Journal articles on the topic 'Human welfare and social reform'
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1
Fisher, Karen R., Xiaoyuan Shang, and Megan Blaxland. "Introduction: Moving towards Human Rights Based Social Policies in China." Social Policy and Society 10, no. 1 (December 8, 2010): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746410000394.
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China is at a turning point in the reform of its social welfare system due to new opportunities and pressures. First, China is in transition to a middle developed country. Fast economic growth has created more wealth for the government and society that could be invested in the social welfare of its citizens. Second, social problems and conflicts have accumulated, partly as a result of past social policies, which were residual only, as was common in Asia (Aspalter, 2006). These residual policies had the primary purpose of securing the economic and political interests of the nation, which were regarded as superior to the interests of individual citizens. The social costs of economic growth at the expense of human rights are widespread and often hidden. In this unsustainable situation, the Chinese public has called for fundamental reforms to China's social policies – not only policies aimed at resolving individual problems, but also reform of the basic principles of the social welfare system as a whole.
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Bratsberg, Bernt, Øystein Hernæs, Simen Markussen, Oddbjørn Raaum, and Knut Røed. "Welfare Activation and Youth Crime." Review of Economics and Statistics 101, no. 4 (October 2019): 561–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00787.
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We evaluate the impact on youth crime of a welfare reform that tightened activation requirements for social assistance clients. The evaluation strategy exploits administrative individual data in combination with geographically differentiated implementation of the reform. We find that the reform reduced crime among teenage boys from economically disadvantaged families. Stronger reform effects on weekday versus weekend crime, reduced school dropout, and favorable long-run outcomes in terms of crime and educational attainment point to both incapacitation and human capital accumulation as key mechanisms. Despite lowered social assistance take-up, we uncover no indication that loss of income support pushed youth into crime.
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Laruffa, Francesco. "Social investment: Diffusing ideas for redesigning citizenship after neo-liberalism?" Critical Social Policy 38, no. 4 (December 31, 2017): 688–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317749438.
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Social investment has become the dominant approach to welfare reform in Europe and elsewhere. Scholars supporting this perspective have argued that it represents a paradigm shift from neo-liberalism – defined as the ideology of the minimal state and welfare retrenchment. This article challenges this claim, arguing that this definition of neo-liberalism is simplistic and empirically weak. It states that under a more accurate definition, social investment reflects four characteristics of neo-liberalism: the de-politicisation of the economy and of welfare reform; the economic understanding of the state; the extension of economic rationale to non-economic domains; and the anthropology of human capital. Taking this view, while social investment is preferable to welfare retrenchment, it promotes the same kind of citizenship as neo-liberalism, especially in terms of the marginalisation of the role of democracy in regulating the economy.
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Borodina, Olena. "Egalitarian and market land reforms in the context of basic human rights and public welfare." Ekonomìka ì prognozuvannâ 2021, no. 1 (April 10, 2021): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/eip2021.01.049.
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Based on the generalization and analysis of modern scientific and applied approaches and real results of land transformations in the last century in transition economies, the article reveals the essence of the nature of market and egalitarian land reforms, as well as their goals and general economic results. Egalitarian reform has as its main priority a rapid reduction of rural poverty and development of the new landowners’ skills to build their potential for its implementation in the general societal context. Market-oriented land reform aims at economic efficiency of the market based allocation of resources to ensure the growth of export-oriented agricultural production. Egalitarian land reform focuses on human and the realization of his or her basic rights, while market land reform focuses on the economy. Empirical data on land reforms in China show that their egalitarian nature was based on the creation of a society with equal opportunities of its members in the management of and access to land resources and material benefits obtained from them, and on ensuring a wide spread of the benefits from rural growth in society as a whole. Currently, China is the only country in the world that progressed from a "country of low human development" in 1990 to a "country of high human development" in 2018. The author proves that the purpose of land reform cannot be primitivized to a simple division of land into plots for transfer to private ownership based on free market turnover. Guaranteeing basic human rights and achieving public welfare from a land reform are achieved not only via obtaining land in private ownership, but also via supporting these acts with a fair distribution of control over the production process. Imposing on society a pseudo-scientific concept that land is a commodity that, like an apartment, mobile phone or bag of feed, can be freely bought and sold on market at open auctions, which will consolidate the country's economic power would inevitably lead to even greater income polarization, violation of basic human rights and, consequently, to social confrontations and significant social upheavals. The publication was prepared within research project on "Spatial justice in land use for sustainable development of rural areas" (State Registration No 0121U108142).
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Borodina, Olena. "Egalitarian and market land reforms in the context of basic human rights and public welfare." Economy and forecasting 2021, no. 1 (May 30, 2021): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/econforecast2021.01.038.
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Based on the generalization and analysis of modern scientific and applied approaches and real results of land transformations in the last century in transition economies, the article reveals the essence of the nature of market and egalitarian land reforms, as well as their goals and general economic results. Egalitarian reform has as its main priority a rapid reduction of rural poverty and development of the new landowners' skills to build their potential for its implementation in the general societal context. Market-oriented land reform aims at economic efficiency of the market based allocation of resources to ensure the growth of export-oriented agricultural production. Egalitarian land reform focuses on human and the realization of his or her basic rights, while market land reform focuses on the economy. Empirical data on land reforms in China show that their egalitarian nature was based on the creation of a society with equal opportunities of its members in the management of and access to land resources and material benefits obtained from them, and on ensuring a wide spread of the benefits from rural growth in society as a whole. Currently, China is the only country in the world that progressed from a "country of low human development" in 1990 to a "country of high human development" in 2018. The author proves that the purpose of land reform cannot be primitivized to a simple division of land into plots for transfer to private ownership based on free market turnover. Guaranteeing basic human rights and achieving public welfare from a land reform are achieved not only via obtaining land in private ownership, but also via supporting these acts with a fair distribution of control over the production process. Imposing on society a pseudo-scientific concept that land is a commodity that, like an apartment, mobile phone or bag of feed, can be freely bought and sold on market at open auctions, which will consolidate the country's economic power would inevitably lead to even greater income polarization, violation of basic human rights and, consequently, to social confrontations and significant social upheavals.
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Cashel, M., and P. A. McGavin. "Removing Poverty Traps: Taxation and Welfare Reform in Australia." Economic and Labour Relations Review 3, no. 2 (December 1992): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469200300205.
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This article uses data on the interactions of income taxation and state welfare transfers on effective marginal tax rates (EMTRs) in Australia to argue policy reforms for removing poverty traps created by high EMTRs. This highlights the need for state welfare and income taxation reforms to target those elements of income taxation and social welfare interaction that are most significant for high EMTRs and for high EMTRs extending across wide incomes ranges. Proposed welfare changes involve simultaneous reductions in base-level state welfare transfer payments, along with eligibility for supplementary transfer payments for able persons that are proportional to market labour activity. Proposed taxation changes include removal of distinctions between taxable and tax-exempt state welfare transfers and a gradually-progressive revised taxation scale.
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O'Brien, David. "Interpreting Welfare Reform: Continuity and Change within the Social Democratic Tradition." Labour History Review 70, no. 3 (December 2005): 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/096156505x75678.
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Hu, Xiaowen, Duanming Zhou, Chengchen Hu, and Fei Ai. "Modeling the Effect of Exchange Rate Liberalization on China’s Macro Economy." Journal of Advanced Computational Intelligence and Intelligent Informatics 21, no. 5 (September 20, 2017): 769–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jaciii.2017.p0769.
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The empirical characteristics of domestic and foreign interest rate shocks are obtained by using VAR method: the domestic interest rate regulation is counter-cyclical, and the increase of foreign interest rate leads to the increase of domestic output and inflation. On this basis, we construct a small open dynamic stochastic general equilibrium theory framework which reflects the empirical characteristics, including exchange rate control, to analyze the macroeconomic effects of exchange rate liberalization reform. By volatility simulation, impulse response and social welfare loss function analysis, the empirical results show that: firstly, exchange rate reform would increase volatility of output and exchange rate, but reduce volatility of inflation and interest rate. Secondly, exchange rate reform enhances the impact of domestic interest rate shocks on output and inflation. Which means the reform would improve the control ability of interest rate as a monetary policy tool. Moreover, the reform increases loss of social welfare. The conclusion shows that the exchange rate liberalization should be implemented step by step. The government should accelerate the reform when the external macro economy is stable. Otherwise it will cause a larger economic volatility.
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Wilcock, Scarlet. "(De-)Criminalizing Welfare? The Rise and Fall of Social Security Fraud Prosecutions in Australia." British Journal of Criminology 59, no. 6 (April 23, 2019): 1498–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azz027.
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Abstract The social security fraud prosecution rate has fallen by approximately 74.9 per cent in Australia since 2010. This is remarkable considering the national dialogue continues to propound a ‘zero tolerance’ approach to fraud in the welfare system. Drawing on interviews with compliance staff from the Australian Department of Human Services, documentary research and a Foucauldian governmentality analytic, this article charts and interrogates the declining welfare fraud prosecution rate in the context of neoliberal welfare reform. It argues that this decline is at least partially the result of the reformulation of the objects of prosecution strategies by staff responsible for their enactment. This finding highlights the importance of localized accounts of welfare administration to supplement and complicate macro analyses of the ‘criminalization of welfare’ in Western industrialized nations.
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Fisher, Karen R., Xiaoyuan Shang, and Megan Blaxland. "Review Article: Human Rights Based Social Policies – Challenges for China." Social Policy and Society 10, no. 1 (December 8, 2010): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746410000400.
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This review article discusses findings from current Chinese social policy literature about the dilemmas facing the Chinese government to reform China's residual social policies, from historic, socio-economic and political perspectives. It explores how human rights based policies and transparent management are beginning to be reflected in recent literature as the policy changes emerge from current social and political development in China. China is emerging as a new important international force, both economically and socially. Its social policies are at a turning point as it shifts to a middle developed country and as the world witnesses the emergence of a new welfare state.
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Spies-Butcher, Ben, and Adam Stebbing. "Population Ageing and Tax Reform in a Dual Welfare State." Economic and Labour Relations Review 22, no. 3 (November 2011): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530461102200304.
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Traditionally, older people have been the key targets of Australia's targeted welfare state. Flat rate pensions and widespread home ownership have ensured relative equality in older life. However, in response to perceived fiscal pressures generated by population ageing, Australia has increasingly shifted its policy settings, encouraging private savings over public risk pooling. Private savings are increasingly supported by public subsidy through tax policy. This has led to overlapping policy priorities, as public subsidies are used both as incentives to promote savings and as social policy instruments to promote adequate living standards in retirement. This conflict is evident in recent policy reviews of taxation, public spending and pension policy. This article explores the development of this conflict and how it manifests in proposals for reform. We argue that the conflation of welfare and taxation goals increasingly creates a dual welfare state that promotes private provision at the expense of both equity and efficiency. We suggest that more explicit identification of the roles of tax policy, and the welfare implications of tax changes, would help to improve policy design.
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HARRIS, KATHLEEN MULLAN. "Teenage Mothers and Welfare Dependency." Journal of Family Issues 12, no. 4 (December 1991): 492–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251391012004006.
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This article examines the process by which teenage mothers work their way off welfare. Data come from the Baltimore Study, which followed a group of Black teenage mothers for 17 years after their first birth. Results revealed extensive labor market activity among the young mothers on welfare. Human capital investments are the key determinants of welfare exits through work. In particular, education facilitates more rapid job exits, and cumulative work experience among the less-educated mothers allows women to eventually work their way off welfare. Education provides a more efficient route out of welfare by leading to a higher-paying job. Child-care constraints prolong welfare dependency by making it especially difficult for welfare mothers to work. Analysis first focuses on the extent to which teenage mothers on welfare enter the labor force and whether the transition to work results in an exit from welfare. Then, the process of leaving welfare through labor market experience is examined among those women who combine work and welfare. Event history models are used to analyze the transition to work among teenage mothers on welfare and the transition off welfare among the working welfare mothers. Implications for the new welfare reform legislation calling for a mandatory work requirement from all welfare recipients are discussed.
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Wen, Zhuoyi. "Towards Solidarity and Recognition?" Asian Journal of Social Science 43, no. 1-2 (2015): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04301006.
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According to the rhetoric of the post-war welfare state, citizens should have equal access to social benefits and protection based on human needs, rather than place of residence (Wincott, 2006). But under China’s socialist system and neoliberal reform, Chinese social citizenship has been eroded for various political and economic goals. Are there positive changes in Chinese social citizenship after a decade of social policy development? By interviewing 24 migrant college graduates working in Guangzhou and Shenzhen, the current study confirms institutional progress in social policy for people’s social protection. But these post-neoliberal social programmes are far from enough to help migrant graduates perform full social citizenship in urban regions. By studying social inclusion of educated but disadvantaged youth under neoliberal and post-neoliberal reforms, the study contributes to a growing body of literature analysing social citizenship and social policy in China.
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Frumkin, Peter, and Alice Andre-Clark. "When Missions, Markets, and Politics Collide: Values and Strategy in the Nonprofit Human Services." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 29, no. 1_suppl (March 2000): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764000291s007.
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This article explores the meaning of nonprofit strategy in the human services through an examination of the challenges facing nonprofit organizations working in the field of welfare-to-work transitions. After considering how the growing competition from large business firms in this field poses a major challenge to nonprofit organizations, the article suggests that many nonprofits are not well equipped to engage in a narrow efficiency competition with large corporations. Instead, nonprofit human service organizations need to develop a strategy that emphasizes the unique value-driven dimension of their programs. Welfare reform legislation can serve as an opening for both faith-based and secular nonprofits to differentiate themselves and to develop a distinctive position within the government-contracting market. From this analysis, the article draws some broader conclusions about the future of strategy in the nonprofit human services in an increasingly competitive environment.
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Riches, Graham. "Food Banks and Food Security: Welfare Reform, Human Rights and Social Policy. Lessons from Canada?" Social Policy and Administration 36, no. 6 (December 2002): 648–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9515.00309.
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Coleman, John A., and S.J. "American Catholicism, Catholic Charities U.S.A., and Welfare Reform." Journal of Policy History 13, no. 1 (January 2001): 73–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2001.0021.
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In this article I want to give at least a thumbnail sense of the background assumptions, policy contours, and vehicles for American Catholicism in engaging in public policy discussions. To do so, I will eventually concentrate on one major recent public policy discussion in the United States: the debates on welfare reform that led up to, and continue vigorously even after, the passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996. I do so because American Catholic institutions, including the United States Catholic Conference and Catholic Charities U.S.A., played a crucial and continuous role in these debates about welfare reform. Indeed, New York's Senator Daniel P. Moynihan, a vigorous opponent of the proposed welfare reform bill, in excoriating his fellow liberals for signing on to the bill, could lift up the example of the Catholic bishops' lobbying and exclaim: “The bishops admittedly have an easier time with matters of this sort. When principles are at stake, they simply look them up. Too many liberals, alas, make them up!” This particular debate (which is not, by any means, over) also helps to show some of the unique assumptions behind proposals found in Catholic interventions in the policy sector. In what follows, I will develop, briefly, four sections or subthemes to the paper:1. Catholilc Social Thought: Five Background Assumptions for Policy: Human Dignity; The Common Good; Solidarity; Subsidiarity; Justice2. The Move from Background Assumptions to Policy3. Catholic Policy Proposals: Their Style and Instrumentalities4. Catholicism and Welfare Policy
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Miller, Tiffany Jones. "RICHARD T. ELY, THE GERMAN HISTORICAL SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS, AND THE “SOCIO-TELEOLOGICAL” ASPIRATION OF THE NEW DEAL PLANNERS." Social Philosophy and Policy 38, no. 1 (2021): 52–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052521000224.
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AbstractRichard T. Ely was one of the most important architects of the administrative welfare state in the United States. His astonishingly influential career was the product of a fundamental re-thinking of the origin and nature of the state. Repudiating the social compact theory of the American founding in favor of a self-consciously “new,” “German,” and frankly “social” conception of the state ordered toward the realization of a collective vision of human perfection, Ely conceived the task of social reform as extending social control over the hereditary and environmental determinants of human character. In the early 1930s, Ely’s vision of social reform would inspire some of his boldest students, especially M. L. Wilson, to formulate a sweeping vision of social planning that would not only inform his little known and rather coyly named Division of Subsistence Homesteads, but also his efforts at the National Resources Board (NRB)—the nation’s first ever agency for comprehensive national planning.
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Ficano, Carlena K. Cochi. "Book Review: Economic and Social Security and Substandard Working Conditions: Lessons for Welfare Reform: An Analysis of the AFDC Caseload and Past Welfare-to-Work Programs, from Welfare to Work: Corporate Initiatives and Welfare Reform." ILR Review 52, no. 1 (October 1998): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399805200114.
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WRIGHT, SHARON. "Welfare-to-work, Agency and Personal Responsibility." Journal of Social Policy 41, no. 2 (January 25, 2012): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279411001000.
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AbstractA strong international reform agenda has been established around the idea that benefit recipients must be ‘activated’ to find jobs. This approach, which has found support across the political spectrum in times of affluence and austerity, rests on previously contested assumptions about human motivation, choice, action and personal responsibility. This article considers the largely untested assumptions within UK welfare-to-work policies and marketised employment services, which are designed to control and modify behaviour through compulsion and incentives. It examines those assumptions in relation to conceptualisations of human agency drawn from social policy literature. A gap is identified between accounts of agency grounded in the lived experiences of social actors (policy-makers, front-line workers and service users) and hypothetical models of individual agency (e.g. ‘rational economic man’) which have been more influential in policy design. It is argued that scope exists for understandings of agency to encompass the motivations, intentions and actions ofallsocial actors involved in the policy process. This highlights the power dynamics of context creation, the universal potential for malevolence and the weight of moral significance. Conceptual and empirical insights point towards understanding the enactment of agency as relational, dynamic, differentiated, interconnected, interdependent, intersubjective and interactive.
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Twombly, Eric C. "Organizational Response in an Era of Welfare Reform: Exit and Entry Patterns of Human Service Providers." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 31, no. 4 (December 2002): 597–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764002314009.
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Ward, Peter M. "Social Welfare Policy and Political Opening in Mexico." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 3 (October 1993): 613–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00006684.
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In this article I wish to provide an overview of the changing priorities that successive Mexican governments have given the social development sector since the administration of President Echeverria (1970–6). This will be set against a backcloth of political reform and an opening of the political space in which parties other than the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) have been allowed to function, albeit under certain constraints. In addition I will examine important changes that have been undertaken both in the nature of social policies themselves, but also in the patterns and efficiency with which public agencies have delivered this particular social good. I argue that in Mexico, as in many advanced capitalist countries since Bismarck's Prussia during the late nineteenth century, social welfare provision is an important element in the understanding of political management and 'statecraft'.1 As well as providing a temporary palliative to offset some of the negative outcomes of rapid urbanisation and economic growth based upon low wage rates and trickle-down, social policy provides an arena through which scarce societal resources may be negotiated. As I will describe, those patterns of negotiation change for a variety of reasons: as power relations shift; as economies reflate or turn into recession; as the level of state intervention and control intensifies or slackens; as our diagnosis of specific problems and the policy instruments we develop become more sophisticated and sensitive to local needs; and last, but not least in the context of Mexico, are included changes that arise from human agency as different presidents take executive office.
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Murphy, Enda, and Julien Mercille. "(Re)making labour markets and economic crises: The case of Ireland." Economic and Labour Relations Review 30, no. 1 (February 21, 2019): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304619829015.
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The 2008 economic crisis has had significant impacts on labour markets around the world. In Europe, in particular, the need for internal devaluation within European Union nations in financial difficulty precipitated a wave of labour market reforms alongside the reform of welfare systems struggling to cope with high levels of unemployment. Various analyses have explored the nature of these changes separately for the labour market and welfare systems. Using a conceptual framework rooted in a political economy understanding the social nature of labour, this article takes an inclusive approach to understanding regulatory changes for both employed and unemployed labour. We do this using the case of Ireland, a country that went through a severe economic crisis, was subject to a European Union/European Central Bank/International Monetary Fund bailout in 2010 and witnessed one of the most significant labour market crises in Europe. The Irish case is instructive because it highlights both the range and depth of regulatory interventions utilised by the state during periods of crisis to deal with the social nature of labour and its role under advanced capitalism. JEL codes: J01, J08, J48.
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Cronin, James E., and Peter Weiler. "Working-Class Interests and the Politics of Social Democratic Reform in Britain, 1900–1940." International Labor and Working-Class History 40 (1991): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900001125.
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When nineteenth-century liberals searched for reasons not to enfranchise the lower orders, they most often hit upon the argument that, once given the vote, workers would use it to elect governments pledged to redistribution and welfare at the expense of property. A cursory look at the political history of the twentieth century suggests they were not entirely deluded. Indeed, the most salient facts about political development since 1900 surely are related: The democratization of the political system allowed for the emergence of the working class as a distinct claimant to political power, and its presence within the polity somehow or another stimulated the enormous extension of the social and economic role of the state.
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Elder‐Woodward, James. "Whatever happened to the human altruism gene? A service user’s view of the Welfare Reform Bill." Disability & Society 24, no. 6 (September 22, 2009): 799–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09687590903160282.
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Ymeraj, Arlinda. "Government as a Key Duty Bearer in Transition Reforms from Socialism to Capitalism-The Case of Albania." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 32 (November 30, 2018): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n32p84.
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The paper “Government as a key duty bearer in transition reforms from socialism to capitalism – the case of Albania”, addresses the way in which the government should exercise its power to ensure that citizens have equal access to social welfare services, enjoying their rights. Albania, like other Central and Eastern European countries experienced the past socialist system, which failed. The failure of the socialist system was the failure of the state: in political, economic and social terms. As far as economic policies are concerned, all data demonstrate the collapse of socialism, because the system was based on inefficiency, which eroded growth. Regardless of the principles of communist regimes adopted in former communist countries’ Constitutions, the past system brought neither equity nor justice, and therefore instead of “social cohesion”, the contradictions among social groups and categories, deepened. After the failure of socialism, Albania embarked on the new path aimed at establishing democratic regimes through the protection of human rights and at raising the standard of living. Albania has been proactive in ratifying international conventions relating to human rights in general and to vulnerable groups. Very recently, on June 2014, the European Council granted Albania candidate status, as a recognition for the reform steps undertaken in harmonizing its domestic organic laws and legislation with international standards. As part of these twin obligations from UN intergovernmental and EU processes, Albanian governments after the 90s have been progressively taking measures vis-à-vis efficient allocation of resources and effective distribution of social welfare. Nevertheless, Albanian citizens live in a dire reality. Therefore, after 25 years of transition, one of the main goals of reforms, “Efficient allocation of resources to boost growth and effective distribution of social welfare to enhance equity”, seems not to have been achieved. Undoubtedly, this influences the controversial opinions about the government’s control vis-à-vis government’s mode of functioning, advancing arguments that examine whether it is a question of abuse or that of concentration of power.
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Twombly, Eric C. "Organizational Response in an Era of Welfare Reform: Exit and Entry Patterns of Human Service Providers: Abstract." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 31, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 597–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764002031004010.
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GOSTIN, LAWRENCE O. "Beyond Moral Claims: A Human Rights Approach in Mental Health." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 10, no. 3 (June 29, 2001): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180101003061.
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Human rights law is a powerful, but often neglected, tool in advancing the rights and freedoms of persons with mental disabilities. International law may seem marginal or unimportant in developed countries with democratic and constitutional systems of their own. Yet, even democracies often resist reform of mental health law and policy, and domestic courts do not always compel changes necessary for the rights and welfare of persons with mental disabilities. Additionally, human rights are obviously important for countries without democratic and constitutional systems because they may provide the only genuine safeguard against abuse of persons with mental disabilities ostensibly based on political, social, or cultural justifications.
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Kabumba, Busingye. "The right to 'unlove': The constitutional case for no-fault divorce in Uganda." African Human Rights Law Journal 21, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2021/v21n2a47.
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This article examines the constitutionality of the requirement to establish certain grounds - adultery, cruelty, desertion, bigamy and others - as a condition for the grant of divorce in Uganda. It begins with an examination of the existing legal framework, including reforms already achieved through public interest litigation, and certain changes sought to be effected via judicial activism. The article then proceeds to an analysis of the human rights issues implicated by a fault-based framework, and a consideration as to whether the public interest-based limitations in this regard pass constitutional muster. Ultimately, it is proposed that the only means of aligning this area of domestic relations law with the Constitution is through the elimination of fault as a requirement for dissolving marital bonds. Such reform would also be consistent with critical public policy concerns, including the welfare of children and the sanctity of marriage itself.
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Manninen, Bertha Alvarez. "Undocumented Immigrants, Healthcare, and the Language of Desert." International Journal of Applied Philosophy 34, no. 1 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ijap2021112138.
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Arguments both in favor and against including undocumented immigrants in healthcare reform abound. However, many of these arguments, including ones that are favorable towards immigrants, are ethically problematic, and for the same reason; namely, that they either support or deny the inclusion of undocumented immigrants in healthcare reform based on their perceived level of desert, due to their alleged contribution to our social utility, or lack thereof. This encourages gauging the lives and worth of undocumented immigrants in terms of their productivity or output, rather than viewing them as intrinsically valuable human beings. This, in turn, contributes to the instrumentalization of undocumented immigrants’ welfare; for even arguments in favor of including them in healthcare reform encourage viewing them as, in Kantian language, mere means instead of ends in themselves. In this paper, I will be critical of arguments that either seek to exclude or include undocumented immigrants from healthcare reform or access based on social utility and will, instead, champion arguments in favor of inclusion that rely on fostering a sense of solidarity and identification amongst citizens and migrants.
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Parker Harris, Sarah, and Randall Owen. "Employment, Disability, and Social Justice in the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom." Développement Humain, Handicap et Changement Social 24, no. 2 (February 7, 2022): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1085956ar.
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Liberal welfare states promote a human rights approach to disability policy that in practice has been constrained by neoliberal reforms. This research examines employment policy for people with disabilities in the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom through a framework of Nancy Fraser’s theory of social justice. It employs a qualitative cross-national comparative methodology including focus groups and interviews with stakeholders of active welfare to work programs. The results suggest that neoliberal/individualized approaches are dominant within contemporary welfare to work programs and social justice/human rights need to be more effectively built into employment policy.
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Collins, Carolyn, and Melanie Oppenheimer. "“People Power”: Social Planners and Conflicting Memories of the Australian Assistance Plan." Labour History 116, no. 1 (May 1, 2019): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.9.
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The Australian Assistance Plan (AAP), Gough Whitlam’s controversial programme of social welfare reform in the 1970s, was promoted as a national experiment in “people power.” But the outpouring of often highly critical evaluations during and immediately after its brief existence failed to take into account the experiences of the programme’s grassroots workers. This article focuses on the oral history component of a wider history of the AAP, and on those employed to realise Whitlam’s vision – the social planners – comparing their backgrounds, roles, expectations, and frequently conflicting experiences as they shaped, and were shaped by, this “bold but crazy” experiment.
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McCaskill, Sean. "A Municipal Tail." Southern California Quarterly 103, no. 4 (2021): 398–436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2021.103.4.398.
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This project examines municipal animal control in Los Angeles between 1880 and 1909. It traces the emergence of municipal animal control from the confluence of animal welfare reform and progressive state expansion. The animal welfare movement in the United States began in the Colonial Era, but soon reflected the influence of changing attitudes in Europe and the rise of anti-cruelty reform movements after the Civil War. As Americans sought to create a better world out of the ashes of that war, many looked towards animal welfare. This movement occurred first on the East Coast, beginning with Henry Bergh’s founding of the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA) in 1866, and reached Los Angeles by the end of the century. Many in that growing city viewed the dawn of the twentieth century with optimism, hoping for L.A.’s ascendancy into the ranks of the nation’s great metropolises. As a result, they began to look at the city’s problems through an increasingly progressive lens. Newspapers had covered the animal impoundment system’s brutality since the 1880s, but by the end of the century, they carried dramatic exposés of cruelties and corruption at the pound that emphasized connections to larger social issues. Citizens, including an impressive number of women, became activists for animal welfare. The municipal government responded by passing an ordinance that put animal control in the hands of the Humane Animal League, a private animal welfare organization. When the League failed to handle the city’s burgeoning animal population humanely and efficiently, the city assumed responsibility for animal control and created a municipal system. The emergence of municipal animal control in Los Angeles demonstrates a city turning to the extension of state power at the local level to create a more humane and efficient world for both its human and animal inhabitants.
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Ljubenovic, Misa. ""Impairment", "disability", "handicap": Ideology of the language of deficit." Sociologija 49, no. 1 (2007): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0701045l.
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The almost absolute dominance of the medical (biological, clinical) model of disability in our science and research practice dealing with disability is a very serious obstacle to the reform of social welfare and educational institutions. Hence it deserves to be subjected to thoroughgoing criticism. The view that terms are mere names for objective substances independent of the researcher is prevalent, and it essentialises the systems of classification. The translation of the author?s mental constructs into the status of physical substances is mediated by the common sociopolitical and ideological framework of the society in which he or she works. The whole process is hidden behind increasingly complicated methodological procedures providing the illusion of scientific objectivity. Various postparadigmatic movements in social and human science rightly point to the role of language/discourse in reflections of reality. This article proceeds from the assumption that hegemony, oppression and power relations are woven into attractive forms of narration by means of which the scientists (unconsciously) legitimize status hierarchy and material inequality, which is particularly evident in a kind of human diversity that is usually ascribed the attribute of disability. We should search for the way out by merging "top-down reform" - a demedicalization of the current disability concept and the corresponding terminological apparatus - with "bottom-up reform" - fundamental changes in society itself through political action.
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Daley, Dennis, Michael L. Vasu, and Meredith Blackwell Weinstein. "Strategic Human Resource Management: Perceptions among North Carolina County Social Service Professionals." Public Personnel Management 31, no. 3 (September 2002): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102600203100308.
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Strategic human resource management (SHRM) enhances productivity and the effectiveness of organizations. Research shows that when organizations employ such personnel practices as internal career ladders, formal training systems, results-oriented performance appraisal, employment security, employee voice/participation, broadly defined jobs, and performance-based compensation, they are more able to achieve their goals and objectives. Using a survey of North Carolina county social service professionals, this study examines (1) the extent to which strategic human resource management is perceived, (2) the relationship of these SHRM practices to demographic variables such as age, ethnic status, sex, education, supervisory status and tenure, and county population, and (3) the relationship between SHRM and outcome assessments for welfare reform (unemployment change and organizational report card measures). While SHRM practices are perceived to be present in North Carolina counties, they clearly are not a predominant feature. Weak demographic influences, especially in terms of population and supervisory status and tenure, are evident. Especially disturbing are the influences those demographic influences have on employment security. Few relationships are found (and those only weak) involving outcome assessments.
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PEINADO, PATRICIA, and FELIPE SERRANO. "A dynamic analysis of the effects on pensioners’ welfare of social security reforms." Journal of Pension Economics and Finance 11, no. 1 (June 16, 2011): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474747211000308.
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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to analyze the dynamic effects of the different parametric reforms oriented to reach the financial balance of public pension systems on the well-being of the retired population. Using the Spanish social security system as a case study, a duration analysis is implemented to look for a causal relationship and then estimate separately the effects of an effective retirement age delay and a replacement rate reduction as well as the combined effect of these two measures. We also estimate the effects of a delay on the reforms. We find that a change in the effective retirement age would have positive effects on the individual welfare of retired population, while a reduction of the replacement rate would diminish it. The combined effect of the two measures would finally translate into a welfare lost of the retired population. The delay on the reforms implies higher welfare loss (to the affected generations) than the analyzed reforms.
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Chapman, Herrick. "Paul V. Dutton,Origins of the French Welfare State: The Struggle for Social Reform in France, 1914–1947. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. xiii + 251 pp. $65.00 cloth; $27.00 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904210249.
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Comparative studies of social policy usually portray the French welfare state as lagging behind most of its counterparts in Western Europe during the first decades of the twentieth century. The sheer complexity of the French system, moreover, with its baroque mixture of separate private, government and quasi-public funds, made it exceptional as well. Yet tardiness and complexity by no means prevented the French from expanding social insurance at an especially rapid clip in the decades following the Second World War. By 1980 France spent more on social security as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product than any country in Europe except Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands. Today the French are among Europe's most stalwart defenders of publicly funded pensions and health insurance. Given its unimpressive beginnings, how did the French welfare state become such a heavyweight?
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Khan, Dr Muhammad Majid, Dr Muhammad Zubair Hassan, and Dr Inam ul Haq. "Problems faced by Pakistani Muslim women in peace and reform and their solution in the light of Islamic teachings." Al Khadim Research journal of Islamic culture and Civilization 2, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/arjicc.v2.03(21)u19.259-273.
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Human's life cycle began with a man and a woman. The women breed the human race with her blood and children's care, home management, preparation of food and clothes have been remained in her duties. Peace is the substitute of security and reformation is the name of correction. So, it must be in view that where Islam wants collective reform, it never ignores person's correction but it declares that man's correction is truly a social reform. No doubt, the feminist part is called a spinal cord of society, if they come forward in this field to improve the work of reform, unite each other with the concept of every correction, the destination of our society will be reversed. In reality, the society will become a practical model of peace then it can be called a reformed and welfare community. This article will highlight, the problems related to Muslim women in peace and reform in Pakistan with their solutions in the light of Quran and Sunnah.
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Hemerijck, Anton, and Jelle Visser. "The Dutch model: An Obvious Candidate for the ‘Third Way’?" European Journal of Sociology 40, no. 1 (May 1999): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007281.
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While the progressive European politicians are on the lookout for a new model of ‘third way’ capitalism with a human face, after the (temporary?) defeat of the Swedish, Dutch welfare state reform occupies a prominent place in many commentaries.Although it attracted only international attention in the mid- 1990s, the ‘Dutch miracle’ has its basis in policy changes in the early 1980s. For a full explanation of the Dutch experience we must go back at least fifteen years, and study the combination of problem loads, power shifts, institutions, politics and ideas, in three ‘tightly coupled’ policy domains of the Dutch welfare state: industrial relations, social security, and labour market policy. The return to wage moderation took place in the early followed by a series of reforms in the systems of social security in the late 1980s and early 1990s. From the mid-1990s, finally, the adoption of an active labour market policy stance, in order to enhance overall efficiency and create a new domestic balance between wages and social benefits, gained political currency. In this article we present a stylised narrative of these policy changes—what happened, how it happened and what it meant. We demonstrate that these three policy shifts, although embedded in different corporate actors, were interrelated; they created the conditions and the demand for one another, and neither of these policies could have been successful on its own.
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Golinowska, Stanisława. "WORK AND WELFARE STATE: MULTIPLE DEPENDENCIES." Polityka Społeczna 560-561, no. 11-12 (December 31, 2020): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5535.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this article is the dissociation of dependencies between labour taxation and the development of the welfare state. On the one hand, we are dealing with the emergence of various types of non-standard work and forms of remuneration with reduced taxation. On the other hand – with an increase in entitlement to appropriate (in terms of type and amount) social benefits, determined on the basis of general human and social rights, including various rights not related to work and employment. There is no coordination between the two sides, as evidenced by successive reforms; both in the labor market and in social security systems. These reforms are indicated in the text and their limited effectiveness in reconciling the new labour market with the desired scope of the welfare state has been assessed. This is linked to the currently most expensive public sectors: health care, education and pensions.
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Merrill, Michael. "Even Conservative Unions Have Revolutionary Effects: Frank Tannenbaum on the Labor Movement." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990287.
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AbstractFrank Tannenbaum is best known for his studies of Mexican agrarian reform and for his contributions to the comparative history of slavery and slave societies. But as a young man he had made a name for himself as a notorious labor agitator, and he went on to publish two books on the US labor movement, which are worthy of reconsideration as important interpretations of independent trade unionism and political reform. The first volume appeared in 1921 and offered an original perspective on the popular syndicalism that formed such a large, positive element of the philosophy of the International Workers of the World (IWW), to the extent it had one, at the center of which lay the struggle for social recognition on the part of immigrant and (supposedly) unskilled workers. The second appeared thirty years later and provided a thoughtful defense of the private, employment-based welfare and industrial relations system that the New Deal established in the United States. Together the books offer a provocative account of the social and individual radicalism of US-style “pure and simple” trade unionism.
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Eisen, Jessica. "Beyond Rights and Welfare: Democracy, Dialogue, and the Animal Welfare Act." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 51.3 (2018): 469. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.51.3.beyond.
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The primary frameworks through which scholars have conceptualized legal protections for animals—animal “rights” and animal “welfare”—do not account for socio-legal transformation or democratic dialogue as central dynamics of animal law. The animal “rights” approach focuses on the need for limits or boundaries preventing animal use, while the animal “welfare” approach advocates balancing harm to animals against human benefits from animal use. Both approaches rely on abstract accounts of the characteristics animals are thought to share with humans and the legal protections they are owed as a result of those traits. Neither offers sustained attention to the dynamics of legal change in democratic states, including the importance of public access to the facts of animal lives, opportunities for affective storytelling, and multi-faceted public deliberation. This Article offers an alternative avenue for theorizing animal legal protections, drawing on Laurence Tribe’s articulation of law as governed by an “evolving ethic,” wherein successive shifts in legal and public consensus build upon one another in ways that are dynamic and not entirely unpredictable. Drawing on feminist, critical, and relational approaches to law and social change, this Article elaborates a vision of animal law as governed by an evolving ethic wherein legal transformation is deeply connected to the public availability of particular facts of animal use, emotional storytelling, and broader social relationships and power dynamics. The evolving ethic here proposed helps us to shift our focus from a precritical understanding of rights as hard boundaries to a view of rights as a product of dynamic social relationships; and to shift our focus from welfarist balancing calculations to more open-textured dialogue. By conceiving of animal law through the lens of the evolving ethic, we can break free of stale debates about the virtue of rights versus welfare and instead embrace both as tools in a dialogic toolbox deployed in a field of legal transformation that is better characterized by dynamism and dialogue than by teleological advancement toward a predefined goal. The Animal Welfare Act (AWA)—the central legal regime governing the experimental use of animals in the United States, forms the central case study. The AWA regime in its current form works to foreclose public deliberation over concrete cases. The history of this same regime, however, demonstrates that affective storytelling grounded in the particular facts of animal use has been a major driver of democratic legal change protecting animals used in experiments. This Article explores the current structure and historical development of the AWA scheme, demonstrating that the evolving ethic offers insights, beyond those allowed by rights and welfare approaches, into the practical dynamics of animal law and the shortcomings of the current AWA scheme. Informed by the evolving ethic and the AWA’s history of sociolegal transformation, this Article offers AWA law reform proposals that aim to facilitate public deliberation grounded in the concrete facts of animal use—including the introduction of ethical merit review of proposed experiments, changes in the applicable rules of standing, and product labeling. While each proposed reform may yield incremental improvements in the treatment of laboratory animals in the immediate term, the core insight of the evolving ethic is that there is a distinct value in the potential of such proposals to nourish public conversations rooted in particular stories of animal use—conversations that are likely to spur new questions and new conversations, none of which can be fully determined in advance.
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Ali Mohammed, Dr Maha Kareem. "Welfare Economics Among the Theoretical Propositions of Economic Schools." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TRANSFORMATIONS IN BUSINESS MANAGEMENT 13, no. 02 (2023): 01–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37648/ijtbm.v13i02.001.
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The study aimed at the intellectual and theoretical analysis of the concept of welfare economics and to stand on the theoretical and analytical views and standards on which economic schools, the ideology of social democracy and the theorists of welfare were based on what constitutes welfare and how to achieve it. As for the importance of the study, it is to stand on these theoretical theses of economic schools and their policy to achieve a welfare economy and to know the criteria that provide the ability to measure whether the economic proposals and theses that have been developed have worked to improve the welfare of society. The problem of the study is the difference in the theoretical proposals of the economic schools in their vision to reach the welfare economy and achieve social welfare, and the difference is not a descriptive difference, but it includes different methods in seeing and understanding human behavior, and the most important results of the study are the focus of most contemporary welfare economists on the fact that effective markets do not necessarily achieve the greatest social benefit. Markets are not capable of self-regulation but require the regulatory role of the state. That the mixed ideology is the path to prosperity and glorification, such as social democracy, which was based on a new reform policy and a humancentered boom in the existing institutions. It included specific and measurable goals, such as the fair distribution of income and wealth. Thus, social democracy was unique in reaching and achieving a welfare society through the role of the state and its effective policy, by managing and providing welfare services in a better way, and that this transformation is a measure commensurate with the process of deepening and strengthening democracy. The study presented the most important recommendations to reach to a welfare society, then, the corrective interventional role of the state must be supported along with the work of the market and the adoption of the ideology of social democracy. Governments and institutions in all countries of the world should adopt new ways of thinking and actively participate in creating systems that will achieve real progress towards a more prosperous and prosperous world.
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Woodger, Kevin. "“We Speak for Those who Cannot Speak for Themselves”." Ontario History 105, no. 2 (July 30, 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050731ar.
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This article examines the history of the Toronto Humane Society [THS] from 1887 to 1891. It argues that the THS drew on the discourses of earlier Humane Societies and SPCAs in Britain and the United States and concludes that, like other animal welfare organizations, the THS saw the moral reform of the working classes as one of its primary duties. To do this, the Humane Society is linked to the larger moral and social reform movement that permeated the city in the late-nineteenth century. Dominated by members of Toronto’s middle class, the THS inordinately targeted workers in its efforts to spread humane sentiments throughout the city.
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Cantwell, Christopher D. "Sherri Broder,Tramps, Unfit Mothers, and Neglected Children: Negotiating the Family in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002. 259 pp. $42.50 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905270230.
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With the relatively recent renovation of the American welfare system, the current dispute over faith-based organizations administering federal aid, and the wanton usage of the term family values in political discourse, few can deny that debate over the family, welfare, and the state remains heated. To add greater depth and nuance to this debate, Sherri Broder has delved into the complex relationships between the subjects and objects of social reform in late-nineteenth century Philadelphia. She explores how wealthy reformers, evangelical rescue workers, the labor movement, and laboring people “all drew on the discourse of the family”—which revolved around contested definitions of what constituted a tramp, unfit mother, or neglected child—“to define themselves variously as gendered members of different social classes, as respected family and community members, as political actors, and as people with claims on the state, the police, and public and private social services”(6). Utilizing local and national labor periodicals, the published works of charity organizations and individual reformers, and the institutional records of the Pennsylvania Society to Protect Children from Cruelty (SPCC) and the pseudonymous “Haven for Unwed Mothers and Infants,” Broder moves topically throughout five chapters dissecting different components of Philadelphia's discourse on the family.
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Tokarskyi, T. "Improving Economic Security through European Integration Reforms in Ukraine’s Social Sector." Economic Herald of the Donbas, no. 4 (62) (2020): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/1817-3772-2020-4(62)-180-189.
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According to the Constitution of Ukraine (Article 1), Ukraine is a democratic, social and rule of law state. Developing a highly developed welfare state in Ukraine requires shaping its concept model and mechanisms of its functioning. Active and efficient social policy should become a solid foundation for comprehensive innovative, social development, integration into the European Union, the basis for developing a welfare state with a competitive socially oriented market economy capable of ensuring human development, decent standards and quality of life. This article substantiates the problem of ensuring the economic security of the state and suggests the ways to achieve European standards in the national social sphere. Ukraine has chosen the strategic course of the European integration as a priority of its domestic and foreign policy. This course provides for modernization of all spheres of life at the state and local levels in accordance with the broad context of the development strategy of the EU member states. Modern ideology, which is based on the principles of protection of citizens from major social risks (disability, impoverishment, etc.) and, partially, social paternalism, should be reconsidered in the context of principled of social inclusion. Improvement of existing approaches to social programming should start with a focus on the development and implementation of fundamental for social development state targeted programs on domestic and international social issues. Reorientation of domestic social policy requires correction of the forecast-monitoring system of implementation of multilevel social development programs, in particular state targeted programs in terms of revision of criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of social support programs.
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Abbasi, Vanessa, and Karolina Marzieh. "Law Part of the Framework for Accountability in Policy Interpretation and Practice." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 1 (January 28, 2017): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i1.122.
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Law can increasingly be seen as part of the framework for accountability in policy interpretation and practice. This is reflected in important judgments in the UK and European context, where courts have been proactive in challenging restrictive interpretations by agencies of their legal duties, or even by parliament in law-making that is incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Without attention to the practice environment for legal and ethical practice, the role of law in welfare reform will be compromised, however robust the legal framework. Subsequently, empirical work has explored how social workers learn about the law, in both practice and academic environments, and how they use that learning. This paper considers the complex relationships between law, welfare policy and social work practice, to address the question of what role legal frameworks might play in achieving welfare policy and professional practice goals. These debates illustrate is the essentially contested nature of the relationship between law and practice and the delicate balance between law and ethics within a framework for professional accountability. It is hardly surprising, perhaps, that law is often seen by practitioners as alien and hostile territory.
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Choi, Cathi. "Protection Against Good Intentions: The Catholic Role in the Campaign to Ban Proxy Adoption, 1956–1961." Journal of Policy History 31, no. 2 (April 2019): 242–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000046.
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Abstract:The debate over the practice of proxy adoption sheds light on changing notions of proper intercountry adoption practices and standards of family planning as they developed in the mid-twentieth century. The practice of proxy adoption was born out of a loophole in U.S. immigration legislation, initially used by Americans to adopt European orphans after World War II. After the Korean War, the practice was again utilized to bring Korean children in even greater numbers to the United States. Through proxy adoption, adoptive parents bypassed the standard checkpoints of the adoption process as established by U.S. social welfare agencies. Although initially hailed as a humane practice, proxy adoption was ultimately banned in 1961 after a successful antiproxy adoption campaign waged by a coalition of social welfare workers, Catholic leaders, and U.S. senators. The role of Catholic agencies in this debate is essential, yet remains largely unexplored. This article sheds light on this significant and underresearched history of the Catholic institutions involved in the proxy adoption debate.The Catholic agencies, namely the National Catholic Welfare Conference and the Catholic Committee for Refugees, stood apart from both the government social welfare establishment and other humanitarian actors. Their actions must instead be understood through the context of their own institutional history of domestic social welfare programs and overseas humanitarian work, dating from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This article analyzes their relationship with the U.S. social welfare establishment, as well as joint advocacy efforts to reform intercountry adoption practices.
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Mustafa, Mustafa. "Al Mawardi's Thoughts on the Welfare State in the 1998-2019 Reform Era in Indonesia." International Journal of Islamic Thought and Humanities 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 66–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54298/ijith.v1i1.39.
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The concept of a Welfare State is a country that discusses the principle of the balance of world morality and religious morality in every people. This study uses a normative, historical, and sociological approach, because it is closely related to Al-Mawardi's thoughts about the welfare state with the reform era in Indonesia in 1998-2018 as follows: First, the Religion aspect, Al-Mawardi makes religion a state ideology, while The Indonesian state uses an ideology known as Pancasila. Second, aspects of Good Governance. Al Mawardi's ideas and what is implemented in Indonesia are in principle the same, Indonesia applies the need for a professional government system, in terms of efforts to meet the needs of citizens; Third, the aspect of Justice, Al Mawardi highly upholds the existence of justice in a country, Indonesia also does the same. The State of Indonesia is a state of law (rechtsstaat), according to Article 1 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. All citizens are treated equally before the law (equality before the law); Fourth, the aspect of National Security, related to this, Al Mawardi hopes that state security can provide inner peace to the people, and ultimately encourage people to take the initiative and be creative in building the country. Indonesia also has a desire to build a nation. The Indonesian people always strive for state security which also creates a sense of security for citizens; Fifth, the aspect of Economic Prosperity. Al Mawardi views that prosperity can arouse human enthusiasm to improve work ethic, form various social associations between social classes, reduce levels of social tension, prevent conflict and hostility, create progress in all fields, and build harmony and social cooperation. In Indonesia, the trend of poverty since the 1998-2018 reform era has decreased, this proves that the State of Indonesia is also very concerned about the economy of its people. Sixth, The Nation's Vision. Al-Mawardi emphasized the importance of the entrepreneurial spirit and achievement motivation in the economy for future progress. Currently, Indonesia is very aggressively strengthening MSMEs and entrepreneurship. This is in line with Al-Mawardi's ideas regarding The Nation's Vision.
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Golinowska, Stanisława. "EMPLOYMENT AND WELFARE STATE: MULTIPLE DEPENDENCIES." Polityka Społeczna 16, no. 1 (ang) (January 31, 2020): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5797.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of the article is the consideration about the dissociation of dependencies between labour taxation and the development of the welfare state. On the one hand, we are dealing with the emergence of various types of nonstandard work and forms of remuneration with reduced taxation. On the other hand – with an increase in entitlement to appropriate (in terms of type and amount) social benefits determined on the basis of general human and social rights and various rights not related to work and employment. There is no coordination between the two sides, as evidenced by successive reforms; both in the labour market and in social security systems. They were indicated in the text and their limited effectiveness was assessed in reconciling the new labor market with the desired scope of the welfare state, which covers its most expensive segments today: health care, education and old age security
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Babacan, Hurriyet. "Demonstrating Value for Human and Social Services Investment." International Journal of Community and Social Development 1, no. 4 (November 8, 2019): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2516602619884483.
Full textAbstract:
Neoliberal processes in Australia have seen the ‘roll out’ of the market-based approaches and ‘roll back’ of the welfare state sector, with significant impacts on the human and social services sector. Social services have been cast as a burden on the public purse and have been increasingly forced to show efficiencies, provide greater accountability and demonstrate their value and outcomes. This article explores the impacts of neoliberal reforms on the human and social services in Australia following consultations with the sector. The article unpacks the challenges for the sector in demonstrating value to justify further social investments. Four key areas emerge from consultations with service agencies as focus points: commodification of services, the fallacy of the choice discourse, challenges to service viability, and problems with measures and methods for accountability and demonstrating value. The article concludes with recommendations for future directions and change.