Books: 'Humanitarian actors'

1

Cruz, Bárbara. Raul Julia: Actor and humanitarian. Springfield, NJ: Enslow, 1998.

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Cruz, Bárbara. Raul Julia: Actor and humanitarian. Springfield, NJ: Enslow, 1998.

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3

Heffes, Ezequiel, Marcos D. Kotlik, and Manuel J. Ventura, eds. International Humanitarian Law and Non-State Actors. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-339-9.

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4

Glaser, Max P. Humanitarian engagement with non-state armed actors: The parameters of negotiated access. London: Overseas Development Institute, 2005.

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5

International humanitarian assistance: Disaster relief actions in international law and organization. Dordrecht: M. Nijhoff, 1985.

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6

Benatia, Farouk. Les actions humanitaires pendant la lutte de liberation: [1954-1962]. Alger: Dahlab, 1997.

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7

Kévonian, Dzovinar. Réfugiés et diplomatie humanitaire: Les acteurs européens et la scène proche-orientale pendant l'entre-deux-guerres. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2004.

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8

¿Cuál ha sido la aplicación que los diferentes actores del conflicto armado colombiano le han dado al principio de limitación, en cuanto a los medios de guerra, durante el período comprendido entre los años 2002 y 2006. Bogotá: Universidad La Gran Colombia, 2008.

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9

Affairs, United States Congress House Committee on Foreign. Directing the Secretary of State to transmit to the House of Representatives copies of any document, record, memo, correspondence, or other communication of the Department of State, or any portion of such communication, that refers or relates to any consultation with Congress regarding Operation Odyssey Dawn or military actions in or against Libya: Markup before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, first session, on H. Res. 209, May 11, 2011. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2011.

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10

Sutton, Rebecca. The Humanitarian Civilian. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198863816.001.0001.

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In international humanitarian law (IHL), the principle of distinction delineates the difference between the civilian and the combatant, and it safeguards the former from being intentionally targeted in armed conflicts. This monograph explores the way in which the idea of distinction circulates within, and beyond, IHL. Taking a bottom-up approach, the multi-sited study follows distinction across three realms: the Kinetic realm, where distinction is in motion in South Sudan; the Pedagogical realm, where distinction is taught in civil–military training spaces in Europe; and the Intellectual realm, where distinction is formulated and adjudicated in Geneva and the Hague. Directing attention to international humanitarian actors, the book shows that these actors seize upon signifiers of ‘civilianness’ in everyday practice. To safeguard their civilian status, and to deflect any qualities of ‘combatantness’ that might affix to them, humanitarian actors strive to distinguish themselves from other international actors in their midst. The latter include peacekeepers working for the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), and soldiers who deploy with NATO missions. Crucially, some of the distinctions enacted cut along civilian–civilian lines, suggesting that humanitarian actors are longing for something more than civilian status–the ‘civilian plus’. This special status presents a paradox: the appeal to the ‘civilian plus’ undermines general civilian protection, yet as the civilian ideal becomes increasingly beleaguered, a special civilian status appears ever more desirable. However disruptive these practices may be to the principle of distinction in IHL, it is emphasized that even at the most normative level there is no bright-line distinction to be found.

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11

Dijkzeul, Dennis, and Zeynep Sezgin. New Humanitarians in International Practice: Emerging Actors and Contested Principles. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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12

The New Humanitarians in International Practice: Emerging actors and contested principles. Routledge, 2016.

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13

Jones, Caroline. Meghan: The Life and Style of a Modern Royal - Feminist, Influencer, Humanitarian, Duchess. Carlton Books, Limited, 2019.

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14

Agents of Altruism: The Expansion of Humanitarian Ngos in Rwanda and Afghanistan (Non-State Actors in International Law, Politics and Governance). Ashgate Publishing, 2002.

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15

Interagency Coordination During Disaster Strategic Choices For The Un Ngos And Other Humanitarian Actors In The Field. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2010.

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16

Eric, Heinze, and Steele Brent J, eds. Ethics, authority, and war: Non-state actors and the just war tradition. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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17

Mastorodimos, Konstantinos. Armed Non-State Actors in International Humanitarian and Human Rights Law: Foundation and Framework of Obligations, and Rules on Accountability. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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18

Mastorodimos, Konstantinos. Armed Non-State Actors in International Humanitarian and Human Rights Law: Foundation and Framework of Obligations and Rules on Accountability. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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19

Bseiso, Jehan, Michiel Hofman, and Jonathan Whittall, eds. Everybody's War. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197514641.001.0001.

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This book explores the history of health care in postcolonial state-making and the fragmentation of the health system in Syria during the conflict. It analyzes the role of international humanitarian law (IHL) in enabling attacks on health facilities and distinguishes the differences between humanitarian solutions and refugee populations’ expectations. It also describes the way in which humanitarian actors have fed the war economy. The book highlights the lived experience of siege in all its layers. It examines how humanitarian actors have become part of the information wars that have raged throughout the past ten years and how they have chosen to position themselves in the face of grave violations of IHL.

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20

Heyse, Liesbet. Choosing the Lesser Evil: Understanding Decision Making in Humanitarian Aid Ngos (Non-State Actors in International Law, Politics and Governance Series) ... Law, Politics and Governance Series). Ashgate Publishing, 2007.

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21

Ivor, Roberts. Book VI Alternative (Including Track 2) Diplomacy, 28 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Violent Non-State Actors (VNSAs). Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198739104.003.0028.

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This chapter examines both non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and violent non-state actors (VNSAs). NGOs come in many shapes and sizes. Many have a charitable base and some will have humanitarian or human rights objectives; others focus on sustainable development and aid. Often their concern will be a single issue. Their objectives are focused and invariably single-minded, less able or willing to take into account other aspects. As a result, their relationship with governments, although sometimes harmonious, may be one of tension and occasionally confrontation. VNSAs, meanwhile, represent other categories of non-state actors whose activities are at the opposite pole to those whose benign activity has been described above and where states have lost their monopoly. Their categories number warlords, militias, insurgencies, and criminal organizations, including pirates and people traffickers.

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22

Mills, Kurt. Winning Humanitarian Interventions? Problematizing Victory and jus post bellum in International Action to Stop Mass Atrocities. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198801825.003.0010.

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Much contemporary conflict bears little resemblance to traditional understandings of war. This is particularly the case for action intended to protect civilians in the midst of war and mass atrocities, as conceived of in the norm of the responsibility to protect. Humanitarian intervention is frequently invoked as an instance of just war. Yet, particularly within contemporary legal and political frameworks, this is a mischaracterization. It is not war in the traditional sense, although there may be war-like elements. It is more akin to police action, where certain international actors are upholding international law and norms. Some elements of peacekeeping also fall under this heading. This has significant implications for how—and whether—we can conceive of victory in such situations. Further, there are significant questions about what follow-through is required after a humanitarian intervention—and who has a responsibility to rebuild torn societies.

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23

Garcia, Maria Cristina. The Refugee Challenge in Post-Cold War America. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190655303.001.0001.

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This book examines refugee and asylum policy in the United States since the end of the Cold War. For over forty years, from the end of World War II to the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Cold War had provided the ideological lens through which the United States had defined who a refugee was. Cold War concerns about national security and the political, economic, and military threat of communism had shaped the contours of refugee and asylum policy. In the post-Cold War era, the war on terrorism has become the new ideological lens through which the US government interprets who is worthy of admission as a refugee but the emphasis on national security is not the sole determinant of policy. A wide range of geopolitical and domestic interests, and an equally wide range of actors, influence how the United States responds to humanitarian crises abroad, and who the nation prioritizes for admission as refugees and asylees. This book examines these actors and interests, and the challenges of reconciling international humanitarian obligations with domestic concerns for national security. The case studies in each chapter examine the challenges of the post-Cold War era, and the actions taken by governmental and non-governmental actors in response to these challenges.

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24

Ivor, Roberts. Book VI Alternative (Including Track 2) Diplomacy, 29 Secret or Back-Channel Diplomacy, Secret Intelligence, Religious and other Unconventional Diplomatic Actors. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198739104.003.0029.

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This chapter covers unconventional diplomatic actors. Secret or back-channel diplomacy can be described as a line of diplomatic communication which bypasses the normal diplomatic channels, in order to maximize secrecy and avoid opposition to a new line of policy. Secret intelligence, in contrast, is distinguished by intelligence gathering, and is conducted by intelligence officers rather than diplomats or ministers. Religious diplomacy presents another category of unconventional diplomacy, as religious bodies remain active in international relations due largely to their spiritual and humanitarian concerns. Security consultancies also offer a different kind of diplomacy, by providing their business-orientated political analysis to companies and on occasion governments and mediating in areas where governments fear to tread. Finally, multinational corporations are also involved in diplomatic activity.

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25

Prah Ruger, Jennifer. Divergent Perspectives in Global Health Governance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199694631.003.0005.

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The global health governance (GHG) literature frames health variously as a matter of security and foreign policy, human rights, or global public good. Divergence among these perspectives has forestalled the development of a consensus vision for global health. Global health policy will differ according to the frame applied. Fundamentally, GHG today operates on a rational actor model, encompassing a continuum from the purely self-interest-maximizing position at one extreme to a more nuanced approach that takes others’ interests into account when making one’s own calculations. Even where humanitarian concerns are clearly and admirably at play, however, the problem of motivations remains. Often narrow self-interest is also at work, and actors obfuscate this behind altruistic motives.

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26

Boyle, Michael J. The Drone Age. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190635862.001.0001.

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This book explores how the unique features of drone technology alter the strategic choices of governments and non-state actors alike by transforming their risk calculations and expanding their goals on and off the battlefield. It considers how drone technology will impact the patterns of war and peace in the next century: Will drones produce a more peaceful world because they reduce risk to pilots, or will the prospect of clean, remote warfare lead governments to engage in more conflicts? Will drones begin to replace humans on the battlefield or will they empower soldiers and peacekeepers to act more precisely and humanely in crisis zones? How will terrorist organizations turn this technology back on the governments that fight them? How will drones change surveillance at war—and at home? As drones come into the hands of new actors—foreign governments, law enforcement, terrorist organizations, humanitarian organizations, and even UN peacekeepers—it is even more important to understand what kind of world they might produce. By changing what these actors are both willing and able to do, drones are quietly altering the dynamics of wars, humanitarian crises, and peacekeeping missions, while generating new risks to security and privacy. An essential guide to a potentially disruptive force in modern world politics, The Drone Age argues that the mastery of drone technology will become central to the ways that governments and non-state actors seek power and influence in the coming decades.

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27

Thakur, Ramesh. Rwanda, Kosovo, and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. Edited by Alex J. Bellamy and Tim Dunne. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198753841.013.6.

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Examining the cases of Rwanda and Kosovo, this chapter explores the recent history, legality, and legitimacy of the normative architecture of a new, consensus-based, world order that seeks to bridge the divide between the competing norms of non-intervention and armed intervention. It begins by describing the default policy setting of non-intervention of the 1990s, and then discusses the policy challenge posed both by no action and unilateral action when faced with mass atrocities. After reviewing the controversy provoked by the claim of an emerging new norm of humanitarian intervention, the final section concludes with the successful effort of ICISS to reconcile, in R2P, the humanitarian imperative to protect civilians from atrocities with the normative prohibition on the use of force inside sovereign jurisdictions by external actors.

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28

Melzer, Nils. The Principle of Distinction Between Civilians and Combatants. Edited by Andrew Clapham and Paola Gaeta. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199559695.003.0012.

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This chapter examines the provisions of international humanitarian law (IHL) concerning the distinction between legitimate military targets and persons protected against direct attacks. It explains that the practical application of the principle of distinction in contemporary armed conflicts has become increasingly difficult because of a number of factors. These include the growing asymmetry of military confrontations, the intermingling of armed actors with the civilian population, and the increasing involvement of civilians in the conduct of hostilities.

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29

International Committee of the Red Cross: A Neutral Humanitarian Actor. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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30

International Committee of the Red Cross: A Neutral Humanitarian Actor. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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31

Weller, Marc. Introduction: International Law and the Problem of War. Edited by Marc Weller. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199673049.003.0001.

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This chapter examines the role of international law in preventing war and armed conflict. It begins by discussing three approaches to war and peace: the realist approach, the managerial approach, and the utopian visionary approach. It then considers some of the features of the United Nations system that were drawn from the League of Nations experience, including enforcement, dispute resolution, rule of law, prohibition of the use of force, and self-defence. The chapter also analyses how the UN Security Council deals with armed attacks undertaken by non-state actors, such as acts of terrorism. Finally, it outlines new challenges to the law on the use of force, particularly the new potential for armed conflict following the end of the Cold War, the issue of humanitarian intervention, and claims to enforcement of global community values.

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32

Heathcote, Gina. Humanitarian Intervention and Gender Dynamics. Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.16.

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This chapter looks at the gendered dynamics of Security Council–authorized humanitarian interventions. The chapter focuses on the Libyan intervention to demonstrate the failure of the Security Council to consult women or gender experts regarding the decision to intervene. The chapter shows how the focus on women’s insecurity in humanitarian crises reinforces gendered political outcomes due to the lack of feminist consciousness within the Security Council deliberations and actions. It concludes with suggestions for feminist engagement, including consultation with communities where interventions have occurred in the past. The chapter also suggests utilizing Security Council resolution 2122 to disrupt gendered dynamics.

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33

Cohen, Amichai, and David Zlotogorski. Proportionality in International Humanitarian Law. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197556726.001.0001.

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The principle of proportionality is one of the cornerstones of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Almost all states involved in armed conflicts recognize that it is prohibited to launch an attack that is expected to cause incidental harm to civilians that exceeds the direct military advantage anticipated from the attack. This prohibition is included in military manuals, taught in professional courses, and accepted as almost axiomatic. And yet, the exact meaning of this principle is vague. Almost every issue is in dispute—from the most elementary question of how to compare civilian harm and military advantage, to the possible obligation to employ accurate but expensive weapons. Controversy is especially rife regarding asymmetrical conflicts, in which many modern democracies are involved. How exactly should proportionality be implemented when the enemy is not an army, but a non-state actor embedded within a civilian population? What does it mean to use precautions in attack, when almost every attack is directed at objects that are used for both military and civilian purposes?

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34

International Organization for Migration: Challenges and Complexities of a Rising Humanitarian Actor. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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35

Bradley, Megan. International Organization for Migration: Challenges and Complexities of a Rising Humanitarian Actor. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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36

David, Eric. Internal (Non-International) Armed Conflict. Edited by Andrew Clapham and Paola Gaeta. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199559695.003.0014.

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The law of armed conflict previously applied only to international armed conflicts. Today, internal armed conflicts are regulated by Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions of 1949, along with an increasing number of provisions. The second Additional Protocol of 1977 (AP II) to the 1949 GC contains 18 substantive provisions devoted entirely to non-international armed conflicts (NIACs). This chapter discusses the variety and complexity of international humanitarian law rules applicable to NIACs and the criteria used for identifying the existence of a NIAC. It considers how the nature of hostilities and the quality of the actors are used as defining criteria to distinguish an armed conflict from banditry, terrorism, and short rebellions.

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37

Buchanan, Allen. The Internal Legitimacy of Humanitarian Intervention. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878436.003.0006.

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This chapter addresses a remarkably neglected issue in just war theory: the internal legitimacy of humanitarian military intervention, military actions in another state undertaken with the objective of stopping occurring or preventing imminent large-scale violations of basic human rights, without the consent of the state in which the intervention occurs. When such wars cannot be justified as necessary for protecting the rights or advancing the interests of the citizens of the states that undertake them, the question arises as to whether they are legitimate from the standpoint of the state’s own citizens. This chapter argues that the decision to engage in humanitarian wars is so especially serious and problematic (given that the primary duty of the state is to protect the rights and serve the interests of its own citizens), that special institutional processes are needed for authorizing such military action.

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38

Christie, Lars. Distributing Death in Humanitarian Interventions. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190495657.003.0010.

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Armed military interventions often inflict large amounts of collateral harm on innocent civilians. Ought intervening soldiers, when possible, to direct collateral harm to one innocent population group rather than the other? Recently several authors have proposed that expected beneficiaries of a military intervention ought to carry greater risk of collateral harm than neutral bystanders who are not subject to the threat the military forces are intervening to avert. According to this view, intervening soldiers ought to reduce the risk of collateral harm to neutral bystanders, even if this means foreseeably imposing a somewhat higher overall number of collateral casualties among those for whom the intervention is conducted. This chapter raises a number of challenges to this view. Even if the beneficiary thesis is accepted with respect to discrete risk-imposing acts, it should not be with respect to risk-imposing strategies individuated on a war-by-war basis.

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39

Forsythe/Rieffe and David P. Forsythe. The International Committee of Red Cross: A Neutral Humanitarian Actor (Routledge Global Institutions). Routledge, 2007.

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40

Forsythe/Flanag. The International Committee of the Red Cross: A Neutral Humanitarian Actor (Global Institutions). Routledge, 2007.

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41

Gegout, Catherine. Why Europe Intervenes in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845162.001.0001.

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Why Europe Intervenes in Africa analyzes the underlying causes of all European decisions for and against military interventions in conflicts in African states since the late 1980s. It focuses on the main European actors who have deployed troops in Africa: France, the United Kingdom and the European Union. When conflict occurs in Africa, the response of European actors is generally inaction. This can be explained in several ways: the absence of strategic and economic interests, the unwillingness of European leaders to become involved in conflicts in former colonies of other European states, and sometimes the Eurocentric assumption that conflict in Africa is a normal event which does not require intervention. When European actors do decide to intervene, it is primarily for motives of security and prestige, and not primarily for economic or humanitarian reasons. The weight of past relations with Africa can also be a driver for European military intervention, but the impact of that past is changing. This book offers a theory of European intervention based mainly on the approaches of realism and post-colonialism. It refutes the assumptions of liberals and constructivists who posit that states and organizations intervene primarily in order to respect the principle of the “responsibility to protect.”

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42

Orzoff, Andrea. Interwar Democracy and the League of Nations. Edited by Nicholas Doumanis. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.16.

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Historians and contemporaries saw interwar democracy as incomplete, illegitimate, and inept. The League of Nations has been similarly characterized. Yet democracy endured across the Continent, threatened far more by Nazism than by internal actors. The League’s democratic internationalism failed to prevent a second world war, sanctioned Great Power imperialism, and neglected minority problems especially in Eastern Europe. But the League’s Secretariat shaped international discourse on humanitarian norms for the rest of the century, working with institutions and non-governmental organizations to bring about real good. This essay offers a tour d’horizon of interwar European democracy and democratic internationalism. While not minimizing the destructive influence of the radical right, it notes that in many cases seemingly undemocratic groups, institutions, and practices ended up stabilizing democracy.

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43

Mačák, Kubo. Normative Underpinnings. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819868.003.0006.

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This chapter considers the normative underpinnings of the present-day regulation of combatancy. It argues that a wholesale denial of combatant status to fighters in internationalized armed conflicts would be incongruous with the principles of distinction and equal application of the law. The chapter then considers specific objections against the extension of combatant status to non-state actors from the perspective of internationalized armed conflicts. It argues that although some of the objections carry certain weight in the context of traditional civil wars, their effect in internationalized armed conflicts is significantly weaker. The chapter thus shows that in principle, the availability of combatant status to fighters in internationalized armed conflicts is in accordance with the normative underpinnings of International Humanitarian Law.

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44

Buchanan, Allen. Reforming the Law of Humanitarian Intervention. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878436.003.0007.

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This chapter examines key relationships between law, morality, and morally progressive changes in the law. It first documents that in some important cases improvements in international law have come about through processes that involved the violation of existing international law. Then it makes the case that illegal acts can be morally permissible if they are credibly directed toward significant improvement in the law and if they are undertaken in a way that exhibits a public commitment to lawfulness. The 1999 NATO intervention in Serbia for the sake of protecting ethnic Albanians in Kosovo is employed as a concrete example to illustrate the issues and distinctions.

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45

Aleshin, A., Y. Baronina, and A. Borisova, eds. Global governance: crisis or transformation? (Global Development, iss. 22). Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO), 23, Profsoyuznaya Str., Moscow, 117997, Russian Federation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/978-5-9535-0590-1.

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The current issue of IMEMO‘s series ―Global Development‖ is based on the agenda of the eponymous International conference of young scholars, which was held at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations (October, 29–30, 2020). The authors examine the main approaches to the conceptualization and study of global governance problems, the main actors, levels and objects of this phenomenon. The economic, social and humanitarian aspects of global governance are shown. Special attention is paid to the regional level, where new problems requiring global solutions arise; at the same time, different regions offer their own distinctive answers to global challenges. This edition is intended for researchers, political and economic analysts, highschool teachers, postgraduate students and a broader range of everyone interested in world economy and international relations.

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46

Chadwick, Elizabeth. National Liberation in the Context of Post- and Non-Colonial Struggles for Self-Determination. Edited by Marc Weller. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199673049.003.0039.

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This chapter examines the contemporary viability of self-determination and liberation conflicts in the context of the use of force and the limits placed on that force. Drawing on the parameters of restraint developed in humanitarian and human rights laws, it explores the role of force in the struggles for self-determination. The chapter begins with an assessment of the role played by coercion in the internal affairs of states, followed by a discussion on self-determination in relation to jus in bello, jus ad bellum, terrorism, and human rights. It then considers the normative and legal limits placed on force between states compared to the limits on force utilized within states between governments and non-state actors. The chapter concludes by analysing the extent to which existing rules are affected by international support for ‘legitimate’ revolutionary armed conflicts for self-determination.

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47

Ní Aoláin, Fionnuala, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.001.0001.

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The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Conflict brings together leading interdisciplinary scholars, policymakers, and practitioners to address a complex range of challenges, contexts, geographies, and issues that arise for women and men in the context of armed conflict. The Handbook addresses war and peace, humanitarian intervention, countering violence and extremism, the United Nations Women, Peace, and Security Agenda, sexual violence, criminal accountability, autonomous weapons, peacekeeping, refugee and internally displaced person (IDP) status, the political economy of war, the economics of conflict, as well as health and economic security. It begins with theoretical approaches to gender and conflict, drawing on the areas of international, peace and conflict, feminist, and masculinities studies. The Handbook explores how women and men’s pre-war societal, economic, and legal status relates to their conflict experiences, affecting the ways in which they are treated in the post-conflict transitional phase. In addition to examining these conflict and post-conflict experiences, the Handbook addresses the differing roles of multiple national and international actors, as well as the UN led Women, Peace, and Security Agenda. Contributions survey the regulatory framework and gendered dimensions of international humanitarian and international human rights law in situations of conflict and occupation as well as addressing, and critiquing, the gendered nature and content of international criminal law. The Handbook also includes grounded country case studies exploring different gendered experiences of conflict in various regions. As a whole, this Handbook seeks to critically examine the contemporary gender-based challenges that emerge in conflict and post-conflicts contexts.

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48

Grieve, Victoria M. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190675684.003.0007.

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Throughout the twentieth century, children had become important symbolic representations to justify war, peace, humanitarian aid, and government intervention. But the Cold War, the global struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union following World War II, politicized children in new ways. Children themselves became political actors, cultural ambassadors, and semi-official diplomats of both nations. Government propaganda, private advertising, popular culture, and the public schools taught children how to fulfill these roles. By the early 1960s, however, some Americans began to argue that the very real possibility of nuclear war made children the reason to end, rather than escalate, the Cold War. But the politicized children of the Cold War years did not “return” to being children in the 1960s and 1970s. They took their politics in different directions, to the New Right and the New Left, to college campuses, and to the streets.

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49

de Nevers, Renée. Private Military and Security Companies. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199379774.003.0011.

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Private military and security company (PMSC) employees are not soldiers, but their activities often place them in conflict zones. Their presence has complicated efforts to ensure the effectiveness of international humanitarian law (IHL) in fluid situations involving state and nonstate actors. This chapter explores how PMSCs fit in the framework of IHL and the broader legal framework governing PMSCs, along with state and international efforts to ensure PMSC compliance with IHL. Critical issues concern the status of PMSC contractors under IHL, which determines the protections they should be accorded; their training in the laws of war; and the rules regarding the use of force under which contractors operate. The legal framework holding PMSC employees accountable remains uneven in its global reach, and voluntary frameworks have emerged to develop and enforce good business practices and adherence to human rights standards. Whether these measures will be effective remains to be seen.

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Wooldredge, John. Useful versus Harmful Prison Policies. Edited by John Wooldredge and Paula Smith. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199948154.013.32.

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Abstract:

This chapter provides a synthesis of some of the useful prison policies discussed throughout this volume. The sources of useful versus harmful policies in addition to the implications of the latter are discussed. Perhaps the most common source of harmful policies has been heavier emphases placed on punishment by politicians and court actors who are further removed from the prison experience. Common denominators of policies that have generally improved the welfare of prisoners and/or prison staff, on the other hand, include grounding in an increasingly humanitarian view of offenders, a growing awareness of both short- and long-term adverse effects of incarceration on offenders and the general population, greater reliance on empirically based strategies, and interagency collaborations to ensure long-term solutions while minimizing unanticipated ill effects. The greatest obstacles to overcoming harmful policies are also reviewed, highlighting the importance of cumulative knowledge and ongoing empirical research on best practices.

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Books on the topic 'Humanitarian actors'

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