizens. The result of the scientific article was the conclusion that by applying the emergency legislation, the Russian government did everything possible to prevent national security from financing the citizens of those countries that were at war with it.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hungary Economic policy 1945-"

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Amer, Lutfi. "De la phase destructrice de l'économie planifiée à la formation d'une économie périphérique en Europe de l'Est: essai sur le cas hongrois." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212948.

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Piahanau, Aliaksandr. "Policy of Hungary towards Czechoslovakia in 1918–1936." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOU20014.

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L’éclatement de l’Autriche-Hongrie en un ensemble des nouvelles nations en 1918 constitue un événement clé dans l’historiographie de l’Europe centrale. Cette thèse porte sur les relations bilatérales entre deux Etats « nouveau nés » – la Hongrie et la Tchécoslovaquie. Elle se concentre plus particulièrement sur la politique extérieure hongroise et sur les perceptions, motivations et décisions du gouvernement hongrois et de ses différents organes politiques vis-à-vis de la République tchécoslovaque. Cette thèse questionne l'historiographie dominante qui décrit les relations entre Budapest et Prague dans l’entre-deux-guerres à travers le prisme de leur conflit territorial sur la Slovaquie et la Ruthénie – deux provinces hongroises annexées par la Tchécoslovaquie en 1918–1919. Cette recherche confirme que les élites hongroises et les cercles gouvernementaux espéraient récupérer ces territoires, mais elle démontre aussi que Budapest s’est efforcé d'éviter un conflit ouvert avec Prague, considérant que la Tchécoslovaquie était plus peuplée, industrialisée, militarisée et avait plus d'alliances internationales que la Hongrie. A partir des sources primaires principalement en hongrois et en tchèque, mais aussi en slovaque, en français et en anglais, trouvées dans les archives de Budapest et de Prague et dans des ouvrages publiés, cette thèse soutient que le gouvernement hongrois envisageait sérieusement de développer la coopération politique, économique et internationale avec Prague dans les années médianes de l'entre-deux-guerres. Cette thèse est organisée en cinq parties. Quatre périodes se distinguent: l’après-guerre (1918-21, part. 2), les années 20 (1922-1930, part. 3), le début des années 30 (1931-36, part. 5). La première partie traite des sources et de l'historiographie, tandis que la partie 4 s’intéresse plus en détails aux liens de l'opposition démocratique hongroise avec Prague en 1919–1932
The replacement of Austria-Hungary by series of new nations in 1918 is a key event in the historical reflections in Central Europe. This thesis deals with the bilateral relations between two "new born" states - Hungary and Czechoslovakia.This thesis pays special attention the topic of the foreign policy of Hungary, by exploring the perceptions, motives, and the decisions that the government of Budapest and its different political bodies expressed in regard to the Czechoslovak Republic. This thesis aims to challenge the mainstream historiography which portrays the Budapest-Prague relations between the two World Wars through the prism of the territorial dispute over Slovakia and Ruthenia, two Hungarian provinces that were annexed by Czechoslovakia in 1918–1919. This research confirms that the Hungarian elites and the governmental circles were indeed unsatisfied with the loss of these two regions. However, the historiography has over-estimated the impact of territorial dispute on the practical and every day political attitudes and the decision making process in Budapest. This thesis claims that the Hungarian government tended to avoid open conflicts with Prague, considering that Czechoslovakia was more populous, industrialized, militarized and had more international alliances than Hungary. Analyzing primary sources mainly in Hungarian, and Czech, but also in Slovak, French and English, found both in the archives in Budapest and Prague and in published versions, this thesis argues that the government of Hungary seriously considered developing political, economic and international cooperation with Prague in the middle years of the Interwar. This thesis is organized into five parts. The opening part deals with the sources and the historiography. Part 2 examines the Hungarian policy on Czechoslovakia in 1918–1921. Part 3 tackles the Budapest-Prague relations between 1922 and 1930. Part 4 portrays the connections of the Hungarian democratic opposition with Prague in 1919–1932. Part 5 uncovers the changes of the foreign policy of Hungary towards Czechoslovakia in 1931–1936
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Maltby, Tony. "Women, pensions and social dependency in Britain and Hungary 1945-1990." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297224.

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Stewart, Heather Jackson. "UK sea fisheries policy-making since 1945." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31414.

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This is a study of approaches to fisheries management in the United Kingdom (UK) between 1945 and 1996. It examines the choices and incentives faced by UK Governments when designing policy instruments to deliver international commitments to sustainable fishing. The failure of international agreements to sustainably manage fisheries resources is often attributed to international institutions, the politicization of negotiations and their distributive outcomes. This thesis makes an original contribution by arguing that the success of international agreements was also dependent upon local negotiations that shaped the design of national delivery mechanisms. The central research question concerns the role and influence of local interests in delivering global economic and environmental agendas and how national governments accommodate local tensions within this process. A sustained content analysis of UK Government archives is used to argue that local political and sectional industry interests had a significant bearing on the development of UK fisheries policy and the design of domestic delivery mechanisms. The exception was UK policy on the international distribution of fisheries resources at the United Nations Law of the Sea Conferences (1958, 1960 and 1973-82). Economic considerations drove early environmental policy with sectional fishing industry interests of secondary importance to the potential economic benefits associated with the more valuable energy resources. In then seeking to implement controls on fishing activity, this thesis argues that UK fisheries management mechanisms were designed to compensate for tension between global commitments mandating a reduction in fishing effort and the local fleets and communities that had to bear the costs of industry contraction. This created a policy-making environment in which social and political motivations continually trumped the application of economic and scientific advice. This advice advocated a contraction in the size of the fleet which had become necessary as technical change and falling stocks resulted in overcapacity. The use of fisheries policy as a political tool to ease local tensions incentivised policy choices that directly contributed to the UK's failure to reduce fishing pressure and deliver international commitments. This thesis demonstrates the importance of local negotiations and interests in the construction of national and international approaches to environmental and natural resources problems.
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Chen, Lijian. "Urban housing policy and housing commercialization in socialist countries : China and Hungary." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28343.

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Housing was considered a public good rather than a marketable commodity at the early stage in the development of most socialist countries. Governments in those countries assumed full responsibility for urban housing finance, construction, allocation, management, maintenance and rehabilitation. A policy of low official rents and high subsidies was adopted as the method to ensure that all urban residents would have access to the state built housing stock. Success in solving the housing problem was to be a showpiece for the socialist countries. However, after approximately forty years of development of the socialist housing economy, many urban residents in countries such as China and Hungary still face severe housing problems. The governments in these two countries have initiated a variety of new efforts in recent years in an attempt to improve the living conditions of their urban residents. In spite of this, many urban housing problems persist and some are even becoming worse. In view of this situation, both governments have introduced new housing policies which recognize certain aspects of housing as a commodity within the socialist economy. A major aim of these new policies is to encourage individual financial participation in residential construction. This approach, commonly referred to as the policy of housing commercialization, is considered by government to be a feasible approach to resolving the tenacious urban housing problem and an effective means to significantly improve living conditions for all urban residents. By undertaking a comparative study of China's and Hungary's urban housing policies, housing delivery systems and housing problems, this research endeavours to describe and assess the rationale and other associated factors behind this housing policy transformation in both China and Hungary. In addition, this research examines the lessons of Hungary's housing policy reform and concludes with a set of policy recommendations for China's future urban housing efforts.
Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate
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Gaskin, Ian William. "Palestine 1939-1945 : a study of colonial economic policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335677.

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Taksz, Ildiko. "Economic policy implementation in East-Central Europe : industrial privatization in Hungary in the early 1990s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389764.

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Akbaba, Turgay. "FROM NEUTRALITY TO ACTIVE ALLIANCE: TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY, 1945-1952." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/282183.

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History
M.A.
Basing its foreign policy on the Wilsonian internationalism, the new Turkish Republic established good relations with countries around the world. It signed neutrality and friendship treaties, and pursued a neutral foreign policy. However, at the end of World War II, it abandoned its longtime neutral foreign policy and aimed to establish closer ties with the American-led West. This thesis examines how and why Turkey shifted its foreign policy from neutrality to active alliance. In the first half of the thesis, I closely deal with what role international developments played in that shift. First, I focus on how Josef Stalin's efforts to obtain bases and joint-control with Turkey over the Turkish Straits created a threat to Turkey's national security. Then, I explore how this threat forced Turkey to leave its neutral foreign policy and seek closer ties with the U.S. In the second half of the thesis, I examine how Turkey's search for economic aid and military commitment accelerated and intensified the shift from neutrality to active alliance. First, I focus on how Turkish officials aggressively sought economic assistance from the U.S. and how U.S. officials became resistant to the Turkish requests for additional aid beginning with the second half of 1947. Considering that Turkey was less vulnerable to the Soviet threat, U.S. officials judged that Turkey did not need aid as much as Western Europe did. In order to overcome the resistance, Turkish officials exaggerated the Soviet threat and used the problem of high defense spending. Then, I explore how Turkish officials sought a military commitment from the U.S. A U.S. military commitment could alleviate the problem of high defense spending and facilitate the flow of economic aid from the U.S. Therefore, Turkish officials carried on a diplomatic offensive to secure a military commitment from the U.S. In doing so, they distanced themselves from neutrality and became an institutional ally of the U.S. in 1952.
Temple University--Theses
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Maeoka, Masao. "Japanese local economic development and industrial restructuring." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/21699.

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Chan, Wing-yan, and 陳穎恩. "Internal discrepancies over the economic deconcentration policy duringthe period of allied occupation of Japan, 1945-1952." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37928028.

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Books on the topic "Hungary Economic policy 1945-"

1

Beatrix, Boreczky. Az Újjáépítési Minisztérium működésének válogatott dokumentumai, 1945-1946. Budapest: Közgazdasági és Jogi Könyvkiadó, 1987.

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Révész, G. Perestroika in Eastern Europe: Hungary's economic transformation, 1945-1988. Boulder: Westview Press, 1990.

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Comparative economic transformations: Mainland China, Hungary, the Soviet Union, and Taiwan. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1994.

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Rattan, Sharma Ram, Lévai I, and Indo-Hungarian Round Table Conference of Economists and Policy-makers (7th : 1995 : Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India), eds. Economic reforms, liberalization, and structural change: India and Hungary. New Delhi: Gyan Pub. House, 1997.

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Siklos, Pierre L. War finance, reconstruction, hyperinflation, and stabilization in Hungary, 1938-48. Houndmills: Macmillan, 1991.

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Siklos, Pierre L. War finance, reconstruction, hyperinflation, and stabilization in Hungary, 1938-48. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.

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Hungary. Economic and technical assistance: Agreement between the United States of America and Hungary, signed at Budapest December 22, 1995. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 2003.

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1948-, Davis Christopher, Charemza Wojciech, and Conference on Modelling of Disequilibrium and Shortage in Centrally Planned Economies (1987 : University of Birmingham), eds. Models of disequilibrium and shortage in centrally planned economies. London: Chapman and Hall, 1989.

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Organisation for economic co-operation and development. OECD economic surveys: Hungary. Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2010.

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Understanding economic policy. London: Routledge, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Hungary Economic policy 1945-"

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Germuska, Pál. "Economic Growth and the Industrial Development Policy in Hungary, 1950–1975." In Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 321–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_15.

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von Klimó, Árpád, and Kevin McAleer. "Foreign policy." In Hungary Since 1945, 58–80. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315397429-4.

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von Klimó, Árpád, and Kevin McAleer. "Ethnic homogenization and minority policy within Hungary and neighboring states." In Hungary Since 1945, 154–71. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315397429-8.

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Alford, B. W. E. "Government Policy and Economic Orthodoxy." In British Economic Performance, 1945–1975, 89–97. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08163-9_7.

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Rákosi, Judit, Gábor Ungvári, and András Kis. "The Water Load Fee of Hungary." In Use of Economic Instruments in Water Policy, 39–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-18287-2_4.

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Rosenberg, Samuel. "Macroeconomic Policy, Economic Instability and Economic Growth." In American Economic Development since 1945: Growth, Decline and Rejuvenation, 43–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-9026-6_3.

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Ferge, Zsuzsa. "Recent Trends in Social Policy in Hungary." In Economic Reforms and Welfare Systems in the USSR, Poland and Hungary, 132–55. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11690-4_7.

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Allen, William A. "1945–51: Labour’s Macro-Economic Policies." In Monetary Policy and Financial Repression in Britain, 1951–59, 3–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383822_2.

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Aunesluoma, Juhana. "Trade, Economic Cooperation and Foreign Policy, 1945–48." In Britain, Sweden and the Cold War, 23–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596252_2.

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Foreman-Peck, James. "European Industrial Policies in the Post-War Boom: ‘Planning the Economic Miracle’." In Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 13–47. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Hungary Economic policy 1945-"

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Szoro, Ilona. "THE ERA OF FREE-CULTURE: A DEMOCRATIC CULTURAL POLICY EXPERIMENT IN HUNGARY (1945�1949)." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b31/s10.062.

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Bálintová, Monika, Anikó Barcziová, and Renáta Machová. "Labor Market Policy in the Slovak Republic and Hungary during the COVID-19 Pandemic." In Hradec Economic Days 2022, edited by Jan Maci, Petra Maresova, Krzysztof Firlej, and Ivan Soukal. University of Hradec Kralove, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36689/uhk/hed/2022-01-002.

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Gál, István László. "ECONOMIC POLICY AND CRIMINAL POLICY IN THE PRACTICE: NEW TRENDS AND CHALLENGES IN THE FIGHT AGAINST MONEY LAUNDERING IN EUROPE AND HUNGARY." In EU LAW IN CONTEXT – ADJUSTMENT TO MEMBERSHIP AND CHALLENGES OF THE ENLARGEMENT. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/7114.

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Erdei, Renáta J., and Anita R. Fedor R. Fedor. "The Phenomenon and the Characteristics of Precariate in Hungary: Labormarket situation, Precariate, Subjective health." In CARPE Conference 2019: Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10284.

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Anita R. Fedor- Renáta J. Erdei Abstract The focus of our research is labor market integration and the related issues like learning motivation, value choices, health status, family formation and work attitudes. The research took place in the North Great Plain Region – Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg county, Nyíregyháza, Nyíregyháza region, Debrecen, Cigánd district (exception), we used the Debrecen and the national database of the Graduate Tracking System. Target groups: 18-70 year-old age group, women and women raising young children, 15-29 year-old young age group, high school students (graduate ones) fresh university graduates. The theorethical frameworks of the precariate research is characterized by a multi-disciplinar approach, as this topic has sociological, economic, psychological, pedagogical, legal and health aspects. Our aim is to show whether There is relevance between the phenomenon of precariate and labor market disadvantage and how individual insecurity factors affect a person’s presence in the labor market. How the uncertainties in the workplace appear in different regions and social groups by expanding the theoretical framework.According to Standing precariate is typical to low gualified people. But I would like to see if it also typical to highly qualifiled young graduates with favourable conditions.It is possible or worth looking for a way out of the precarious lifestyle (often caused by objective reasons) by combining and using management and education.Are there definite features in the subjective state of health of groups with classic precariate characteristics? Results The research results demonstrate that the precarious characteristics can be extended, they are multi-dimensional.The personal and regional risk factors of labor market exclusion can develop both in different regions and social groups. Precarized groups cannot be connected exclusively to disadvantaged social groups, my research has shown that precarious characteristics may also appear, and the process of precarization may also start among highly qualified people. Precariate is a kind of subjective and collective crisis. Its depth largely depends on the economic environment, the economic and social policy, and the strategy and cultural conditions of the region. The results show, that the subjective health of classical precar groups is worse than the others.
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Csápai, Ádám. "Analyzing the Interactions of Monetary and Fiscal Policy in a Small Open Economy Using a DSGE Model." In EDAMBA 2021 : 24th International Scientific Conference for Doctoral Students and Post-Doctoral Scholars. University of Economics in Bratislava, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/edamba.2021.9788022549301.63-72.

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The principal aim of this paper is to estimate a small open economy dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) model with monetary and fiscal policy and analyze the interaction of these policies in Hungary. In the paper we present the model in a log-linearized form. We combine both calibration and Bayesian estimation to obtain parameter values of the model. We find that the model is suitable for impulse response analysis, so we estimate the impulse response functions of the model. We examine how five endogenous variables – namely output, inflation, the nominal interest rate, government spending and government revenue – react to non-systematic shocks to the nominal interest rate, government spending and government revenue. The plotted impulse response functions allow us to study how monetary and fiscal policy interacts in a small open economy. In some cases we find that restrictive fiscal policy is accompanied by expansive monetary policy, while in other cases the policy responses to shocks are coordinated. We conclude that our results are in accordance with economic theory.
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Diril, Funda. "Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01014.

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The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.
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Pejović, Aleksandar-Andrija. "“WOULD MONEY MAKE A DIFFERENCE?”: HOW EFFECTIVE CAN THE RULE-OF-LAW-BASED PROTECTION OF FINANCIAL INTERESTS IN THE EU STRUCTURAL AND ENLARGEMENT POLICY BE?" In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18362.

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In recent years, the rule of law and, especially, its “proper” implementation has become one of the most debated topics in Europe in recent years. The “Big Bang Enlargement” marked the beginning of dilemmas whether the new EU Member States fulfil the necessary rule of law criteria and opened the way for divergent views on how to implement TEU Article 2 values in practice. Furthermore, constant problems and difficulty of the candidate countries to fulfil the necessary rule of law criteria added to the complexity of the problem. In turn, the European institutions have tried to introduce a series of mechanisms and procedures to improve the oversight and make the states follow the rules - starting from the famous Treaty on the European Union (TEU) Article 7, the Rule of Law Mechanism, annual reports on the rule of law and the most recent Conditionality Regulation. The Conditionality Regulation was finally adopted in December 2020 after much discussion and opposition from certain EU Member States. It calls for the suspension of payments, commitments and disbursement of instalments, and a reduction of funding in the cases of general deficiencies with the rule of law. On the other hand, similar provisions were laid out in the February 2020 enlargement negotiation methodology specifying that in the cases of no progress, imbalance of the overall negotiations or regression, the scope and intensity of pre-accession assistance can be adjusted downward thus descaling financial assistance to candidate countries. The similarities between the two mechanisms, one for the Member States, the other for candidate countries shows an increased sharing of experiences and approaches to dealing with possible deficiencies or breaches of the rule of law through economic sanctioning, in order to resolve challenges to the unity of the European union. The Covid-19 pandemic and the crisis it has provoked on many fronts has turned the attention of the Member States (i.e. the Council) away from the long running problematic issues. Consequently, the procedures against Poland and Hungary based on the Rule of Law Mechanism have slowed down or become fully stalled, while certain measures taken up by some European states have created concerns about the limitations of human rights and liberties. This paper, therefore, analyses the efforts the EU is making in protecting the rule of law in its Member States and the candidate countries. It also analyses the new focus of the EU in the financial area where it has started to develop novel mechanisms that would affect one of the most influential EU tools – the funding of member and candidate countries through its structural and enlargement policy. Finally, it attempts to determine and provide conclusions on the efficiency of new instruments with better regulated criteria and timing of activities will be and how much they would affect the EU and its current and future member states.
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