Journal articles on the topic 'Hungarians – Slovakia'
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1
Kanyicska Belán, Dóra, and Miroslav Popper. "Attitudes and relations between the Slovak majority and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia." Intersections 8, no. 3 (November 2, 2022): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v8i3.747.
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The article concerns relations between Slovaks and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia. The aim of this study is to determine current Slovak attitudes towards the Slovak Hungarians and to analyse differences in attitudes held by Slovaks in regular direct contact with the Hungarian minority and those with almost no contact. Another aim is to map current attitudes among the Hungarian minority towards the Slovak majority, and to find out how Slovak attitudes are perceived by the minority. The data collection methods were a survey (N = 107) and focus group interviews (N = 36). The results show that Slovaks in regular contact with Slovak Hungarians have significantly more positive general feelings, are less socially distant, and feel less anxious about the Hungarian minority than Slovaks with almost no contact. There were no statistically significant differences between the two groups in terms of trust and behavioural intention. Group interviews with Slovaks and Slovak Hungarians showed that the biggest obstacle in relations between Slovaks and the Hungarian minority is first language use and the language barrier.
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Gyurcsik, Iván, and James Satterwhite. "The Hungarians in Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408463.
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The situation of Hungarians in Slovakia since 1989 has developed in the context of the political and economic transitions of the region: from post-totalitarian states towards pluralist democracies, and from centrally-planned economies toward market systems. In addition, the end of Czechoslovakia as a united entity on December 31 1992, has directly affected the Hungarian nationality. These political, economic and social changes have had a direct impact on their situation in Slovakia.
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Deegan-Krause, Kevin. "Uniting the Enemy: Politics and the Convergence of Nationalisms in Slovakia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 4 (November 2004): 651–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404269596.
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Although aggregate popular support for particular nationalisms in Slovakia showed little change during the 1990s, relationships between nationalisms changed significantly. This article uses categories of nationalism derived from the relational typologies of Brubaker and Hechter to analyze surveys of postcommunist Slovak public opinion and demonstrate that popular nationalisms against Czechs, Hungarians, the West, and nonnationalist Slovaks bore little relationship to one another at the time of Slovakia’s independence but converged over time. With the encouragement of nationalist political elites, a large share of the Slovak population became convinced that Slovakia faced threats from all sides and that the country’s enemies were actually working together to undermine its sovereignty. The example of Slovakia thus provides an important case study for understanding how the complex and interactions between distinct nationalisms creates opportunities for the influence of political leadership.
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Bauko, János. "Minority language policy and bilingual name semiotic landscape in Slovakia." Hungarian Studies 34, no. 1 (March 20, 2021): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/044.2020.00006.
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AbstractThe present paper addresses the issue of the interrelatedness of Slovakia’s minority language policy and the bilingual name semiotic landscape; more specifically, the name semiotic landscape of settlements populated by Slovakia Hungarians and the way Slovakia’s laws regulating name use affect visual proper noun use in the country. The name semiotic landscape constitutes an integral part of the linguistic landscape, comprising proper nouns and extralinguistic signs referring to, or accompanying names in name plates, signage in public spaces, and on various other surfaces. The name semiotic landscape is a component, an aspect, and a consequence of language policy and name policy. The way minority proper nouns can be displayed in public spaces is regulated by laws approved by the state. Some areas (such as personal name plates, business cards, and names of private institutions) are unregulated, and the forms of proper nouns can be chosen freely. This paper seeks to answer the following questions: to what extent are minority language rights implemented in visual name use in settlements populated by Slovakia Hungarians, whether Hungarian name usage is spreading, and to what extent do signage and name plates contain proper nouns in a Hungarian form. In bilingual societies, proper nouns and other signs in the minority language increase the prestige of the minority language and have the function of marking ethnic identity. In this paper, the proper noun semiotic, place name semiotic, and institution name semiotic landscapes are investigated for various proper noun types in Slovakia Hungarian settlements.
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Misad, Katalin. "The Characteristics of Hungarian Women’s Names in Slovakia." Hungarian Cultural Studies 5 (January 1, 2012): 263–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2012.79.
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The use of personal names by minority Hungarians, both men and women, varies not only according to the circumstances of the country where they live but also from community to community and even from individual to individual. This study focuses on different forms of first (given) names and family names (surnames) characteristic of female ethnic Hungarians living in Slovakia, including the usage of the Slovak feminine suffix -ová with Hungarian surnames of women. The paper also discusses the topic of relevant legislation – laws and regulations – concerning the use of personal names of members of national minorities which, to a great extent and especially for women, can influence the choice of the form of their given name and surname
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Vančo, Ildikó. "The “we” vs. “they” distinction in Slovakia Hungarians' discourse." Hungarian Studies 34, no. 1 (March 20, 2021): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/044.2020.00007.
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AbstractLinguistic differentiation is a basic component of sociocultural differentiation: social processes create the social and linguistic meanings of variants, sometimes also contributing to language change through discourse processes. In addition to being continuously constructed, discourse is in a dialectic relationship with extra-discursive factors and can therefore be studied only when embedded in its social and linguistic contexts (cf. Fairclough 2010: 3–5, Laihonen 2009). In this article I investigate how the notion of “we” occurs in the metalinguistic discourse of Hungarian speakers in Slovakia (with reference to Slovakia Hungarians and their Hungarian language use) (cf. Kontra 2006) in contrast with the notion of “they” (with reference to Hungary Hungarians and their Hungarian language use) in lay speakers' utterances referring to language. The study reported on in this article uses directed interviews and employs discourse analysis to provide insight into the use of “we” vs. “they” and their meanings in the Slovakia Hungarian variety. It also seeks to show how certain expressions become indexical in conceptualizations of identity and how the distinction of “we” vs. “they” is created by language.
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Szabómihály, Gizella. "Languages and actors in the linguistic landscape in the Slovak-Hungarian ethnically mixed area in Slovakia." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 71, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jazcas-2021-0001.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to characterize the linguistic landscape of municipalities in Slovakia inhabited by Hungarian minority. Empirical data come from two sources: from BA and MA theses, which were defended in 2015 – 2020 at the Institute of Hungarian Linguistics and Literary Studies at the Faculty of Central European Studies, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra and from research project VEGA “Minority variety of the Hungarian language in Slovakia”. As part of the above field research, the linguistic landscape of 82 municipalities in which the Hungarian population makes up at least 20% of the population was mapped. The results fundamentally confirm the research findings of P. Laihonen, who studied linguistic landscape in two municipalities. In all municipalities, the most frequent language was Slovak, this applies to all types of analyzed signs with texts (inscriptions of state and municipal authorities, commercial and private signs). Slovak occurs on at least 80% of signs, the representation of Hungarian as the second most frequent language is between 25 – 55%. The most bilingual Slovak-Hungarian signs are in the southwest of Slovakia, where the largest Hungarian minority lives and where Hungarians form the local majority. On bilingual Slovak-Hungarian signs, the preferred language is Slovak, in terms of information content, it is a duplicate publication of information. Municipal authorities and the commercial sphere have the greatest influence on the formation of the linguistic landscape.
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Fiala-Butora, János. "Hungarians in Slovakia and the Evolution of Hungarian–Slovakian Bilateral Relations—Improvement or Stalemate?" European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, no. 1 (November 24, 2015): 158–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_007.
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This article analyses developments in Hungarian–Slovakian bilateral relations since the new Slovak government took office in 2012 and the countries’ governments developed friendly relations. Analysis shows it is too early to discuss a turning point in bilateral relations. Underlying problems can erupt into conflict. An overview of serious issues shows they are almost exclusively related to minority rights. Improvement cannot be expected without eliminating the sources of minorities’ dissatisfaction. Analysis of meetings, especially of the Slovakian–Hungarian Joint Commission for the Issues of Minorities, shows that despite the parties’ intentions to improve their relationship they were unable to solve issues requiring policy change. To some extent, the approach to preventing conflicts is part of the obstacle to harmonious Slovakian–Hungarian relations. Not all conflicts are the same: those that result in solving contentious issues are necessary to achieve long-term stability. The bilateral approach’s usefulness should be evaluated considering this differentiation.
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Szépe, György. "The Position of Hungarians in Romania and Slovakia in 1996*." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109190.
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The official language of the medieval Kingdom of Hungaria was Latin until the mid-nineteenth century (Szekfű, 1926); the throne was occupied from the second half of the sixteenth century by the Hapsburgs. The subsequent change to Hungarian was due to several factors, but was caused above all by the ideas of the French Revolution, and by the early anti-Austrian nationalistic endeavors of the Hungarian gentry, endeavors which also expressed the economic interests of the country. As soon as the official idiom of the kingdom became Hungarian, it triggered similar aspirations among the non-Magyar minority groups against the dominating and assimilating Hungarian majority. These aspirations were prominent among the causes of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy at the end of World War I. Within the former Kingdom of Hungary the Felvidék (Upper Land) roughly coincided with what was, after 1919, Slovakia. The eastern part of the kingdom, Ardeal/Erdély/Siebenbürgen/Transylvania, which had enjoyed a certain autonomy between the sixteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, became a part of Romania in the same year. Thus, both in Romania and in Slovakia (as also in Yugoslavia and to a lesser extent in Austria) a Hungarian minority was created by the 1919 borders. Revision of the peace treaties became the focal point of Hungarian politics in the inter-war period. During World War II Hungary attained a partial revision in respect to, first, the southern part of Slovakia, and also the entire Ruténföld/Rusinsko, which had from the 1920s been administered by the Czechoslovak State); second, northern Transylvania; and third, two further areas which had belonged to the then-dissolved Yugoslav kingdom. As a consequence of these revisions, a considerable number of non-Hungarians once again became minorities in the Hungarian State. After World War II, the 1919 borders were reinstated (with two exceptions: the major exception being that Ruténföld became part of Ukraine). The situation of the minorities was also reinstated, but differently in each instance. This was the age when some kind of democratic reconciliation was on the agenda in Romania (Balogh, 1985; Lázok and Vincze, 1995; “Mit kíván,” 1946/1988), after a period of thorough self-searching and a synthesizing of historical research and political experience (see Bibó, 1946).
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Bauko, Ján. "Proper names and minority language laws in Slovakia." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 71, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jazcas-2021-0008.
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Abstract The use of official proper names is regulated by laws that contribute to the social codification and standardization of propria registration. The paper deals with minority language laws concerning the use of proper names of national minorities in Slovakia. The author gives an overview of the laws, or more precisely paragraphs dealing with the use of official anthroponyms, toponyms and names of institutions. In Slovakia, the largest national minority is Hungarian, so the paper gives examples of using the proper names of Hungarians living in Slovakia, that is, from Slovak-Hungarian bilingual municipalities. In an ethnically mixed environment, the variability of the forms of propria increases, since in the official (and non-official) sphere, proper names can be used not only in the state language, but also in the minority language. In bilingual municipalities, bilingual toponyms and names of institutions appear in both languages. Members of national minorities have the option of entering a personal name in the Register Offices in their mother tongue. Minority proper names fulfil an ethno-identification function, they are a source of individual and collective identity.
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Puzyniak, Aleksandra. "Wpływ traktatu z Trianon na relacje węgiersko-słowackie." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.005.13333.
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The influence of the Treaty of Trianon on Hungarian-Slovak relations In modern Central Europe there is still no shortage of countries whose mutual relations largely determine historical experience, and more specifically a different interpretation and assessment of events from the past. An excellent example of this is Hungary’s relations with neighboring countries, which are marked by events from the second half of the nineteenth century, i.e. the period when the authorities of the then Kingdom of Hungary conducted intensive Magyarization of national minorities and the first half of the twentieth century, as a result of the provisions of the Trianon Treaty, Budapest lost more than half of its area, and 3,227 million Hungarians were outside the country. The Trianon Treaty, which is still a traumatic memory and an unhealed wound, has a great impact on mutual relations. This article presents the impact of the Trianon Treaty on Hungarian-Slovak relations. Currently, 460,000 Hungarians live in Slovakia, who found themselves in the Republic as a result of the provisions of the said treaty. Importantly, it is the second-largest Hungarian minority in the Carpathian Sea Basin. In addition, it is a compact community, inhabiting the southern area of the country along the Hungarian border, conducting active political and cultural activities, and remaining in strong relations with their motherland. The abovementioned factors and fears of the Slovaks against the revisionist policy of Budapest in the interwar period and in the early 1990s meant that the topic of Trianon permanently inscribed in mutual relations.
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Vass, Ágnes. "If Yes, Why Not? Minority Language Use and Accommodation of Minority Language Rights in Slovakia." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2015-0012.
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Abstract This article gives an overview of the actual situation of language rights in Slovakia, focusing mainly on the minority language usage. The status of minority languages in Slovakia is still a politicized question and a series of conflicts arose especially between Slovak political elites and the representatives of ethnic Hungarians because of the controversial legislation of minority language rights. Slovakia was subjected in the field of minority protection and heavily criticized during the adoption of the State Language Law. Strict regulations on the use of state language have negative effects on the use of minority languages as well. In spite of the fact that in 1999 the Law on Use of Minority Languages was adopted and Slovakia ratified all of the international agreements in this field, the problem of minority language usage was not solved. This legal vacuum motivated the Hungarian civil sphere to take alternative actions in order to ensure bilingualism and promote the use of minority languages in official communication. Summarizing the legal accommodation of minority language rights, this paper is devoted to examine a recently less-observed civil activism supporting the use of regional languages in Slovakia.
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Leff, Carol Skalnik, and Oana I. Armeanu. "Ethnic Politics of the Hungarian Minorities in Slovakia, Romania, and Serbia in 2015." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 14, no. 1 (September 12, 2017): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01401012.
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In the post-communist period, the driving forces behind minority rights protection have been international—the incentives surrounding membership in the European Union and relations with Hungary—and domestic—the minority’s capacity to gain representation, and therefore leverage, in the political system. In this analysis of the current state of minority affairs, we focus largely on the domestic context—the politics of Hungarian minority representation in Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia—and the ramifications of relations with Hungary. In this overview, we will contextualize the key strategic situation in all three cases: the demographic challenge of inexorably declining minority populations. Given the size of their electorates, neither the half-million Slovak Hungarians nor the 1.2 million Romanian Hungarians can afford the kind of partisan split that could push all minority parties below the five percent electoral threshold. In Serbia, the Hungarian minority of around a quarter million benefits from the waiving of the electoral threshold. Nonetheless, they are a distinct minority even in Vojvodina, the region of their greatest concentration. We will also review ongoing controversies that have surrounded minority issues since the collapse of communism: language, education, and the issue of territorial and cultural autonomy.
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Juhászová, Tereza. "The Troubled Pasts of Hungarian and German Minorities in Slovakia and Their Representation in Museums." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 12, no. 1 (July 30, 2018): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0002.
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Abstract In the 20th century, the two world wars reshaped the map of Central Europe as well as the status of Central Europe’s diverse societies. In my article, I focus on the Hungarian and German minorities in Slovakia and the representation of their problematic historical past in contemporary Slovak museums. More specifically, I zoom in on the exhibition Exchanged Homes displayed in Bratislava, which aims to commemorate the fate of Hungarians, Germans, and Slovaks, all of whom were affected by the population transfers after World War II. Based on the concept of memorial museums theorized by Paul Williams, I aim to show how the different exhibitions engage with the traumatic past of forceful resettlement. By offering multifaceted memories of a troubled past, these exhibitions avoid categorizing “victims” and “perpetrators” along national or ethnic lines. My paper thus analyzes the concepts and components of the exhibitions—the context of the postwar events, oral history interviews, and objects of everyday use that should bring the visitor closer to the experience of the people who were forced to leave. I argue that exhibitions of this sort have the ability to challenge the dominant historical narrative focusing on a national “Slovak” history and help the process of reconciliation between the Slovak majority society, and the Hungarian and German minorities.
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Misadová, Katarína. "Charakteristik Y Používania Vlastných Mien U Žien Maďarskej Národnosti Na Slovensku." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 68, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jazcas-2017-0017.
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Abstract Usage of personal names of Hungarians - both women and men - as members of a national minority varies not only according to the circumstances of the country which represents homeland to them, but also it varies from specific Hungarian speaking community to community and even from individual to individual. The study focuses on different forms of first (given) names and family names (surnames) characteristic of female Hungarians living in Slovakia, including the usage of the feminine suffix -ová in Hungarian surnames of women. The paper also discusses the topic of particular legislation, regulations and directives concerning the usage of personal names of members of national minorities which, to a large extent especially with women, can influence the choice of the form of their given name and surname.
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Nagy, Gábor Tolcsvai. "The application of functional cognitive linguistic pedagogy under the conditions of linguistic minorities." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 71, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 373–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jazcas-2021-0005.
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Abstract The paper gives an overview of the general and special factors of L2 learning of Hungarian minorities across the borders of Hungary, that is, in Slovakia. Indigenous minorities like Hungarians in Slovakia are strongly interested in fluent state language knowledge. Still, the state school system failed to work out and implement a suitable language pedagogy for linguistic minorities, since the state curriculum comprised only one type of Slovak lessons, the one for pupils speaking Slovak as their mother tongue. This curriculum does not consider the special needs for bilingual pupils (on different levels of bilingualism) and those growing up in pure minority environment. The paper introduces functional cognitive linguistics as a usage-based theory and descriptive activity that gives new methods for L2 learning and teaching, building on the vernacular linguistic and conceptual knowledge of the pupils, focusing on the meaning – form pairs of linguistic expressions both in the vernacular and the second (state) language. In the second part, certain grammatical units are discussed as the topic of functional language pedagogy: lexical units and their grammatical adjustment to the syntactic and semantic structure of the sentence, or metaphor in use. In the third part, the topics of the previous section are treated in a comparative Hungarian – Slovak style, as examples of L2 teaching methodology.
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Cornelius, Deborah S. "In Search of the Nation: Hungarian Minority Youth in the New Czechoslovak Republic." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 709–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408479.
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The question of the national minorities of East Central Europe has again become a major topic of debate, as it was at the Paris Peace Conference 75 years ago. In 1994 and 1995, as the Horn government has attempted to hammer out bilateral treaties with Slovakia and Romania, the Hungarian minority populations have been a subject of public debate. The debate takes place in two forums. The interstate debate revolves around the same problems discussed in Paris; the question of the legal protection of minority rights in states in which the nation was declared to belong to the majority, and the further question of whether rights should be protected on an individual or collective basis. The second forum is that of the larger Hungarian community and concerns the nature and cohesion of the fifteen million Hungarians throughout the world. The implicit question is who actually belongs to the Hungarian community and what should be the relationship between so-called “minority” Hungarians and the Hungarian state.
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Dragašek, Jozef, and Alexander Nawka. "Mental healthcare in the Slovak Republic: current situation and future challenges." International Psychiatry 7, no. 4 (October 2010): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600006019.
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The Slovak Republic is a landlocked country in central Europe with a population of over 5 million. The Czech Republic and Austria lie to the west, Poland to the north, Ukraine to the east and Hungary to the south. The largest city is the capital, Bratislava; the second largest city is Košnice. Slovakia is a member of the European Union, the United Nations, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the World Trade Organization, among other international organisations. The majority of the inhabitants of Slovakia are ethnically Slovak (85.8%). Hungarians are the largest ethnic minority (9.5%). With a gross domestic product (GDP) of €63.3 billion in 2009, Slovakia is classified as a middle-income country. In that year total health expenditure represented 6.7% of GDP (Pažitny, 2008), 34% of which went on pharmaceuticals, the highest share among all OECD countries (World Health Organization, 2010).
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Waters, Leslie M. "Simon, Attila. 2013. The Hungarians of Slovakia in 1938. New York: Columbia University Press, East European Monographs. 353 pp." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (October 11, 2016): 323–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.244.
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Bauko, Ján. "The use of personal names among Slovakia Hungarians." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2014.21.1.7.
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Kambara, Yuko. "A “Stranger” Researching Narratives in Southern Slovakia: Hungarian Minority Research by an Anthropologist Who Is Not “At Home”." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae Social Analysis 7, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aussoc-2017-0001.
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AbstractThis paper considers methodological questions regarding cultural/social anthropological research in multiethnic fields. Specifically, I attempt to reconsider the possibility of anthropological research by a “stranger” based on a research that I—a Japanese anthropologist—conducted in southern Slovakia. Anthropology originally developed as the study of other cultures; in some European countries, however, most anthropological research is conducted by anthropologists who are “at home”. For Slovak and Hungarian researchers, the Hungarian minority has been a common research target; therefore, many inhabitants, both ethnic Hungarians and Slovaks, have already experienced social research as subjects. Some interviewees get use to present a narrative expressing how they think about a certain topic. This research condition points to a fundamental question in the interviews of anthropological research. In this paper, therefore, my research experience is described to analyze reflexively my research position in the field.In fact, it is difficult to theoretically define the boundary between “at home” and “stranger”; the difference depends on the context of each study. Anthropologists need to interpret their narratives by considering the results of participant observation and reflexivity in the research. “Stranger” anthropologists might have the advantage of noticing informants’ reflexivity in their narratives. This discussion can, in turn, become part of an ongoing process by which inhabitants’ interactions with researchers create new master narratives in the field.
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Soroka, Andrzej, Anna Katarzyna Mazurek-Kusiak, and Joanna Trafialek. "Organic Food in the Diet of Residents of the Visegrad Group (V4) Countries—Reasons for and Barriers to Its Purchasing." Nutrients 13, no. 12 (December 2, 2021): 4351. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nu13124351.
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This study aimed to determine the differences in the frequency of, reasons for, and barriers to purchasing organic food among the inhabitants of the Visegrád Group member states. The selection of the countries for the study was dictated by the fact that the countries of Central and Eastern Europe play the role of a niche market in the European organic food market. This research employed the method of a diagnostic survey and the discriminant function. A chi-squared test, ANOVA, and Fisher’s Post Hoc LSD test were also used to present differences in individual groups. This research shows that respondents from Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia were guided by similar behaviors regarding the purchase of organic food. However, the attitudes of the respondents slightly differed between countries. In the case of the reasons for choosing organic food, the most important thing was that it is non-genetically modified food, especially for Polish consumers. The following were also mentioned: lack of chemical compounds (Slovaks and Czechs), high health value of such food (Czechs and Slovaks), and excellent taste (Hungarians). The most critical barriers against purchasing are the price (Poles and Hungarians), difficult access (Poles and Hungarians), and the short expiry time of such products (Slovaks).
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Olejník, Milan. "Issue of Czechoslovak radio in struggle against Hungarian and German propaganda." Acta historica Neosoliensia 25, no. 2 (December 16, 2022): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/ahn.2022.25.02.25-37.
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Radio as a tool of political propaganda had introduced a new dimension in ideological struggle between Czechoslovak Republic (CSR) and neighbouring countries. Since its establishment, CSR became a target of hostile propaganda spreading namely by Hungary. Technological progress during the second decade of 20th century enabled the radio to become increasingly popular influencing growing segment of population. Caustic relations between both countries had resulted from reluctance of Hungary to accept the Treaty of Trianon. Hungarian authorities determined to reverse inclusion of Slovakia to Czechoslovak Republic, focused foreign policy and state propaganda upon goal to achieve revision, which would result in establishment of status quo ante. This aim was supported by a significant number of Hungarians living in the Southern Slovakia. Therefore, political and cultural activities of ethnic Hungarians were judged by Czechoslovak authorities with suspicion and in cases when they were classified as irredentist, state security agencies suppressed them. On interstate level both countries waged ideological war, accusing each other of hostile acts. In this state of affairs radio gained an increasing importance. Constant improvement of quality and decreasing price made radio a valuable tool of political propaganda. Unlike other forms of propaganda (newspapers, leaflets, books, public speeches, etc.), radio broadcast was impossible to stop from penetrating state boundary. Significance of radio propaganda between Czechoslovakia and Hungary was increased by geographical closeness of both countries which facilitated spreading of radio signal. In addition, radio broadcast was not limited strictly to political issues. Popularity among population was reinforced by its ability to provide a broad scale of various programs such as music, sport, religion and others, which had been influencing ideological outlook listeners. Submitted paper analyzes various aspects of role of radio in Hungarian cross-border propaganda and endeavours of Czechoslovak security authorities to minimize its impact. The paper is mainly composed of documents deposited in Slovak and Czech archives complemented by Czechoslovak contemporary press.
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Tóth, Judit. "Connections of Kin-minorities to the Kin-state in the Extended Schengen Zone." European Journal of Migration and Law 5, no. 2 (2003): 201–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138836403769590738.
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Abstract'Reduction in the strength of Hungarian minorities must be stopped, travel by youth to the homeland must increase, opportunities for recognition of Hungarian language and culture have to be upgraded, and problems relating to visa requirements due to EU accession must be resolved' (8th Congress of Young Hungarians, Kosice - Slovakia). On the same page of the biggest daily newspaper in Hungary the ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs and a key person in the previous cabinet, Mr. Németh, rejects the criticism of the EU Commissioner for Enlargement, Mr.Verheugen, who urges amendments to the Act on benefits for ethnic Hungarian minorities living in the neighbouring states. The MP of the strongest opposition party cannot accept the Commissioner's intepretation of the Act and the Hungarian certificate, which establishes a specific political connection between Hungary and its kin-minorities. 'Why would we provide cultural and educational benefits exclusively for ethnic Hungarians across the borders? Mr.Verhaugen's statement is in conflict with the expert opinion of the Venice Commission'. These two quotes express briefly the ongoing debates on enlargement, including the application of the Schengen zone, and their impact on domestic, regional as well as wider political and legal attitudes. This article aims to describe certain aspects of the Schengen regime and its ramifications in respect of Diaspora policy.
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Vincze, Laszlo, and Jake Harwood. "TV Language, Cultivation, and Perceived Vitality of Hungarians in Slovakia." Communication Research Reports 29, no. 4 (October 2012): 266–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08824096.2012.704600.
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Basa, Enikő Molnár. "Multicultural Societies: Kálmán Mikszáth, Pál Závada and Péter Huncik." Hungarian Cultural Studies 5 (January 1, 2012): 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2012.74.
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Three Hungarian works, one from the 19th century and two contemporary novels, reflect changing attitudes to ethnicity and nationality questions within Hungary, including the area that became part of Czechoslovakia after World War I. Kálmán Mikszáth’s Tót Atyafiak shows a society in which the various nationalities of Upper Hungary live in harmony. Ethnic problems seem not to be present. Pál Závada’s Jadviga Párnája presents a more complex picture: while the protagonists seem free of nationalistic sentiments, they are conscious of their Slovak roots, their customs and language. A majority in the city and community which forms the backdrop to the story, they are a minority in the larger region of the Hungarian Plain. However, different customs and language are not perceived as setting themselves off from other Hungarians. Outside forces and prejudices do intrude since key sections of the story occur during World War I and its aftermath. The third novel, Péter Hunčik’s Határeset examines the fate of the population of Ipolyság, a town in what is now southern Slovakia. This is an area which still has a large Hungarian population; many families nevertheless have a background that includes Slovak and other nationalities. With the border changes of 1920, 1938 and 1945 lives are disrupted. Communism further complicates the tensions and absurdities fueled by outside forces. The works are testimonies to tolerance because the protagonists most affected are open to other ethnicities, other nationalities.
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ŠUTAJ, Štefan. "Transfer of Hungarians from Slovakia in Czechoslovak Politics before Paris Peace Conference 1946." Central European Papers 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.25142/cep.2015.005.
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Metykova, Monika. "Bridge Guard." East Central Europe 41, no. 2-3 (December 3, 2014): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04103005.
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This article concentrates on an artist-in-residence project that is linked to the Mária Valéria Bridge on the border between Slovakia and Hungary. The article traces the history of the bridge and of the ethnically mixed populations living on the opposite sides of the Danube River that the bridge connects in order to suggest the complexity of the cross-border relationships in this particular corner of Europe. In more recent decades relationships between Hungarians and Slovaks have been influenced by national populist politics exercised on both sides of the Danube after the fall of communism in the late 1980s. The consequence of such politics is a narrow understanding of “national” interests and “national” culture that prevents a more open, more cosmopolitan approach to the relationship among the ethnic groups living in the area. The long-awaited and often delayed rebuilding of the Mária Valéria Bridge is symbolic of the shortcomings of the “national container” approach. A more cosmopolitan outlook is opened up by a transnational artistic project that is—perhaps not surprisingly—largely ignored by cultural and political elites in Slovakia and in Hungary. Bridge Guard was launched in 2004 and continues to attract artists from around the world whose art works are intended to “build virtual bridges to protect the real bridge.”
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Nás, Beáta Kovács. "Two Possible Alternatives to Turf War." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 536–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408465.
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Mass movements based on reason and morality—the enforcement of freedom, equal human dignity, justice, sovereignty of the people and self-determination—are not mere expressions of pious desire, but are expressions of real, irresistible political necessity that must not be ignored.István BibóThe preceding studies in this volume have provided an overview of the history and current situation of Hungarians living as minorities in Slovakia, Ukraine, Romania, and the regions of the former Yugoslavia. The purpose of this conclusion is not to analyze past experience and current hardships but rather to illuminate the future prospects of Hungarian communities located outside Hungary's current state borders by looking at various autonomy proposals. Since the collapse of state socialist regimes in the late 1980s and early 1990s, persons belonging to Hungarian national communities in the region have expressed a political will to preserve their identity and to determine and govern their own affairs. It is, therefore, instructive to take a closer look at the various proposals for autonomy advocated by the representatives of these Hungarian communities because they offer a peaceful and democratic solution, not only to the current problems of the countries they inhabit, but also to the growing destabilization of the region due to ethnic strife.
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Vashchenko, Daria Yu. "Croats among Hungarians: the grape harvest festival." Central-European Studies 2019, no. 2 (11) (2020): 268–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2019.2.12.
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The study is based on interviews collected in the course of field ethnolinguistic research in 2019 from Croats living in Hungary in the vicinity of Szombathei. The article deals with the grape harvest festival called trgadba, or surety. Testimonies from local Croatians are analysed against the background of the corresponding Hungarian tradition, as well as in the context of socio-historical processes that took place in the region in the twentieth century. For the sake of comparison, data on the grape harvest holiday in neighbouring Slovakia is used. Special attention is paid to the perception of the holiday by the Croat population, and their qualification of it as their own / alien, and primordial / new. Some local Croatians believe the celebration of the grape harvest to be some conventional semi-official holiday that has no support in local tradition, linking it with the Hungarian nature of the holiday, as well as the fact that, under Socialism, the vineyards were nationalised and the tradition broken. Others qualify the holiday as a novelty of recent times. It is shown that for the region as a whole, the holiday is an innovation going back to the late nineteenth century and since then has been considered an urban fashion. Attempts to develop wine tourism in the region and integrate the Croatian villages of Burgenland into the so-called wine roads have not yet met any significant support among residents, and the grape harvest festival has a conditional and rather formal character for them which is not associated with their own ethnocultural identity.
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Paul, Ellen L. "Perception vs. Reality: Slovak Views of the Hungarian Minority in Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 4 (December 2003): 485–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000152951.
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After Slovakia and the Czech lands separated in 1993, concerns arose regarding Slovakia's ethnic Hungarian, or Magyar, minority. There were concerns about the Slovak government's attitude toward its considerable Magyar population as well as worries about the Hungarian government's stance regarding Magyars in Slovakia and the Slovak-Hungarian border. Frequently over the past decade, the topic of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia has been manipulated by politicians. In both Slovakia and Hungary, Slovak and Hungarian politicians alike have tried to expose “injustices” or “excesses” for political gain. Indeed, the maneuvering of national politicians might lead one to perceive that the reality of contemporary Slovak-Magyar relations was tenuous and acrimonious. But politics aside, what does the average Slovak think of the Magyar minority and Magyar-Slovak relations generally? To what extent do the political debates encompass their actual concerns and deeply held views?
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Cioanca, Lia-Maria. "Árpád Fortification Line, as a Horthist Heritage of the Eastern Carpathians and Capitalization of the Tourism Potential of Ilvelor Valley from Bistriţa-Năsăud County, Romania." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0117.
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AbstractThe fortified system Árpád, which bears the name of the former Hungarian dynasty set up during World War II, mainly by the Hungarian horthist, stretched for more than 600 kilometers, one third being on the territory of Romania, and the rest on the territory of Ukraine, Slovakia and Poland. In developing this article, I applied the case study as a research method, which allowed me to inventory and evaluate these Horthy fortifications, but also to collect certain data related to their impact on the life of the local community and tourists visiting the area. Throughout the investigations and the documents studied, I found that the Hungarians built in the Rodna Mountains, right in the heart of the mountains, dozens of casemates for defense and attack and, although they had to be destroyed by those who ordered their arrangement, the hasty withdrawal of the Horthyists left some of the bunkers almost intact. The case study shows that the bunkers here were smaller and slightly stiffer. The Hungarians were inspired by the French and Belgian fortifications occupied by the Germans, and the concept was rethought and adapted to the natural conditions in the Carpathians. Following the study, I found that the horthyst defensive system in Transylvania was planned to have 5 types of casemates, depending on their role: surveillance or firing nests or depending on what they housed: ammunition, soldiers or officers. The entire northern group of the Eastern Carpathians bear the traces of armed conflict. Such arrangements can be found in the territories of Rodna, Ilva Mică, Ilva Mare and Mureşenii Bârgăului, areas with a rich natural tourism potential, which, exploited to its true value, could attract many curious and eager tourists to know the history of the places.
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Halász, Ivan, Andor Mészáros, Gábor Schweitzer, and Károly Vȍrȍs. "THE RULE OF SÁNDOR PETŐFI IN THE MEMORY POLICY OF HUNGARIANS, SLOVAKS AND THE MEMBERS OF THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY GROUP IN SLOVAKIA IN THE LAST 150 YEARS." Historia@Teoria 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ht.2016.1.1.07.
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Krzywosz-Rynkiewicz, Beata. "Responsibility as a social capital phenomenon in the eyes of young people. International perspective." Socialinė teorija, empirija, politika ir praktika 7 (January 1, 2013): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/stepp.2013.0.1393.
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Department of Psychology of Development and EducationSocial Science FacultyUniversity of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, ul. Oczapowskiego 210-975 Olsztyn, Poland In this article, we analyse the phenomenon of responsibility and its understanding among young people from Visegrad countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary). Using the AGA research method, 400 students of the last stages of economic faculties in capital and local universities were examined. The results indicate a personal rather than a social dimension of responsibility. We also found some patterns to depend on the country. Young Poles’ responsibility is more related to the subjective dimension, Hungarians’ to social, Czechs’ to affective, and Slovaks’ to moral one.Key words: responsibility, young people, social capital.Jaunimo požiūris į atsakomybę kaip į socialinį kapitalą . Tarptautinė perspektyvaBeata Krzywosz-RynkiewiczSantraukaŠiame straipsnyje analizuojama, kaip jaunimas iš Vyšegrado šalių (Lenkijos, Čekijos, Slovakijos, Vengrijos) supranta atsakomybę. Naudojant AGA metodą buvo ištirta 400 skirtingų universitetų studentų, besimokančių paskutiniuose ekonomikos fakultetų kursuose. Tyrimo rezultatai atskleidė, kad atsakomybė labiau suvokiama asmeniniu, o ne socialiniu lygmeniu. Be to, egzistuoja skirtumai tarp šalių.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: atsakomybė, jaunimas, socialinis kapitalas.
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Marek, Miloš. "The Protection of the Northern Borders of the Kingdom of Hungary (Slovakia) with Poland in the Middle Ages." Res Gestae 11 (December 4, 2020): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.11.3.
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The frontier defense system of the Kingdom of Hungary, which consisted of guard settlements, gates and border fortifi cations-made of piles of stone and earth, rows of fallen trees, artificial hedges – as well as ditches (gyepű in Hungarian) was established in the 11th century. This socalled “gyepű line” was guarded by special troops called speculatores, consisting mainly of Hungarians, Siculs, Pechenegs and Cumans. It surrounded the territory of the state from all sides like a hoop. On the northern border of Hungary, in present-day Slovakia, a defensive system was built on road crossings leading to Moravia, Poland and Galicia. It used the mountain ridge of the Carpathians, which formed a natural barrier between the countries mentioned, and disappeared during the 13th century. But it is from this period that most written data is available, when some frontier guards were promoted and reached the ranks of nobility, while others left their guard posts and moved to another location. Most of them were bestowed by the king together with the settlement upon new aristocratic owners. It was also the case with frontier guard sites locatedtoward the Polish border. Many of the frontier settlements manned with border guards were deserted by their former inhabitants (Fintice, Slivník). The Tatar invasion of 1241 showed that this system was ineffective. Therefore, Hungarian crown began the construction of new stone castles, a few of which had already existed before and proved their worth. New stone fortresses had been erected throughout the country, but especially near the borderline. A whole chain of castles was established in the Little Carpathians, the valley of the Váh River, as well as the Orava Castle, Liptov, Spiš, Stará Ľubovňa Castle, etc., which better suited the new requirements of the Kingdom’s defense.
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Yılmaz, Orhan. "Possible genetic resemblance among white coated shepherd dogs such as Turkish Akbash Shepherd, Polish Tatra, Kuvasz, Chuvach, and Central Asian Shepherd Dog." Acta Scientiarum Polonorum Zootechnica 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2022): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21005/asp.2022.21.1.02.
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According to scientists, the dog was domesticated in Asia and spread to other parts of the world from this continent. Turks are also from Central Asia. It is believed that the homeland of the Turkish Akbash Shepherd Dog is Central Asia. The Turks may have taken these white-skinned shepherd dogs to other parts of Europe as well. It is also believed that the Hungarians came from the Hun Turks, one of the ancient Turkish tribes. When the ancestors of the Hungarians came to this region, they may have brought white-skinned dogs, which are now called Kuvasz Dogs. Hungary, Slovakia and Southern Poland are in the same basin and dogs called Kuvasz, Chuvach and Tatra are bred in the countries of this basin, respectively. Kuvasz, Chuvach and Tatra were brought by the Hun Turks and may be dogs of the same origin. This paper claims “All white-skinned shepherd dogs are descended from the Central Asian Shepherd Dog, which was taken by the Turks from Central Asia to other countries.” If this hypothesis can be proven as a result of genetic analysis, the results of this research will not only serve animal science, but also anthropology for humanity.
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Evans, Geoffrey, and Stephen Whitefield. "The Structuring of Political Cleavages in Post-Communist Societies: The Case of the Czech Republic and Slovakia." Political Studies 46, no. 1 (March 1998): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00133.
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Although sharing institutions for over seventy years, and transition pathways from communism, the two successor states of the former Czechoslovakia have faced distinct challenges in state-building and divergent economic fortunes. The aim of this paper is to investigate the extent to which these differing social economic problems have influenced the ideological bases of party politics and mass electoral behaviour in the two societies. Using data from national samples of the population of each country conducted in the spring of 1994, our analysis points to the existence of distinct issue cleavages dominating party competition in the two states: in the Czech Republic, partisanship relates mainly to issues of distribution and attitudes towards the West; in Slovakia, by contrast, these issues are only secondarily important in shaping voters' choice of party, while the main focus concerns the ethnic rights of Hungarians. The distinctive nature of the issue bases to politics in the two countries suggests one reason for the greater degree of political conflict evident in Slovak politics since the split and, more generally, provides evidence of the role of social conditions in shaping new political systems.
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Verdery, Katherine. "Nationalism and National Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania." Slavic Review 52, no. 2 (1993): 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499919.
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For western observers, a striking concomitant of the end of communist party rule was the sudden appearance of national movements and national sentiments. We were not alone in our surprise: even more taken aback were party leaders, somehow persuaded by their own propaganda that party rule had resolved the so–called "national question." That this was far from true was evident all across the region: from separatism in Slovenia, Croatia, Slovakia and the Baltic and other Soviet republics; to bloodshed between Romania's Hungarians and Romanians, and between Bulgaria's Turks and Bulgarians; to Gypsy-bashing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria; and widespread anti-Semitism–even in countries like Poland where there were virtually no Jews.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Radzik, Ryszard. "Białorusini na tle procesów narodotwórczych społeczeństw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 41 (February 13, 2022): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.019.
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Belarus Vis a Vis Nation-Building Processes in Central and East European CommunitiesThe text explores the nation-building factors that determined the intensity with which certain nations in Central and East Europe were formed in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century – with some reference to their contemporary situation, especially of today’s Belarus. In addition to Belarus, the analyses also briefly cover nation-building processes in Ukraine (Galicia and Dnieper Ukraine), Slovakia and the Czech Republic. Three categories of factors that are crucial for the processes under discussion have already been distinguished – namely civilization, culture and politics. All three types decisively benefited the Czechs, who succeeded in developing nation-building processes the soonest; the Czechs, among all the other nations in the region, thus first acquired a national awareness at the popular level. On the contrary, the above-mentioned factors did not work to the benefit of the Belarussians and Dnieper Ukrainians. The territories they inhabited were very weakly industrialized and urbanized, while their languages differed from Russian and Polish much less than was the case, on the one hand, of the Slovaks and Czechs, and on the other, of the Hungarians and Austrians (Germans). At the same time, Russian policies obviously hampered the formation of the Belarussian and Ukrainian nations. This article shows the strength with which objective conditions exerted an influence on nation-building processes in our part of the continent.
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Rosenberg, Mátyás. "Phonological and morphological features of Boyash language varieties in Eastern Slovakia." Acta Academiae Beregsasiensis, Philologica I, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 41–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.58423/2786-6726/2022-2-41-70.
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The heterogeneous group of Boyash (or Bayash, Rudari) are small communities speaking different highly endangered conservative subvarieties of the Romanian language and dispersed throughout Central and Southeastern Europe. This paper first summarises historical research issues related to the Boyash communities in Eastern Slovakia and points out that the existing information is limited and rudimentary. A separate section is devoted to the categorisations of Boyash people. While these are crucial, they are of little use for linguistic inquiry. This is followed by a brief account of the migration history of the Slovakian Boyash. The paper focuses on preliminary linguistic data obtained through my dialectological fieldwork over the last decade. The audio material recorded in Slovakia is about 20 hours, the interviews were made between 2013 and 2018 recorded in 10 localities (Dolný Les, Oborín, Podhoroď, Podčičva, Čata, Kamenín, Malé Trakany, Čierna nad Tisou, Štúrovo, Most pri Bratislave) with 21 speakers (age 52-77). I present the system of Slovakian, Rusyn and Hungarian loanwords and differences between the Eastern Slovak Boyash varieties and standard Romanian, examine phonological and morphological features in detail and compare them with other language varieties spoken in Slovakia and Hungary. In Slovakia, the Boyash language varieties can only be learnt in local communities through oral communication as there is no institutional education. Literacy has not developed, only in the last 10-15 years have some people started to write phonetically using the Slovak alphabet. The Boyash language varieties of Eastern Slovakia are closely related to those of Transcarpathia, with many Slavic (Slovak, Ruthenian, possibly Ukrainian) and Hungarian elements enriching their language varieties. I point out that the characteristics of their linguistic system make them a clearly distinct language variety among the Boyash language varieties, with many variations, but also with a high degree of Old Romanian conservativism. The paper offers a brief description of the linguistic reality of an ethnic group that is still largely unknown.
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Bozhuk, T. I., and Z. I. Buchko. "Cross-Border Ukrainian-Hungarian Cooperation in the Sphere of Tourism." Journal of Geology, Geography and Geoecology 27, no. 1 (July 10, 2018): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/111828.
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The work deals with specificities of Ukrainian/Hungarian cross-border cooperation. To begin with, legislative and regulatory frameworks that permitted functioning of Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Moldova within the Carpathian EuroRegion have been described, and key literature sources related to topicality and efficiency of cross-border tourism development were analyzed. Major focus was thus given to disclosure of trends in Ukrainian -Hungarian cross-border tourism, which presupposed the analysis of statistical data related to tourism flows. The figures of the last-decade Ukrainian and Hungarian outbound and inbound tourism are presented and discussed. As was established, tourism flows from Ukraine to Hungary underwent significant changes in the last 10 years showing a 62% growth from 2006 to 2016 (from 1 790 008 to 2 893 370 people). The greatest departure intensity was observed since 2013 with average annual gain by 200-300 thousand people. Instead, the Hungary-to-Ukraine direction is specific for instability throughout the whole period of observations. It was 1–1,2 million Hungarians who annually visited Ukraine in 2006–2008. In particular, organized tourism shared 8% out of the wholeflow in 2006. Beginning from 2007, this share declined to 1% and stayed unchanged through the next five years. Insignificant decrease in tourist arrivals to Ukraine was in 2009-2014. The last 3 years witness some growth of tourist flows at a rate of 200 thousand people annually on the average. Since all present-day trends observed in the market of cross-border tourism services are connected with realization of programs for cross-border cooperation, the effect of such programs (in particular, those to support implementation and development of recreation/tourism infrastructure in Zakarpattia Oblast in Ukraine and the Megye of Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg in Hungary) was assessed. It was established that both regions possess considerable natural, historic-cultural and architectural potentials that are well worth the efforts to develop tourism infrastructure and realize cross-border routes. Perspective directions of cross-bordertourism development were outlined to be as follows: sports/rehabilitative and adventure tourism; green rural tourism; ecotourism; treatment/health-improving tourism; enogastronomy; religious tourism; educational tourism with accentuation on monuments of history, archaeology, culture and ethnography; and event tourism.
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Šenkár, Patrik. "HUNGARIAN AND SLOVAK ISSUES IN THE TEXTS OF LAJOS HAAN IN THE BACKGROUND OF CULTURAL AND LITERARY SCIENCE." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 14, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 659–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2020-14-4-659-674.
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Slovaks living abroad form an integral part of the Slovak national cultural context. They create values that need to be preserved, enhanced and point out their versatility and use for contemporary forms of cultural identification. Slovaks in Hungary, who have been living in the vicinity of Békéscsaba for more than three hundred years, are also an important component of the Slovak minority of Hungarian Lowland. From this “Slovak Palestine”, as Ján Kollár named it, in the 18th and 19th century a historical-religious-cultural center of Slovaks (and also Hungarians) was created, which can still be rightfully proud of its heritage. Being a part of it, as a kind of pioneer, even as a historical basis, is also the personality of Lajos Haan (1818-1891), who performed his versatile activity in the chronotope of “Hungarian and Slovak” Békéscsaba. In this spirit, the article interprets his letters, his diary, “Pamätnosti” (Memoirs) and “Dejiny” (History), while presenting material and immaterial sources, monuments, inspirations that have been, are and will certainly be useful in artistic, cultural and literary “communication”. It is based on the attributes of cultural and literary science, which is thus an integrative model of literature research: a set of approaches that focus on cultural topics, theories and methods. The region of Békéscsaba ( pars pro toto: contemporary Hungary) is its focus. In selected texts of his material writings, Lajos Haan reflects his closer understanding of cooperation with the environment, from a broader point of view the intra- and interculturality of Hungarians and Slovaks: their coexistence, cooperation and diverse creative efforts. It points out the importance of Haanʼs personal contacts within the contemporary social environment, which is also specified in his personal letters. Memoirs are a testimony of an intellectual from the second half of the 19 century; to today's reader they will reveal the “strange, interesting, Hungarian” atmosphere of the time - in the background of social, political, historical, cultural and literary attributes. The description of the characteristic features of the city is a symbol of the peaceful coexistence of nations and nationalities in the Lowlands. In fact, the article presents the complex activity of an unusual personality: a Hungarian historian and a Slovak priest in one person, Lajos Haan, whose texts are interesting and current for today.
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Esaulov, Serhii. "Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.
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The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.
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Ivkov, Andjelija, Milka Bubalo-Zivkovic, and Tamara Kovacevic. "Ethno-demographic characteristics of Slovak nuptiality in Vojvodina." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 86, no. 1 (2006): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0601115i.
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Due to difficult economic and religious circumstances in 17th century numerous serf families from Slovakia abandoned their homes and moved to southern parts of the former Hungarian empire. A larger portion of the migration flow arrived to the south-eastern Pannonic plain and to Vojvodina. The largest colonies of the Slovaks were settled in Banat, smaller ones in Backa, while the Slovak colonies in Srem were the result of internal migrations from Backa. By the 1960s, there was an increase in the Slovak population, then followed by the decrease, the most intensive in the last decade of the 20th century. The fluctuation in population number had repercussions in basic features of nuptiality in settlements where the Slovaks were majority, resulting in decrease in the number of nuptials and nuptiality rate.
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Fóti, Klára, and Tibor Takács. "Key features of intra-EU labour mobility and its impact from a sending country perspective: Addressing the consequences in Hungary." Society and Economy 42, no. 2 (June 2020): 208–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2020.00012.
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AbstractThe main characteristics of intra-EU labour mobility are well documented. There is less focus, however, on the pattern of mobility of the East European (EU-13) EU-mobile citizens. This group constitutes more than half (57%) of all the EU movers and show, to some extent, other features than the rest of the EU mobile citizens (EU-15). The first part of this paper gives a brief overview of some key demographic and labour market characteristics of the East European mobile citizens in the most important destination countries. The perspectives of the sending countries are not analysed frequently enough, and thus the second part of the paper focuses on this issue in the case of Hungary, by asking to what extent the serious labour shortages, ensuing from the outflow of Hungarians, could be compensated by the recent increase of immigration of third country nationals. Using OECD data, the paper quantifies the balance of labour gains and losses for Hungary and compares this with Czechia, Poland, and Slovakia. The analysis concludes that despite the substantial recent inflow of third country nationals into Hungary, it remains to be seen whether this has a real substitution effect for the lost domestic labour force.
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Shirokova, Lyudmila. "Slovak-Hungarian border area as a multicultural community and an object of artistic reflection (novels by L. Ballek and L. Grendel)." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2018): 421–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2018.3-4.6.03.
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In the literature of Slovakia there is a traditional theme of coexistence and interaction of cultures of Slovak and Hungarian ethnic groups, first of all in the historically established border area.The article deals with the novels devoted to this topic, offering a view of the Slovak-Hungarian community from two different sides.
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Ward, James Mace. "Attila Simon. The Hungarians of Slovakia in 1938. Trans. Andrew Gane . East European Monographs, no. 801. Boulder: Social Science Monographs, 2012. Pp. xxii, 353, tables." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 438–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000587.
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Ihnatolja, Miroslav. "THE STORY OF ONE METAPHOR: «LITTLE WAR» IN SLOVAK AND HUNGARIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (44) (June 27, 2021): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232611.
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The article is devoted to the role of the Slovak-Hungarian «Little War» in Slovak and Hungarian historiography. The author draws attention to the beginning of research on the «Little War» in national historiographies. The difference in the approach to the events of that time on the part of Slovak and Hungarian historians has been considered. The characteristic features of research on this problem have been emphasized and described. An attempt has been made to answer whether it is possible to talk about interethnic historiographical discussions on this issue? The author tries to trace what chronological periods in the study of the topic can be identified. The work was based on a comparative analysis of the Slovak and Hungarian researchers` texts written in the last thirty years since the actualization of the "Little War" theme in the historiographical space of both countries. As a result of the study, some important conclusions have been which open new perspectives for further research. Firstly, the «Little War» issue is presented in the national historiographies of Slovakia and Hungary very unevenly and disproportionately. An evident intellectual tradition was built around the events of March 1939 in Slovakia with all the features of a national historiographical myth about a heroic complex defensive war against a stronger enemy, while Hungarian scholars practically ignored this issue. The author emphasizes that it is problematic to talk about any historiographical Slovak-Hungarian dialogue but rather about the active participation of Hungarian scholars in Slovak scientific discussions. In particular, the most important of them is the so-called Deak-Chefalvai discussion closely connected with the terminological definition of the «Little War» and the assessment of the political and military goals of the hostile parties. The emphasis is placed on the leading role of Slovak historical opinion in the study of the «Little War», which becomes a model for historiographies of other countries. The attention is drawn to the tendencies of recent years to focus on specific issues, mainly if the Hungarian attack on Slovakia in March 1939 was a carefully thought-out plan? How accurate are the modern chronological frameworks of the «Little War»? What impact do the events under study have on the present and the politics of national memory?