Academic literature on the topic 'Hungary – Anniversaries, etc. – Political aspects'

This article is based on a review and analysis of research on various aspects of Ukrainian-Hungarian contacts, especially included in the collective monograph of the Ivan Krypiakevych Academic Institute of Ukrainian Studies, who carries them out within one of the areas of its activity, namely – determining the identity of Ukrainians through their ties with other countries, cultures, national communities. The subject of analysis in the book Hungarian-Ukrainian Borderland: Ethno-Political, Linguistic and Religious Criteria of Self-Identification of the Population (2020) is formed with a number of current both historical and contemporary problems and issues in this field with a fairly wide range of topics – historical, political, linguistic, ethnographic, socio-cultural, religious, educational and etc., mostly in connection with Transcarpathia, where a large Hungarian minority lives. The project has involved specialists from all over Ukraine and partly from Hungary, of course, from the Institute itself, other institutions in Lviv, as well as Ivano-Frankivsk, Budapest, Kyiv, Uzhhorod, Berehove and others. The book consists of an introduction and four major parts: “Hungarian-Ukrainian Border: Formation, Features, Transformations”, “Hungarian-Ukrainian Borderland in Historical Retrospective Review”, “Self-Identification of the Population of the Hungarian-Ukrainian Frontier” and “Modern Political, Cultural and Educational Problems of the Borderland”. The studies, submitted in each of the chapters are valuable for the latest interpretation of the problems, filling the existing information gaps, use of the latest methods of analysis, outlining new tasks and directions in the mentioned topics, etc. For her part, the authoress adds other results on these issues, her own thoughts and suggestions, believing that the revival of Ukrainian-Hungarian studies in Ukraine and Hungary is a positive trend in scientific as well as political senses.

Abstract A series of 100th anniversaries of recent years (the First World War, the Revolution of 1917, the Russian Civil War, the introduction of the NEP) has stimulated historians and representatives of related sciences (sociologists, philosophers, political scientists, culturologists, economic historians, etc.) to summarize the study of this turning point for the national history of the period, which is increasingly often regarded as homogeneous (“the time of wars and revolutions”), as well as its immediate consequences, stretching back to the 1920s and 1930s. The works published within the framework of the anniversaries and the discussions that flared up around them more clearly exposed the least studied and controversial aspects of the problems and made it possible to identify urgent tasks for the future. Quite expectedly, the focus was on subjects such as rethinking the causes of the revolutionary events and the role of various social groups in them; comparison of the events of February and October 1917, the degree of discontinuity and continuity of processes and the existence of alternative ways of Russia’s development; characteristics of the armed forces and political movements opposed to the Bolsheviks; the relation of “red” and “white” terror; problems of social stratification in postrevolutionary Russia and the relationship between the concepts of former people, the socially alien, economically dangerous elements, NEPmen; etc. In addition, summarizing the results of studying the revolution and its consequences has contributed to the revival of conceptual discussions about totalitarianism, the social base of the Soviet regime of the 1920s−1930s, and the features of the formation of civil society in Russia, as well as about the conditions for the formation and specifics of the “welfare state” of the Soviet type. At the same time, one should admit that the problem of the social policy of the Bolsheviks, which directly relates to many of the above conceptual or debatable issues, remained practically outside the framework of scientific, historical, and political discussions. Meanwhile, for example, the outcome of the Civil War and the further fate of Russia were largely determined by the nature and priorities of the social policy of the warring parties, the degree of the attractiveness of their slogans for ordinary people in the rear and at the front, as well as the ability to bring these slogans to life. The problems of continuity with the pre-Soviet past of the country, the novelty and relevance for society of the Bolsheviks’ transformations in the social sphere, and their compliance with the global trends of the era also seem key to understanding many debatable issues of early Soviet history. In particular, it is impossible to answer the question about the presence or absence of elements of civil society and the so-called “welfare state” in Soviet Russia without an objective assessment of the social slogans declared by the state and the methods of their implementation, as well as the nature of the interaction between the authorities and society in solving certain topical tasks.

Radio as a tool of political propaganda had introduced a new dimension in ideological struggle between Czechoslovak Republic (CSR) and neighbouring countries. Since its establishment, CSR became a target of hostile propaganda spreading namely by Hungary. Technological progress during the second decade of 20th century enabled the radio to become increasingly popular influencing growing segment of population. Caustic relations between both countries had resulted from reluctance of Hungary to accept the Treaty of Trianon. Hungarian authorities determined to reverse inclusion of Slovakia to Czechoslovak Republic, focused foreign policy and state propaganda upon goal to achieve revision, which would result in establishment of status quo ante. This aim was supported by a significant number of Hungarians living in the Southern Slovakia. Therefore, political and cultural activities of ethnic Hungarians were judged by Czechoslovak authorities with suspicion and in cases when they were classified as irredentist, state security agencies suppressed them. On interstate level both countries waged ideological war, accusing each other of hostile acts. In this state of affairs radio gained an increasing importance. Constant improvement of quality and decreasing price made radio a valuable tool of political propaganda. Unlike other forms of propaganda (newspapers, leaflets, books, public speeches, etc.), radio broadcast was impossible to stop from penetrating state boundary. Significance of radio propaganda between Czechoslovakia and Hungary was increased by geographical closeness of both countries which facilitated spreading of radio signal. In addition, radio broadcast was not limited strictly to political issues. Popularity among population was reinforced by its ability to provide a broad scale of various programs such as music, sport, religion and others, which had been influencing ideological outlook listeners. Submitted paper analyzes various aspects of role of radio in Hungarian cross-border propaganda and endeavours of Czechoslovak security authorities to minimize its impact. The paper is mainly composed of documents deposited in Slovak and Czech archives complemented by Czechoslovak contemporary press.

Abstract In this article, we aim to study the term Estitude by focusing on books by Dumitru Tsepeneag (The Dustying Word), Katalin Molnár (Lamour Dieu) et Nancy Huston (The Lost North). Coming from three different countries (Romania, Hungary and Canada), these three writers are similar as far as their relation to their new creative language is concerned, in this case French. Making use of the new language first presupposes minimalising the importance of one’s native tongue (Romanian, Hungarian and English), but this minimalisation is inappropriate as it indicates one’s exile. At the same time, adoting the French language may prove to be an opportunity, which allows one to research the origins of writing itself : thus, the exiled writer can profit from lingustic calque, lingustic mistakes, literal translation of proverbs and other expressions of his / her native language, of transcript of orality, etc. Being unable to attach himself/herself to a geographical area, the exiled is condamned to live between two countries (the country of origin and the receiving country), between two languages (the native language and the adopted language) and to suffer from a certain complex of superiority. Having a certain social and political experience, s/he stands out among natives, but s/he always runs the risk of being perceived in the « flagrante delicto of strangeness ».

This paper deals with Jewish mobile multimedia cultural-heritage, root-diaspora tours and apps. The author presents and compares UNESCO Creative Cities Network of Central and Eastern Europe in which Jewish communities were numerous before the World War II – Budapest (Hungary), Kraków (Poland), Prague (Czech Republic), Kaunas (Lithuania). Also, article deals with other cities of Jewish cultural heritage that are not listed in UNESCO Creative Cities Network as Warsaw, Poland and Vilnius, Lithuania, but propose multimedia tours. I will analyse, how aspects of creative city are included and highlighted in multimedia tours and apps. Visiting of memory sites is very relevant aspect of memory culture, related to other creative and cultural industries – tourism, heritage, museums etc. Cityscape and sites of memory of the Holocaust as cultural topography materialize and embody traumas, regrets, and responsibility to remember past. Contemporary technologies as mobile multimedia tours and apps are designed to aid travellers and tourists to find heritage and other touristic objects in a map, it provides general practical information, as well as maps, photos, augmented reality, and Jewish itineraries. Herewith these new technologies are changing very deeply not only travelling habits or photography practices, they fundamentally transform our relation with cultural heritage and memory. Mobile phones became not only devices for communication, but also as digital prosthetic memory.

A feature of the coats of arms of the cities of Donbass is the presence of technical symbols (hammers, gears, adjustable and other wrenches, railway wheelset, pencil, anchors, copras, cowpers, etc.) and industrial landscapes that reflect the industrial specifics of the region. So it was at each of the stages of heraldic reforms and will remain a good tradition at the next stage. The coat of arms is an emblem, a distinctive sign on which objects are depicted symbolizing the owner of the coat of arms (a person, estate, clan, city, country, etc.). The creation of a coat of arms is subject to certain rules, the observance of which is mandatory. And if at the stage associated with the «Charter to Cities» approved by Catherine the Second, these rules were followed, then at the next stage in the 60-80s of the 20th century, the mass appearance of city emblems took place using a more conceptual and creative approach. You can meet the incorrect use of colors, the images are too small, which makes it difficult to read and understand the coat of arms. Such a wide appearance of coats of arms was prompted by the 100th anniversaries of the cities of Donbass, which fell at that time. The article presents three stories of the creation of the coats of arms of the cities of the Donetsk region of this particular stage. A new stage of «heraldic reform» is envisaged.

The article analyzes the state of the study in the contemporary historiographical discourse of the problem of self-organization of Ukrainian public life in the second half of the ХІХth – the beginning of the XXth century. It has been found that democratization of the political system and renewal of the methodological tools provided an opportunity for historians to view the social life of the given historical period on the basis of a synergistic methodology of self-organization of social systems. It has been discovered that the historiographical position on the dynamics of social self-organization of the Ukrainians ranging from cultural life to the institution of political parties is considered legitimate among scholars. It has been proved that in contemporary historiography the processes of the contemporary self-organization of the Ukrainian society are considered in three specific historical areas, namely socio-civic, national-political and spiritual-cultural, the relationship between which was sometimes both consistent and synchronous. The development of them demonstrated the emergence of new organizational forms of social self-organization and institutionalization of civil society and political system in Ukraine in the XIXth century. Studying both theoretical and methodological, as well as definite historical dimensions of the Ukrainian national movement, the researchers agree that the cultural and educational content of national revival under the influence of objective circumstances has evolved into political one. Much attention is given to the analysis of the historians’ vision of the content of socio-civic self-organization, which was represented by the development of public organizations and movements grounded on the ideas of civil society but lacked political requirements. Among them scientists single out such factors as hlopomanstvo, social movement, organization "Prosvita", the establishment of Shevchenko scientific society, the publication of socially significant newspapers and journals ("Gromada", "Kievskaia Starina", "Delo", "Zoria"), the establishment of a cooperative movement ("Dnister", "The farmer"). The dynamics of the social organization have determined the politicization of the national movement, which allows scientists to speak about national and political self-organization. Establishment of political parties, active participation of the Ukrainians in the activities of the imperial representative bodies of the government, the spread of social and democratic political ideology, the emergence of political leadership and others are considered its institutional representatives. Researchers emphasize that in the late ХІХth and early XXth centuries, national revival entered the political stage, which became a prerequisite for the beginning of the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921. It has been found out that the concept "self-organization" reveals the essence of the socio-political and socio-cultural processes of the time, since the Ukrainians established cultural and educational societies, public organizations and political parties contrary to the imperial and anti-Ukrainian policy of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. It was outlined that the spiritual and cultural aspects of self-organization were illustrated by the activities of Ukrainian cultural and educational societies, the development of Ukrainian periodicals, the commemoration of the anniversaries of Ukrainian writers and artists, the activities of Ukrainian theater, etc.

Defence date: 3 June 2016
Examining Board: Professor Pavel Kolár, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, European University Institute; Professor Peter Haslinger, Herder Institute; Professor Nancy M. Wingfield, Northern Illinois University.
This thesis examines national days in Hungary and Czechoslovakia from their establishment as independent nation-states in 1918 to the collapse of Communism in 1989. The focus is on the capital cities of Budapest and Prague, as the locations of the official commemorations. In these eighty years both countries underwent major political, social and cultural changes that were reflected in national day commemorations. In the interwar period these countries were free to establish their own commemorative calendars and construct their own national historical narratives. Whilst in Hungary this was a rather straightforward process, in Czechoslovakia establishing the calendar was fought along a number of different battle lines. During the Second World War Czechoslovakia was occupied by Nazi Germany and dismantled, whilst Hungary became Hitler's reluctant satellite. National day calendars, rather than simply being completely cancelled, continued in some form from the previous period, as this allowed the Nazis to maintain a semblance of normality. The most significant overhaul of the national day calendar came with the Communist takeovers. The Communist parties imposed a new socialist culture that included a new set of Sovietthemed national days. However, they could not completely break away from the national days of the independent interwar states. Eventually, especially from the late 1960s, the Communists in both countries found that it was expedient to restore some of the interwar national days, some of which still continue today, thus questioning how radical a break 1989 was. Studying national days over the longue durée enables historians to uncover how the dynamics of political power operated in Central and Eastern Europe over the 20th century. This thesis concludes that national days are an example of both the invention of tradition as well as the resilience of tradition, demonstrating how political regimes are always bound by the broader cultural context.