Academic literature on the topic 'Human security, governance, Cambodia, Security Council'
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Journal articles on the topic "Human security, governance, Cambodia, Security Council"
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Sekalala, Sharifah, Caitlin R. Williams, and Benjamin Mason Meier. "Global health governance through the UN Security Council: health security vs. human rights?" Australian Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2021.2017843.
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Sakamoto, Takuto. "Governance for Sustainable Peace and Development: Interdisciplinary Study Based on Network Science and Data Science." Impact 2021, no. 2 (February 26, 2021): 8–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21820/23987073.2021.2.8.
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Human security is a global concern relating to the protection and expansion of fundamental human freedoms. Focus on survival, dignity and the ability to maintain a livelihood must be central to the integrated policies that are vital to protecting human security. Many interconnecting issues form part of human security and range from topics surrounding the protection of people from poverty, violence, instability as well as tackling lack of education, healthcare and financial stability.<br/> Dr Takuto Sakamoto is part of the University of Tokyo's Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Human Security Program (HSP) and has taken the approach of using cutting-edge analysis methods from data and network sciences to scrutinise and evaluate global efforts relating to human security.<br/> The team is currently focused on three sub-projects. The first of these centres on the analysis of policy discussions held by the UN Security Council (UNSC). In this, they will look in detail at the meeting records for the UNSC over the past decades. The second project uses development assistance flow data to complete a network analysis to systematically clarify the dynamics of global collaboration in various areas, including poverty reduction and infectious disease control and they will work on visualising and analysing the financial flow of humanitarian and development assistance over the last 60 years. The final pilot study investigates sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) in UN peace operations. This has become a major issue relating to UN peacekeeping operations in conflict and post- conflict areas in recent years.
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Dode, Robert O. "Nigerian Security Forces and the Management of Internal Conflict in the Niger Delta: Challenges of Human Security and Development." European Journal of Sustainable Development 1, no. 3 (October 1, 2012): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.14207/ejsd.2012.v1n3p409.
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The Nigerian Armed Forces personnel have over the years maintained a trackrecord of effective peace keeping campaigns in the world. The role Nigeria playedin especially crises ridden Sierra Leone and Liberia can not be overemphasized.Paradoxically though, this record does not seem to be playing out in their securityand crisis operations in the country. Analysts would quickly make reference toUmuechem, Odi and recently, the military bombardment of Ijaw communities inGbaramatu Kingdom in Warri South West Council of Delta State. Some studieshave shown that at the end of most of those operations, the military stay behind as“armies of occupation”. This paper therefore, raises a number of questions whichinclude: how effective and to whose benefit have measures adopted (like aerialbombardment) in the management of internal crisis by security forces in Nigeriabeen in recent times (1999-2011)? Is it not an indirect call for military interregnum,when democratic regimes authorize the rolling out of war machines by the militaryagainst the civilians? Are the military forces fully trained in surveillance and othernon-combative skills of security maintenance? This study intends to consider anumber of options available for the country to adopt and solve crisis situationswith minimal collateral damage. These options include good governance, genuinenational dialogue, adequate surveillance of the Niger Delta creeks, blocking of thesources of small and light weapons importation and sale of illegally bunkered crudeoil into the international market.
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Karpiuk, dr hab Mirosław. "Position of County Government in the Security Space." Internal Security 11, no. 1 (October 18, 2019): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5349.
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Security is a very important human need, which is addressed at all levels of local governance both by the central and local government bodies. As regards local government, the scope of tasks involving the provision of security on the local and regional levels has been adjusted to the capabilities (including financial) of individual local government units. Basic tasks are carried out at the municipal district level, supra-municipal tasks — at the county level, and regional tasks — at the provincial level, except that in the province there is a dualism of administration, meaning that administrative authority is shared between a central government-appointed governor, called the provincial governor, and an elected assembly called the regional council. In the case of the county, security-related tasks, as well as the competences relevant to this area, must be clearly defined in the act. At this level of public administration there is no presumption of competence for the benefit of the county authority. The county council performs the public tasks of a supra-municipal character set out by statute rather than the tasks not reserved for other entities. In order to ensure public order and safety of citizens, as well as fire and flood protection, the legislator authorises the county council to use technical means to record what is happening (CCTV cameras) in the area of public space, with the consent of the area manager or an entity holding a legal title to this area, or on the property and in civil structures constituting the property of the county or organisational units of the county, as well as in the area around such premises and structures, if it is necessary to ensure public order and the safety of citizens or provide fire and flood protection.
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Westervelt, Steven, and Bibi van Ginkel. "The ethical challenges of implementing counterterrorism measures and the role of the OSCE." Security and Human Rights 20, no. 2 (2009): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502309788254579.
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AbstractThe United Nations established a counterterrorism mechanism in the form of the Counterterrorism Committee when it adopted Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001). The Committee has so far worked with regional organizations and individual states in capacity building efforts to augment local counterterrorism abilities. However, ethical bottlenecks remain. The problem of ethics arises when laws lack legitimacy regarding criminality and state power and when they diverge from the rule of law and good governance. Regional organizations are keenly placed to ensure that states adopt legitimate counterterrorism measures, thus avoiding ethical bottlenecks. By working with states to maintain the moral high ground, regional organizations such as the OSCE can prevent unnecessary compromises between human rights and security.
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Harpaz, Guy. "Judicial Review by the European Court of Justice of UN ‘Smart Sanctions’ Against Terror in the Kadi Dispute." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 1 (February 1, 2009): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009005.
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In September 2008, the European Court of Justice found EU measures implementing UN Security Council resolutions which had called for the imposition of financial sanctions against certain persons and entities associated with Usama bin Laden, the Taliban and the Al– Qaeda network to be illegal. In a robust, inward–looking, human rights oriented, constitutionbased judgment, the ECJ provided a venue for indirect judicial review of Security Council resolutions and restored the EU legal order to its constitutional foundations. The ECJ furthermore buttressed the bridges between the EU legal order and the ECHR legal order, while erecting high walls between the former and the international law–UN legal order. The dispute before the EU judiciary highlights the multifaceted nature of modern, multilevel governance (multilateral: UN; regional: European; and national). It juxtaposes multilateralism with regionalism; the need to effectively combat international terrorism with the need to protect human rights; and the predominance in international relations of politics and diplomacy with the predominance of international and EU law. This article tackles all these themes, highlights the importance and complexities of the issues involved and analyses the commendable manner in which the ECJ addressed them.
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Reire, Gunda. "China’s Voting Practice at the UN Security Council, Its Legal and Political Interpretation: Case of Syria." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 2, no. 20 (2021): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.20.2021.2.099-114.
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This article examines intersection of three contemporary issues that occupy academic thought intensively: China’s global politics, its changing voting practice at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and the international response to the civil war in Syria. The aim of the article is to provide quantitative and qualitative analysis of China’s voting practice in the UNSC regarding the civil war in Syria, to outline a legal and political interpretation of its voting patterns and to conceptualise China’s politics in the UNSC regarding this issue. The article argues that reasons behind China’s rapidly growing use of the veto in the UNSC regarding Syria are vaguely related to the case of Syria itself, but directly reflect the primacy of China’s domestic politics and its strategic aspirations to reshape global governance. Growing concern within the international community about the human rights abuses taking place on a mass scale against Uighurs in Xinjiang is the most prominent catalyst that enables and provokes China’s systemic reaction. Therefore, although China has neither geopolitical nor strategic interests in Syria, Syria’s case serves as a battleground for China’s attempts to transform the collectively accepted interpretation of multilateralism, democratic values, and norms. This aspect underlines the necessity to observe China’s politics from the perspective of social constructivism. Methodologically, this article draws on political discourse analysis theory, examines China’s arguments in the UNSC and argues that China’s voting behaviour in the UNSC regarding Syria focused on reinterpretation of two grand concepts of international law: state sovereignty and non-interference.
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Loboda, K. S. "COOPERATION BETWEEN UKRAINE AND THE UN AT THE PRESENT STAGE." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 144 (2020): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.144.1.34-40.
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The article is devoted to the United Nations Organization, which turns 75 this year. The article reveals the cooperation between Ukraine and the UN. Despite the ongoing aggression by the Russian Federation, Ukraine pays special attention to the UN's efforts to maintain international peace and security, considering participation in it as an important factor in its foreign policy. Ukraine is an active participant in the activities of the UN system in the field of human rights, a party to all major UN human rights instruments, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Optional Protocols and the International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of racial discrimination. Since March 2014, at the invitation of our state, the UN Monitoring Mission in the field of human rights has been operating in Ukraine, recording the human rights consequences of Russian aggression. Our country receives significant technical, advisory and financial assistance from UN specialized agencies, its funds and programs, in particular, in the areas of democratic governance, poverty alleviation, achieving the National Sustainable Development Goals, supporting public administration, combating HIV / AIDS and other serious diseases, environment. In connection with the above, it should be emphasized that Ukraine, as a founding member of the United Nations, does not stand aside, but actively cooperates with this respected international organization in all areas of its activities. Ukraine remains a supporter of strengthening and increasing the effectiveness of the UN and adapting to modern challenges in the world. Keywords: United Nations Organization, Ukraine, Security Council, human rights, peacekeeping.
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Boyashov, A. S. "European Union in Promotion of Global Governance in the UN System." Journal of International Analytics 13, no. 1 (March 28, 2022): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-1-94-109.
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Having evolved since the 1990s into a political and ideological concept, global governance has become one of the priorities of the program documents of EU states and institutions, today formulated as “rules-based order”. A distinctive feature of this concept is the “blurring” of interstate interaction on the world stage in favor of non-state and supranational interaction. Under global governance, there is allegedly no hierarchy between state actors and nonstate or supra-state actors. This article critically examines this thesis with the help of the sociological theory of diff erentiation. According to diff erentiation theory, the state does not remain on the sidelines of global governance but takes the lead in the hierarchy of levels of world politics. The fi nal part of the article deals with the principles of EU coordination in the UN system. To promote ideas of global governance, the EU aims at major reform of the UN through intertwining intergovernmental interaction with nongovernmental interaction. This model is used especially often when non-core issues (e.g., human rights or climate in the Security Council) are considered in a UN body, allowing for broader participation in negotiations and, from a strategic perspective, a revision of the UN Charter. The main conclusion of the article is that the EU’s actions in the UN system refute the position of global governance that there is no hierarchy between the interstate and supranational levels of world politics. Despite the active promotion of global governance by the EU states, the EU itself is based on interstate coordination and a rigid hierarchy among states, as well as between states and nongovernmental actors.
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Dolgoshein, P. S. "Improving the Regulatory Framework for Countering Extremism in the European Union (Case Study of Finland)." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2021-1-89-102.
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INTRODUCTION. The article, using the example of the Republic of Finland, analyzes the activities of the European Union (hereinafter referred to as the EU) to improve the legal regulation of countering extremism. The influence of the EU on the tackling against extremism and radicalism in the Republic of Finland is examined. The role of the EU in countering global threats, the position of Finland in relation to international co- operation in countering extremism and radicalism is assessed. The methods used in Finland to counter violent extremism are being studied.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article examines the conceptual documents of the UN, EU and Finland; Report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, an action plan to prevent violent extremism, Commission Staff Working Paper; Comprehensive assessment of the EU security policy; Message from the Commission to the European Parliament, European Council Ninth report on progress towards an effective and genuine Security Union; Finland's response to OHCHR's request for information on how the protection and promotion of human rights contribute to preventing and combating violent extremism; Finland's Chairmanship Program for the Sustainable Europe Sustainable Future program; Decision of the Commission on the creation of the Expert Group of the HighLevel Commission on Radicalization, Report of the Council of Europe Committee on Counter-Terrorism, Anti-Terrorism Profiles Finland, Report of the Government of Finland on human rights for 2014; decisions of the Expert Group of the High-Level Commission on Radicalization; Human Rights Council materials.RESEARCH RESULTS. The author puts forward the thesis that the measures used to counter violent extremism depend on the needs of Member States and require the development of various approaches, depending on specific circumstances. In the addition, there is a common interest in EU member states in further expanding the exchange of experience and close cooperation between various national actors at the pan-European and international levels to counter extremism and radicalism. These measures require the development of new regulatory measures, including international ones. The author believes it is possible and interesting, using the example of the Republic of Finland, to study the level of interaction and cooperation between the Member States and the European Union in the field of im- proving the legal regulation of countering extremism, as well as the measures used in Finland to prevent and combat violent extremism.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. In EU Member States, the European Union plays a key role in shaping international cooperation, which includes strengthening the existing governance system and, when necessary, reforming the existing system for preventing and countering violent extremism, subject to the fundamental principles of the United Nations. The Republic of Finland fully supports the efforts of the international community to prevent and counter extremism, through the development of international anti-extremism instruments to help states collectively combat this threat. The educational system of Finland can successfully form the fundamental foundations for countering violent extremism.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Human security, governance, Cambodia, Security Council"
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Quinn, Peter Thomas, and peter quinn@anu edu au. "HUMAN SECURITY AND DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF CAMBODIA." The Australian National University. Centre for Asian Societies and Histories, College of Asia & the Pacific, 2008. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20100701.122958.
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Human security was promoted in 1994 by the UNDP as a concept embracing not only freedom from war and violence (or personal security), but also embracing individual�s basic needs for (and rights to) economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, community security and political security. Following this formulation, the concept has been subject to considerable scrutiny particularly in the context of state centric security studies. Extending the concept of security beyond the state to the individual appeared problematic, especially as the mechanisms designed to maintain and restore world peace are state based. However, the post-cold war environment has required a renewed interest in conflict resolution and in this context, human security as personal security has achieved political and analytical acceptance, particularly in the UN sponsored Human Security Report. What then of the second dimension of human security as freedom from want expressed by the UNDP in terms of basic needs and rights?
Debate on this aspect of the UNDP definition foundered on several fronts. As well as being outside the traditional security framework, many argued that it was too broad to be analytically useful; others that it added nothing to human rights and human development which appeared to address precisely the same issues. Thus, while the concept of human security has found acceptance by those advocating with humanitarian approaches to conflict resolution and prevention, few have addressed the actual relationship, if any, between human security and development at the local level where people are most vulnerable to insecurity and where human security or its absence is most felt.
This thesis addresses this gap through a study of human security in Cambodia, where people have experienced, at different times, the full range of human insecurities detailed by the UNDP. It shows that the human insecurity of Cambodians has been in large part a consequence of the security policies and military engagements of external powers. Human security and international relations are inextricably linked. Cambodia�s post-conflict reconstruction, rehabilitation and development strategies have also been strongly influenced by international forces through development assistance programmes. Despite this aid, Cambodia�s performance in health, education, justice, employment and poverty alleviation has been poor and leaves many rural people with uncertain futures and their human security threatened.
Various authors have suggested that human security might be guaranteed by the state, the rule of law, democratisation, governance, human rights or human development. Based on qualitative fieldwork, the thesis argues that governance � especially the way in which state institutions deliver services to the people at the local or �grass roots� level � is key to assuring human security. It further argues that through development assistance policies and practices, global governance institutions have a significant influence on national and local governance processes.
The thesis concludes that, if accepted by the UN Security Council, global governance and international development assistance agencies, human security can be a bridge uniting them all in the common pursuit of individual security and wellbeing with benefit for state, regional and global security.
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Virk, Kudrat. "Developing countries and humanitarian intervention in international society after the Cold War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60fbdfeb-341c-430c-91c7-5071397a0e47.
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This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.
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Quinn, Peter Thomas. "HUMAN SECURITY AND DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF CAMBODIA." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/49325.
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Human security was promoted in 1994 by the UNDP as a concept embracing not only freedom from war and violence (or personal security), but also embracing individual�s basic needs for (and rights to) economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, community security and political security. Following this formulation, the concept has been subject to considerable scrutiny particularly in the context of state centric security studies. Extending the concept of security beyond the state to the individual appeared problematic, especially as the mechanisms designed to maintain and restore world peace are state based. However, the post-cold war environment has required a renewed interest in conflict resolution and in this context, human security as personal security has achieved political and analytical acceptance, particularly in the UN sponsored Human Security Report. What then of the second dimension of human security as freedom from want expressed by the UNDP in terms of basic needs and rights? Debate on this aspect of the UNDP definition foundered on several fronts. As well as being outside the traditional security framework, many argued that it was too broad to be analytically useful; others that it added nothing to human rights and human development which appeared to address precisely the same issues. Thus, while the concept of human security has found acceptance by those advocating with humanitarian approaches to conflict resolution and prevention, few have addressed the actual relationship, if any, between human security and development at the local level where people are most vulnerable to insecurity and where human security or its absence is most felt. This thesis addresses this gap through a study of human security in Cambodia, where people have experienced, at different times, the full range of human insecurities detailed by the UNDP. It shows that the human insecurity of Cambodians has been in large part a consequence of the security policies and military engagements of external powers. Human security and international relations are inextricably linked.
Books on the topic "Human security, governance, Cambodia, Security Council"
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Peou, Sorpong, Brendan M. Howe, and Yuji Uesugi. Governance: Peace and Human Security in Cambodia and Timor-Leste. Springer International Publishing AG, 2021.
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Uesegi, Yuji, Sorpong Peou, and Brendan Howe. Governance: Peace and Human Security in Cambodia and Timor-Leste. Springer International Publishing AG, 2020.
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Mohan, Mahdev, and Cynthia Morel. Business and Human Rights in Southeast Asia: Risk and the Regulatory Turn. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
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Business and Human Rights in Southeast Asia: Risk and the Regulatory Turn. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.
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Mohan, Mahdev, and Cynthia Morel. Business and Human Rights in Southeast Asia: Risk and the Regulatory Turn. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.
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Mohan, Mahdev, and Cynthia Morel. Business and Human Rights in Southeast Asia: Risk and the Regulatory Turn. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.
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Mohan, Mahdev, and Cynthia Morel. Business and Human Rights in Southeast Asia: Risk and the Regulatory Turn. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.
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Mohan, Mahdev, and Cynthia Morel. Business and Human Rights in Southeast Asia: Risk and the Regulatory Turn. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.
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Anastasia, Telesetsky. Part V Regional Perspectives on Global Ocean Governance, 14 The North American and Arctic Perspective(s) on Global Ocean Governance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198824152.003.0014.
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This chapter examines issues of global ocean governance from North American and Arctic perspectives. It first considers the priority global ocean law and policy issues for federal agencies in Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the areas of marine environment protection and traditional maritime security (for example, trafficking and human migration). For each North American State, the chapter identifies any specific interactions between the State and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) that have been highlighted by the State that involve ocean governance competencies. The focus is on a small subset of IGOs and United Nations entities including the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Maritime Organization, World Meteorological Organization, World Customs Organization, and the UN Security Council. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the global ocean governance priorities of the Arctic Council and any interactions between the Arctic Council and UN IGOs on priority matters for the Council.
Book chapters on the topic "Human security, governance, Cambodia, Security Council"
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Howe, Brendan M., Sorpong Peou, and Yuji Uesugi. "Post-UNTAC UN Peacebuilding and Human Security in Cambodia." In UN Governance, 57–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54572-7_3.
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Howe, Brendan M., Sorpong Peou, and Yuji Uesugi. "A Critical Reflection on UNTAC’s Contributions to Human Security in Cambodia." In UN Governance, 33–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54572-7_2.
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Duic, Dunja. "Effects of a Soft Law: An Overview of the Implementation of the UNSCR 1325 in the EU and the Western Balkans." In NATO Science for Peace and Security Series - E: Human and Societal Dynamics. IOS Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/nhsdp210047.
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As the variegation of soft law increases, so we witness a growing number of soft law instruments – resolutions, guidelines, recommendations and the like – being adopted and implemented. The idea behind soft law is to assist governance through flexible problem solving, considering that soft law instruments produce legal and practical effects that are beyond judicial control. These pages focus on the effects of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (SCR 1325) that is considered a UN soft law instrument given that it was not adopted under the Security Council’s Chapter VII mandate and the Security Council has no enforcement power thereover. In a narrower sense, this paper examines the implementation of Resolution 1325 in the EU and select Western Balkan countries. Specifically, the paper offers a contrasting of the particular National Action Plans for its implementation in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the EU’s Strategic Approach to the EU implementation of the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1325 and 1820 on women, peace and security. The comparison of objectives, fundamental terms and civil society involvement will serve as a platform for drawing conclusions on the relevance and the effects of Resolution 1325 in the said countries and the EU.
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Benjamin F, Kusi. "Part III Security Governance Tools, Ch.43 United Nations Peacekeeping: A View from the Ground." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0044.
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This chapter addresses the role of United Nations peacekeeping operations in an extraordinarily complex and rapidly evolving global security environment. It particularly focuses on lessons learned from peacekeeping taking place in African countries. There is no doubt that peacekeeping operations have made a positive contribution to global security, for instance by assisting the restoration of peace in war-torn countries and communities. Nevertheless, there have also been major downsides, with certain operations doing more harm than good. Without exception, peacekeeping operations have given rise to a wide range of legal and policy challenges. Examples include the ambiguous legal basis for the use of force by the missions, the quest for accountability for human rights abuses by peacekeepers, and the increasing use of private security companies and other subcontractors. The chapter considers the applicable legal framework and the role of the United Nations Security Council, particularly that of the five Permanent Members (P5) in authorizing peacekeeping operations. It also looks at recent developments in contemporary multidimensional operations, as well as the outcomes of peacekeeping missions in terms of their pacifying but also at times destabilizing role in conflict situations.
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Juneau, Thomas, and Stephanie Carvin. "Governance and Structure." In Intelligence Analysis and Policy Making, 13–44. Stanford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613508.003.0002.
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The Canadian intelligence community’s nominal center, the National Security and Intelligence Advisor to the Prime Minister, has limited ability to coordinate the work of the community as a whole, and a limited capacity to coerce and cajole counterparts to work together. This relatively weak central leadership makes it more difficult to manage the activities of the community in a coordinated manner. This contrasts sharply with other national contexts, especially the US, where stronger institutions imply that personalities have a lesser impact on intelligence-policy dynamics. The chapter then examines the impact of structural factors that shape the work of the Canadian intelligence community: dependency on foreign intelligence and lack of a foreign human intelligence service, as well as uncertainty in the face of ongoing reforms and enhanced oversight and review. The chapter concludes with a case study of the Intelligence Assessment Secretariat in the Privy Council Office.
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Simon, Chesterman. "Part III Security Governance Tools, Ch.44 Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention: From Apology to Utopia and Back Again." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0045.
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This chapter explores the responsibility to protect (R2P) and its relationship to humanitarian intervention—the notion that unilateral force can be used to protect human rights in another State. In the event that prevention and peaceful means fail, R2P does allow for action by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) under existing rules. But it neatly dodges the more difficult question of what rules should govern a humanitarian crisis when both the State in question and the UNSC are unwilling or unable to act. The chapter examines the legal framework of humanitarian intervention and how R2P came to be adopted and endorsed by United Nations Member States in general and the UNSC in particular. It highlights the present challenges faced by R2P, evident in the partially successful operation in Libya and the dismally ineffective response to the ongoing crisis in Syria. Finally, the chapter offers some tentative projections about the future, in which the language of R2P appears likely to continue to spread, but weariness of intervention on the part of Western States and the rise of Asian States defending a conservative notion of sovereignty will dampen the conversion of words to action.
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Foot, Rosemary. "Conclusion." In China, the UN, and Human Protection, 257–76. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843733.003.0009.
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This chapter begins with a summary of the main findings deriving from the issue areas covered in this study. It also assesses the extent to which China’s growing power has been used in service of the firmer articulation of its ideological beliefs, together with an effort to reconstitute what it means to be a responsible great power in the global system. The chapter concludes that China’s own triadic model linking together developmentalism, the strong state, and social stability has established a place in the UN’s understanding of how human protection can best be obtained, leading to a potential diminution in the UN’s attachment to and association with its three-pillar structure of development, peace and security, and human rights as the best guarantees of the wellbeing of humankind. China is found to be a conservative actor, working to restrict the human protection focus of the UN Security Council, and to weaken the emphasis on civil and political rights as major sources of protection. The Chinese leadership’s preference is for the UN to reinforce its position as an inter-state governance mechanism where national authorities decide on priorities, and international actors are enablers of the government in power. However, the UN’s resilience in liberal normative areas and resistance to change should also not be overlooked, and remain capable of constraining China’s ability to shape new understandings of human protection. This is especially so where the different constituencies working within the UN remain attentive to the opportunities that its design, membership, and embedded procedures have provided it.
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Klymchuk, Iryna, and Olena Shtraikher. "THE PECULIARITIES OF IMPLEMENTATION OF GENDER POLICY IN SECURITY AND DEFENSE SPHERES ON THE EXAMPLE OF UN AND NATO." In Integration of traditional and innovative scientific researches: global trends and regional aspect. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-001-8-3-6.
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The study examines the peculiarities of the implementation of gender policy in the field of security and defense by the example of the UN and NATO. To achieve this goal, we considered the legal regulation of gender equality in the field of security and defense of the UN and NATO; analyzed the work of institutional mechanisms for the implementation of gender policy in the field of security and defense by the example of the UN and NATO; characterized the peculiarities of cooperation between Ukraine, the UN and NATO in ensuring gender equality in the field of security and defense. The legal regulation of gender equality at the UN and NATO levels was considered, in particular a number of resolutions (UN Security Council Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security No. 1325, No. 1820, No. 1888, No. 1889, No. 1960, No. 2106, No. 2122, No. 2422, No. 2467, No. 2493), which recognizes the importance of involving women and gender mainstreaming in peace negotiations, humanitarian planning, peacekeeping, post-conflict peacebuilding, governance, and equal participation of women at all levels of conflict prevention or protection from sexual violence. Also the authors analyzed the work of institutional mechanisms responsible for the implementation of gender policy of the UN and NATO, in particular, their expertise and scope of activities. It was clarified that the following persons responsible for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions in NATO: Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Women, Peace and Security; NATO Gender Office; Gender Adviser at the International Military Staff; a number of advisory committees and working groups led by NATO Strategic Command; Civil Society Advisory Council on Women, Peace and Security. At the same time, the UN has seven expert institutions and regional independent human rights experts to combat discrimination and gender-based violence against women and girls: UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women; UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women; UN Working Group on Discrimination against Women and Girls; Committee of Experts on the Follow-up Mechanism to the Belem-Par Convention; Expert Group on Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence; Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Africa of the African Commission on Human Rights; Human Rights Rapporteur. In addition, a number of sub-organizations and programs have been established at the UN level to achieve gender equality in all spheres of life, such as the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the HeForShe IMPACT 10x10x10 movement and the UN-Women. Aspects of Ukraine's cooperation with the UN and NATO in ensuring gender equality in the field of security and defense are highlighted separately. The importance and effectiveness of cooperation between Ukraine and the Alliance during the war in Eastern Ukraine have been established. The support by the UN of Ukraine in fulfilling the obligations within the international regulatory framework on the introduction of gender equality and women’s rights was also analyzed.
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Dunay, Pál. "The EU’s engagement with the Eastern Partnership on human rights." In The European Union and Human Rights, 228–43. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814191.003.0011.
Full textAbstract:
The six eastern partners of the European Union (EU) (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine) are states with which the EU aims to establish value-based relations without offering membership perspective. The EU uses its economic strength and attraction as far as visa-free access to EU territory to persuade the six states to stay on the orbit of the EU. However, the EU has limited means of conditionality and it remains questionable what it can achieve with its socialisation. The six partners are in different position as far as their readiness to share western norms and values and follow them. Problems start when the expectations of the EU require major adjustments in the partner’s society, like the introduction of effective anti-corruption measures, guaranteeing judicial independence, providing for a vibrant civil society, fostering a pluralistic and independent media, and achieving good governance. Even the best performing partners face some difficulty in one area or other whereas declaratory human rights policy is not an issue for any as they all belong to various arrangements (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Council of Europe, United Nations) that contain similar requirements. That is why norms and political reality are not congruent that will cause problems for the EU in the relationship for the future. It will continue to face hesitant implementation of human rights commitments by those that lag behind and push for EU membership by the best performing eastern partners.
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Petersmann, Ernst-Ulrich. "Governance Failures: UN Law and WTO Law Fail to Protect Sustainable Development." In Transforming World Trade and Investment Law for Sustainable Development, 57—C2.P75. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858023.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Chapter 2 explains why the post-1945 human rights revolution and international economic law revolution have failed to prevent the trade wars and geopolitical rivalries described in Chapter 3. The member-driven governance dominating United Nations (UN)/World Trade Organization (WTO) legal practices does not—and cannot—effectively protect human rights, rule of law, and global public goods (PGs) (like public health, climate change mitigation, and sustainable development) as long as power politics is not more effectively constrained; just as authoritarian power politics (e.g. in the UN Security Council) prevents effective protection of human rights through UN law, so do regulatory capture of economic regulation (e.g. in the United States and Bretton Woods institutions) and authoritarian blockage of WTO consensus decisions prevent limitation of market failures, governance failures, and constitutional failures in multilevel economic regulation. The neo-liberal Washington consensus is increasingly challenged by the more cosmopolitan Geneva consensus and ordo-liberal Brussels consensus. The totalitarian Beijing consensus imposed by China’s communist party monopoly entails systemic geopolitical rivalries that challenge the post-1945, US-led, UN and Bretton Woods systems. The citizen-oriented UN Sustainable Development Agenda reflects the ordo-liberal Geneva consensus and requires collective actions by democratic alliances aimed at civilizing and ‘constitutionalizing’ UN and WTO power politics by stronger protection of human and constitutional rights of citizens.