Academic literature on the topic 'Humanität (Motiv)'

Abstract. This article aims to analyse The Turkey Open-Door Policy for Syrian Refugees on two motives namely humanity and political. This policy has been done since the conflict in Syria escalated and that ‘forces’ Turkey to do the Open-Doors Policy. Many stated that the motive of this policy is driven by religion motive, which is Islam, and geographical factor between both countries. But in practice it seems not enough to explain a whole Turkey’s action on implementing the Open-Door Policy. Probably there are other motives that have driven Turkey to receive the Syrian Refugees but we can say that if Turkey has implemented the Open-Door Policy, it means Turkey is ready to take care of Syrian Refugees with its economic resource and land space. This article analyses three problem formulations: what is turkey’s humanity and political motive in Open-Door policy, how Turkey treat Syrian Refugees considering that Turkey is also at war with the Syrian Kurds? what the advantage and disadvantage faced by Turkey in doing the Open-Door policy? This article used qualitative & descriptive methods and it used secondary data obtained from several journals and books. The conclusion stated Turkey has a limit to received Syrian Refugees even the President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had admitted it. And there is a political motive besides humanity motive behind the policy. The condition of refugees not very well in the refugee shelter. If every side wants to end the flow of refugee, therefore every sides should help Syria end Its terrible conflict. Keywords: Syrian Refugees, Turkey, Open-Door Policy, humanity motive, political motive. Abstrak. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka Turki untuk pengungsi Suriah pada dua motif yaitu kemanusiaan dan politis. Kebijakan ini telah dilakukan sejak konflik di Suriah meningkat dan itu ‘memaksa’ Turki untuk melakukan kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka. Banyak yang menyatakan bahwa motif kebijakan ini didorong oleh motif agama, yakni Islam, and faktor geografi antara kedua negara. Namun secara praktis sepertinya itu tidak cukup untuk menjelaskan seluruh perilaku Turki pada implementasi kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka. Mungkin ada motif lain yang mendorong Turki untuk menerima pengungsi Suriah tetapi dapat kita katakan jika Turki Telah mengimplementasikan kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka, itu artinya Turki siap untuk menjaga pengungsi Suriah dengan sumber daya ekonomi dan wilayahnya. Artikel ini menganalisis tiga rumusan masalah: apa motif kemanusiaan dan politis pada kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka? bagaimana Turki memperlakukan pengungsi Suriah mempertimbangkan bahwa Turki juga dalam perang dengan Kurdi Suriah? apa keuntungan dan kerugian yang dihadapi Turki dalam melakukan kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka?. Artikel ini menggunakan metode kualitatif & deskriptif dan menggunakan data sekunder yang diperoleh dari berbagai jurnal dan buku. Kesimpulan menyatakan bahwa Turki memiliki batasan untuk menerima pengungsi Suriah bahkan Presiden Turki, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan telah mengakuinya. Dan terdapat sebuah motif politik dibalik motif kemanusiaan di belakang kebijakan. Kondisi para pengungsi tidak terlalu baik dalam penampungan. Jika seluruh pihak hendak mengakhiri arus dari pengungsi, maka seluruh pihak seyogianya membantu Suriah mengakhiri konflik-Nya yang parah.Kata Kunci: Pengungsi Suriah, Turki, Kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka, motif kemanusiaan, motif politik.

Posthumanismus hat sich als neues Theorie-Paradigma etabliert. Wie alle gesellschaftlichen Diskurse, ist auch dieser eine Summe aus Machtkämpfen, Subjektpositionen, Identitäten und deshalb voller Konflikte. In diesem Diskurs, der vor allem zeitgenössische und somit technokulturelle Motive beinhaltet, aber natürlich auch eine lange Vorgeschichte hat, gibt es keine Einigung darüber, was das Posthumane eigentlich ist, d. h. ob es sich bei ihm um das Beste oder das Schlechteste handelt, das dem Menschen, seiner Humanität, der Menschheit und der humanistischen Tradition widerfahren könnte; noch besteht Übereinstimmung darüber, ob Posthumanismus unvermeidlich, bereits Realität oder nur ein Trugbild ist; oder ob er politisch, kulturell, sozial progressiv oder im Gegenteil vielleicht sogar regressiv ist; ob er allein durch technologischen Wandel oder hauptsächlich konstruiert und somit ideologisch motiviert ist. Die Debatte zwischen Stefan Herbrechter und Karin Harrasser geht den Gründen für die Karriere posthumanistischer Motive und den damit zusammenhängenden Befürchtungen und Hoffnungen nach. </br></br>Posthumanism has established itself as a new paradigm of theory. Like all social discourses, it is a sum of power struggles, subject positions, identities – and thus full of conflict. In this discourse, which includes mainly contemporary and hence techno cultural motifs, but which of course also has a long history, there is no agreement about what the posthuman actually is, that is if it is the best or the worst that could happen to man, to his humanity, to mankind and the humanistic tradition in general. Neither is there agreement as to whether posthumanism is inevitable, already a reality or just a mirage; or whether it is politically, culturally, socially progressive or to the contrary perhaps even regressive; whether it is solely produced by technological change or mainly constructed and thus ideologically motivated. The debate between Stefan Herbrechter and Karin Harrasser explores the reasons for the career of posthumanistic motives as well as related fears and hopes.

Posthumanismus hat sich als neues Theorie-Paradigma etabliert. Wie alle gesellschaftlichen Diskurse, ist auch dieser eine Summe aus Machtkämpfen, Subjektpositionen, Identitäten und deshalb voller Konflikte. In diesem Diskurs, der vor allem zeitgenössische und somit technokulturelle Motive beinhaltet, aber natürlich auch eine lange Vorgeschichte hat, gibt es keine Einigung darüber, was das Posthumane eigentlich ist, d. h. ob es sich bei ihm um das Beste oder das Schlechteste handelt, das dem Menschen, seiner Humanität, der Menschheit und der humanistischen Tradition widerfahren könnte; noch besteht Übereinstimmung darüber, ob Posthumanismus unvermeidlich, bereits Realität oder nur ein Trugbild ist; oder ob er politisch, kulturell, sozial progressiv oder im Gegenteil vielleicht sogar regressiv ist; ob er allein durch technologischen Wandel oder hauptsächlich konstruiert und somit ideologisch motiviert ist. Die Debatte zwischen Stefan Herbrechter und Karin Harrasser geht den Gründen für die Karriere posthumanistischer Motive und den damit zusammenhängenden Befürchtungen und Hoffnungen nach. </br></br>Posthumanism has established itself as a new paradigm of theory. Like all social discourses, it is a sum of power struggles, subject positions, identities – and thus full of conflict. In this discourse, which includes mainly contemporary and hence techno cultural motifs, but which of course also has a long history, there is no agreement about what the posthuman actually is, that is if it is the best or the worst that could happen to man, to his humanity, to mankind and the humanistic tradition in general. Neither is there agreement as to whether posthumanism is inevitable, already a reality or just a mirage; or whether it is politically, culturally, socially progressive or to the contrary perhaps even regressive; whether it is solely produced by technological change or mainly constructed and thus ideologically motivated. The debate between Stefan Herbrechter and Karin Harrasser explores the reasons for the career of posthumanistic motives as well as related fears and hopes.

The double is a common feature in fantastic fiction, and it plays a prominent part in the Gothic revival of the late nineteenth century. It questions the notion of a coherent identity by proposing the idea of a fragmented self that is at the same time familiar and frighteningly other. On the other hand, the double is also a way of representing the tensions of life in large urban centers. Although it is more usually associated with the fantastic, the motif of the double has spread to other fictional genres, including science fiction, a genre also concerned with the investigation of identity and the nature of the human. The aim of this article is to discuss the representation of the double in contemporary science fiction, more particularly in its dystopian mode, where the issue of identity acquires a special relevance, since dystopias focus on the troubled relation between individual and society. Works such as Greg Egan’s short story “Learning to Be Me”; White Christmas, an episode from the television series Black Mirror; Kazuo Ishiguro’s novel Never Let Me Go; and the film Moon, directed by Duncan Jones, will be briefly examined in order to trace the ways the figure of the double has been rearticulated in dystopian science fiction as a means to address new concerns about personal identity and the position of the individual in society.------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------HUMANIDADE PRECÁRIA: O DUPLO NA FICÇÃO CIENTÍFICA DISTÓPICAO duplo é um elemento comum na literatura fantástica e desempenha um papel importante na retomada do gótico no final do século XIX. Ele questiona a noção de uma identidade coesa ao propor a ideia de um “eu” fragmentado que é ao mesmo tempo familiar e assustadoramente outro. Por outro lado, o duplo também é uma maneira de representar as tensões da vida nos grandes centros urbanos. Apesar de ser costumeiramente associado ao fantástico, o motivo do duplo se espalhou para outros gêneros, incluindo a ficção científica, gênero também preocupado com a investigação da identidade e da natureza do humano. O objetivo deste artigo é discutir a representação do duplo na ficção científica contemporânea, mais especificamente na sua modalidade distópica, onde a questão da identidade adquire uma relevância especial, uma vez que a distopia tem como foco a relação atribulada entre indivíduo e sociedade. Obras como o conto “Learning to Be Me”, de Greg Egan; White Chistmas, episódio da série de televisão Black Mirror; o romance Never Let Me Go, de Kazuo Ishiguro; e o filme Moon, dirigido por Duncan Jones, serão brevemente analisados a fim de rastrear as maneiras como a figuro do duplo é rearticulada na ficção científica distópica como um meio de trabalhar novas inquietações a respeito da identidade pessoal e da posição do indivíduo na sociedade.---Original em inglês.

Those who believe that explicitly Christian thinking is possible in the scientific disciplines tend to assume that it must be antithetical to the world’s thinking. Based on some of the author’s experience, this article examines a different approach, in which Christian thinking is used to account for and enrich the world’s thinking by transplanting it from its current ground-motive (usually that of nature-freedom) into the arguably more fertile soil of the creation-fall-redemption ground-motive. The article shows how Dooyeweerd’s version of Christian thinking has been employed in two areas of thinking in information systems (selected from five with which the author has been involved): (1) thinking about the nature of computers and information, with the artificial intelligence question of whether computer is like human being (2) soft systems methodology, by which perspectives on ‘human activity systems’ are orchestrated into new learning and plans. In both areas, the original ideas are accounted for, given philosophical underpinning, reinterpreted and enriched. These two show that Dooyeweerd’s philosophy can be equally useful in thinking grounded in both positivist and interpretivist cultures.

At times, Reformation scholars and art historians are confused about Luther's attitude toward the visual arts which depict saints as intermediaries between God and humanity. Rarely do they thematize the issue in relation to the deësis, i.e. Christ enthroned, with Mary and John the Baptist as intercessors. After a review of the wide-spread motif of the deësis, light is being shed on Luther's statements of the 1530s which reflect his rejection of the motif.

Vi lever i en kritisk tid där en mångfald av globala svårigheter och problem av ekologisk, social och ekonomisk karaktär genererar nya frågor om mänsklighetens framtid. I den svenska läroplanen för förskolan anges hållbar utveckling som en viktig del av förskolans värdegrund och uppdrag vilket följs upp med strävansmål. Därför finns ett behov av att tydliggöra och förankra utbildning för hållbar utveckling i förskolan. I denna artikel presenteras en studie där 153 svenska förskollärare beskriver vad de ser som de viktigaste motiven för att undervisa om hållbar utveckling i förskolans utbildning. Studien har en kvalitativ ansats och genomförs inom ramen för ett kritiskt teoretiskt perspektiv som granskar kulturella föreställningar och förståelser av den sociala verkligheten i en specifik institutionell sociohistorisk kontext. I förskollärarnas beskrivningar framträder en bredd av motiv gällande varför det är viktigt att undervisa om hållbar utveckling i förskolan: Att motverka ohållbara livsstilar, Att följa styrdokumenten, Att ta ansvar för en hållbar nutid och framtid samt Att rusta barn för framtiden. Studien visar också att undervisning för hållbarhet innefattar att utveckla kunskap, kreativitet, problemlösningsförmåga, kritiskt tänkande, handlingskompetens, nytänkande och förändring. Barns delaktighet för en hållbar nutid och framtid skrivs fram som avgörande för denna förändring. ENGLISH ABSTRACT Preschool teachers multiple motives for teaching about sustainability We live in a critical time where a variety of global difficulties and problems of an ecological, social, and economic nature generate new questions about the future of humanity. In the Swedish curriculum for the preschool, sustainable development is stated as an important part of the preschool’s core values and mission, which is followed up with goals. Therefore, there is a need to clarify and anchor education for sustainable development in preschool education. This article presents a study in which 153 Swedish preschool teachers describe their most important motives for teaching about sustainable development in their preschools. The study has a qualitative approach and is carried out within the framework of a critical theoretical perspective that examines cultural conceptions and understandings of social reality in a specific institutional socio-historical context. In the preschool teachers’ descriptions, a wide range of motives appears regarding why it is important to teach about sustainable development in preschool: To counteract unsustainable lifestyles, To follow the governing documents, To take responsibility for a sustainable present and future, and To equip children for the future. The study also shows that teaching for sustainability includes developing knowledge, creativity, problem-solving skills, critical thinking, action skills, innovative thinking, and change. Children’s participation for a sustainable present and future is presented as decisive for this change.

Abstract I argue that Gregory of Nyssa reshaped the Logos-Sarx theological motif through his use of a new theological exegesis of the Christ Hymn in Phil 2. In his argument against Apollinarius, Gregory draws on an earlier Pro-Nicene exegetical tradition, one that was originally formulated in the 350s against the anti-Nicene Homoians by theologians such as Hilary of Poitiers. This exegetical tradition centered on Phil 2:6-7, and it was intended to demonstrate the unity of the Son's divinity and humanity against Homoian attempts to use the distinction between divinity and humanity in the Son to subordinate the Son to the Father. In this reading, Gregory's problem with Apollinarius is that Apollinarius's theology violates something central to the Pro-Nicene tradition that Gregory had inherited, namely, the need to preserve the union of the full divinity and humanity in the Son. Without this, Gregory believes, key aspects of Pro-Nicene faith and practice, especially its account of divinization, fall apart. By using Phil 2 to construct a new theological motif, Gregory can articulate a Christology that has deep exegetical roots and overcomes the limitations of the Logos-Sarx model.

Abstract I argue that Gregory of Nyssa reshaped the Logos-Sarx theological motif through his use of a new theological exegesis of the Christ Hymn in Phil 2. In his argument against Apollinarius, Gregory draws on an earlier Pro-Nicene exegetical tradition, one that was originally formulated in the 350s against the anti-Nicene Homoians by theologians such as Hilary of Poitiers. This exegetical tradition centered on Phil 2:6-7, and it was intended to demonstrate the unity of the Son's divinity and humanity against Homoian attempts to use the distinction between divinity and humanity in the Son to subordinate the Son to the Father. In this reading, Gregory's problem with Apollinarius is that Apollinarius's theology violates something central to the Pro-Nicene tradition that Gregory had inherited, namely, the need to preserve the union of the full divinity and humanity in the Son. Without this, Gregory believes, key aspects of Pro-Nicene faith and practice, especially its account of divinization, fall apart. By using Phil 2 to construct a new theological motif, Gregory can articulate a Christology that has deep exegetical roots and overcomes the limitations of the Logos-Sarx model.

The monograph reveals the key socio-economic problems of the innovation economy: its content as a knowledge economy and its role in evolutionary development; human capital (living intelligence) as the main resource of the innovation economy. Much attention is paid to the institutional support of innovation through a system of institutions and mutually beneficial contracts. The mixed mechanism of implementation of innovative activity as a synthesis of spontaneous market self-regulation and conscious public administration is shown. The result of the "social control" of society and the state is the coordination of the actions of economic entities and the ordering of economic processes. The most important institution of human society is the family as a strong power in the state. And the person himself with his knowledge, culture, ethics and morality is the main value of society. The main purpose of the family is to reproduce life and provide a person with everything necessary. The state as an institution manages a person's education and health, helps to change his lifestyle, strengthening humanity, ethics, morality and culture of life. The modern global economy remains a sphere of domination of market egoism. It is the market that performs the function of morality as a person and society as a whole. In the global economy, a person is not a representative of the people, but a representative of the system, a standard way of life. And he should live in communication based on respect for each other. It is concluded that today the main wealth of society is not material, but social wealth: the person himself with his knowledge, culture, ethics and morality is a living intellect; a family with the reproduction of life; immaterial knowledge that covers all types of work that cannot be calculated and paid, where the motive is the joy of free cooperation, free giving and community. In this "invisible economy" people mutually teach each other humanity and create a culture of joint thinking and living together. The State and society must preserve and increase the social wealth of human society. For students and postgraduates of economic and managerial specialties, as well as for anyone interested in this problem.

The most interesting and controversial jurisprudence of the ICC on crimes against humanity revolves around the interpretation of the policy element. Most of the literature has focused on the controversy over whether the organization behind a policy must be state-like. This chapter focuses instead on broader problematic trends in the jurisprudence of the ICC, as typified particularly by early decisions in the Gbagbo and Mbarushimana cases. It argues that some early ICC decisions have, in an apparently inadvertent manner, elevated the policy element and infused it with exceedingly formalized requirements. It defends the view taken in later decisions (e.g. Katanga) that ‘policy’ is a lesser threshold than ‘systematic’, that proof of planning is relevant but not necessary, and that policy need not reflect a unified purpose or motive.

This chapter considers the reception, influence, and adaptation of Bunyan in the Victorian period, especially The Pilgrim’s Progress (1678; 1684) and Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sinners (1666). Though Bunyan’s allegory remained for many a doctrinal work, it developed varied significance and appeal within an increasingly secular culture. Attention is paid to responses in non-fictional prose and to such relevant contexts as the rise of working-class radicalism, but the focus rests on novels by Charles Dickens, George Eliot, William Hale White (‘Mark Rutherford’), and Thomas Hardy, which have a direct connection with Bunyan as well as using the motif of the pilgrimage or soul journey. Paradoxically, Bunyan played an important role in the imagination and techniques of writers who lost their faith or turned predominantly to humanist beliefs. For these, as for others, he endured as a major presence, a compelling point of attraction, and a source of creative stimulus.

This book defines genocide, distinguishing it from mass murder, war crimes, and other atrocities; allows readers to grasp the magnitude of the crime of genocide across time and throughout human civilization; and facilitates an understanding of new and potential cases of genocide as they occur. Recently, the topic of intervention against genocide has received attention in global politics and the national political discourse of major countries. The challenges in confronting genocide and attempting to make a positive change are manifold. Simply establishing an agreement on the legal definition of genocide—and distinguishing it from genocidal massacres, war crimes, and other crimes against humanity—is problematic. This book provides a valuable resource for students, scholars, and journalists when public awareness of, and interest in, genocide has reached unprecedented levels. Written in an accessible way for a broad readership, the book makes use of case studies to enable an understanding of emerging and potential genocide with the necessary depth of coverage to evaluate critically the ways in which the United Nations and national governments engage them. Readers will understand the essential ingredients of genocide, from antiquity to the present, and grasp the extent of the crime across human history. A variety of case studies provides a means to measure genocidal magnitudes in terms of their intent and motive, geographical extent, pace, method, participants, outcomes, legacies, punishments, and reparations. A unique and crucial feature of the book is that it gives as much attention to the differences among genocides—for example, between a large-scale genocide like the Holocaust and the extermination of a 500-person Amazonian tribe—while still treating both within a single conceptual framework of genocide, without "discounting" the smaller case.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter assesses four ways cruelties have been formed and fomented in policies. It moves from cruelty as a deliberate motive to situations where it looks as though the architects of policies enabled cruelties to take place but did not direct them. Then come the denials and deception: who could possibly think that countries such as the United States, Russia, Israel, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Iran, or Myanmar would indulge in human rights abuses such as collective punishments, ethnic cleansing, floggings, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, targeted killings, and executions? Finally, there is collusion. Alliances are made with countries which commit cruelties but their allies behave as though this is nothing to do with them. When the United States ignores Israeli cruelty to Palestinian children, that is collusion. The European Union and the United Nations may also collude by silence which encourages perpetrators.

This chapter describes the emergence of an African-American religious naturalism that has affinities with theoretical developments offering new materialist views of the human. It proposes a humanistic discourse that resists both problematic forms of anthropocentricism implicit in modern humanism and questionable racial differentials reinforced by Enlightenment ideals. The chapter introduces scientific theories advanced by the tenets of religious naturalism that help to envision humanity as a specific life form, or as nature made aware of itself. With the concept of sacred humanity, it explores humans as sacred centers of value and distinct movements of nature itself where deep relationality and interconnectedness become key metaphors for understanding what constitutes our processes of becoming human. This naturalistic view of humanity is set within the context of African-American culture and history to underscore the conceptual richness of the liberationist motif within black religiosity and to celebrate its enduring legacy.

The “laws of King Cotton,” wrote Richard Wright in the midst of the Popular Front–era, “rule our lives” (38). True to a materialist motif, 12 Million Black Voices told the story (in picture and in prose) of the lives of a black working folk. “Black lives matter” was essentially the argument Wright made more than a half a century before the phrase was popularized by a hashtag. But the pervasive focus on materialism set poor black experiences apart from mainstream American feeling even though Wright attempted to render visible the depths of black humanity....

Abstract Every Christology of Incarnational tack celebrates a kenotic motif. Only the most docetic of Christological models depreciate the deigning grace of God the Son, who though rich became poor for our sakes. Such impugn the gospel witness: that the wisdom of God is uniquely cruciform, and therefore humble and meek-a refinement in the doctrine of God that many Greeks found unpalatably foolish. At the heart of its confession, the catholic church has long affirmed the humbling, self-accommodating, lisping humanity of God. In this broad thematic sense a ‘kenotic Christology’ is rather a tautology, much like a ‘theology of hope’.

Abstract In 1931, two years after Agnes Smedley’s Daughter of Earth came out, Pearl Buck’s novel, The Good Earth, was published and became a best-seller. That two female American writers published novels using the Earth as central motifs within a two-year period was not simply coincidental. The motif reflected the social awareness shared by many writers of the Depression period concerned with the relationship between individuals and the capitalist society. For many women writers, the earth was an effective metaphor to interrogate not only the capitalist economy but also the issues of gender and sexuality. Both Daughter of Earth and The Good Earth strikingly captured the relationship between humanity and the earth.

This chapter examines whether the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) intervention in Libya was predicated on an “ulterior motive exemption” that actually put civilians at greater risk and violated international law. On February 25, 2011, the United Nations Security Council held its first formal meeting on the situation in Libya. The following day, the Council adopted Resolution 1970, which referred to “widespread and systematic attacks…against the civilian population” that may constitute crimes against humanity. Resolution 1973 was adopted to authorize member states “through regional organizations or arrangements…to take all necessary measures…to protect civilians and civilian populated areas under threat of attack in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.” This chapter considers NATO's violations of international humanitarian law and its complicity in crimes committed by the rebels in Libya during the civil war, including their summary execution of Muammar Qaddafi.