Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Human rights issue'

Although the concept of human rights is very much accepted as part of human existence throughout the world today, there is still much controversy surrounding the idea of rights for children. The Constitution, however, not only recognises the fact that like all other members of society, children are capable of being bearers of human rights but emphasises also the special position of children in society by granting them specific rights in the Constitution. Health rights are particularly important for children as the entitlements and obligations created by such rights are necessary for children to realise their full potential. In this thesis the entitlements and obligations attached to children'shealth service rights in the COnstitution are explored.

Varför har FN inte kunnat erkänna våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott?

Denna studie har ägnats åt att upplysa användning av våldtäkt och andra former utav sexuella övergrepp under krig och dess konsekvenser för utsatta kvinnor. Studien har tillämpat en kvalitativ och litterär metod. Den största delen av materialet har tagits ur diverse artiklar, dokument och tidsskrifer. Uppsatsen upplyser kvinnors rättigheter inom den internationella arenan och studien ifrågasätter varför Förenta Nationerna (FN) har dröjt (ca.50 år) med att identifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott inom internationall lagstiftning.

Första delen av uppsatsen kommer att presentera de underliggande teorierna som preciserar konceptet sexuellt övergrepp och mer djupgående, också förklara anledningar bakom anvädning av våldtäkt, därav begränsa dess anvädning inom krigsförhållanden.

Andra delen av uppsatsen sätter fokus på termen våldtäkt och dess utveckling inom den juridiska ramen. Den behandlar folkrätt, och framhäver även orsaker till FN’s svaghet och svårighet att kunna erkänna, inte bara våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott, utan också andra frågor som är problematiska för FN att kunna hantera. Eftersom begreppet ’våldtäkt’ är relativt brett, faller det både under kvinnors rättigheter och i sin tur under mänskliga rättigheter. Av denna anledning kommer uppsatsen att ta upp de möjliga anledningar om varför det har dröjt för FN, men också dess svårighter, att kunna erkänna anvädning av våldtäkt som ett vapen inom krig.

Tredje delen av uppsatsen tar upp några av de möjliga problem som är ohanterliga för FN, bland annat kulturella skillnader och individuella åsikter mellan medlems staterna, vilket medför brist på konsensus. Uppsatsen ifrågasätter även om kvinnors rättigheter är del av mänskilga rättigheter. Utöver det kommer även uppsatsen resonera kring FN’s dilemma att kunna särskilja sin roll som ett mellanstatligt och transnationellt organ. Och sist men inte minst kommer suveräniteten, som varje stat har rätten till att erhålla, att diskuteras. Denna punkt kommer att klargöra den oenighet som förekommer mellan medlems staterna, vilket ännu än gång har resulterat i det dröjsmål som uppstått i att kunna indentifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott.

Why haven’t the UN been able to recognise rape as a weapon of war?

The thesis enlightens the usage of rape in war and the consequences this has brought on women who have been subjected to rape. The bulk of the information is taken from various articles, documents and journals and the method used is of a qualitative nature. The thesis sheds light upon women’s rights in the international arena and questions why it took so long (almost 50 years) for the United Nations (UN) in addressing rape as a war crime within international law.

The first part of the thesis will present various theories that elucidate the word sexual violence and more accurately ‘rape’ in the context of war. The second part generates the judicial part that will depict the difficulty for the international community to address rape as a war crime within international law.

Furthermore the thesis takes the approach in presenting obstacles faced by the UN, within the framework of human rights, to handle delicate issues such as rape and sexual violence. Since rape is, to a large extent, complicated and a broad concept, and since it falls under the category of women’s rights and under human rights, the thesis will explain reasons behind the dawdling and the hurdles faced by the UN in accepting rape under the category of war crime.

The third part of the thesis will present possible predicaments that are unmanageable for the UN. Some possible issues that the thesis has touched upon, is cultural diversity and differing opinions among the member states which has resulted in lack of consensus. Furthermore, the study will present the notion of women’s rights, and question if they are part of human rights. The thesis will also discuss the dual role of the UN and its struggle for the past decade to uphold its role both as an intergovernmental as well as a transnational body. Lastly the thesis will enlighten sovereignty that each state must enjoy. Sovereignty has resulted in lack of agreement among the member states which again has caused delay in recognising rape as a war crime.

This thesis is about issues concerning the implementation of women's human rights in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka has had a conflict between the Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam, LTTE for two decades. Since 2002 there has been a ceasefire agreement in place, which is being violated by both parties. Before being abandoned in 2003, one woman was present during the peace talks that were held.

In this paper I present the results of my field research conducted in Sri Lanka in November and December of 2005. The aim was to find out how women were active in the peace process since it is stipulated in international conventions that they have a right to participation. During the interviews with women activists it became evident that women were not involved in the official peace process. Therefore the thesis is about women’s human rights in Sri Lanka and the obstacles for their implementation.

Two main reasons for the lack of implementation of women’s human rights in Sri Lanka are identified. Firstly, for reasons of culture and patriarchal structures, there is a general lack of implementation internationally of women’s human rights. Secondly, the unresolved conflict situation in Sri Lanka, which reflects the unequal power relations between men and women that existed prior to the conflict. The lack of implementation of women’s human rights in Sri Lanka results in women not being present in the political life and they are therefore not part of the official peace process.

International conventions such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, CEDAW and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on peace and security are addressed in the thesis in order to examine women’s human rights and their right to participation in politics and peace building.

Finally, I conclude that in order to include women in the official peace negotiations women need to actively participate in politics. The method presented to ensure such participation is that of affirmative action. It is a measure that falls under the category of temporary measures, which is suggested in CEDAW article 4.1.

China has been the second largest trading partner of EU in goods and the forth largest

in services since it joined the WTO in 2001. For its part, the European Union has been

China’s largest trading partner since 2004. Despite this, there are a range of issues at

stake between the EU and China who are not only involved into economica l disputes,

but are also at odds on politica l matters . In this paper the authors conduct the study

based on trade hindrances instead of trade achievements with the approaches of IPE

based on the assumption: the tenser of trade-ties, the deeper the politica l dimension

involved and the more delica te the relationship between Economy and Politics

projected to be. Considering the limitation of time and space, the paper focuses

prima rily on the trade issues regarded from three different angles: the internal issues

related to trade (e.g. trade deficit, IPR infringement); the external issues related to

trade (e.g. huma n rights); the ultimate issues rela ted to trade (e.g. technology). Instead

of putting forth feasible resolution to these issues, the ma in feature of this paper lies in

the analysis of trade issues in combination with the approaches of Internationa l

politica l economy. It’s interesting and far-reaching to research EU (trade) from the

perspective of IPE because as Michael Smith argued “The EU’s place in the IPE is

challenging not only in the empirica l sense, but also in the conceptual sense, for

simple reason that (on the one hand) it is not a state and that (on the other hand) it

performs a number of vital state functions in the IPE” (Michael Smith 2006, p.527).

China has been the second largest trading partner of EU in goods and the forth largest in services since it joined the WTO in 2001. For its part, the European Union has been China’s largest trading partner since 2004. Despite this, there are a range of issues at stake between the EU and China who are not only involved into economical disputes, but are also at odds on political matters. In this paper the authors conduct the study based on trade hindrances instead of trade achievements with the approaches of IPE based on the assumption: the tenser of trade-ties, the deeper the political dimension involved and the more delicate the relationship between Economy and Politics projected to be. Considering the limitation of time and space, the paper focuses primarily on the trade issues regarded from three different angles: the internal issues related to trade (e.g. trade deficit, IPR infringement); the external issues related to trade (e.g. human rights); the ultimate issues related to trade (e.g. technology). Instead of putting forth feasible resolution to these issues, the main feature of this paper lies in the analysis of trade issues in combination with the approaches of International political economy. It’s interesting and far-reaching to research EU (trade) from the perspective of IPE because as Michael Smith argued “The EU’s place in the IPE is challenging not only in the empirical sense, but also in the conceptual sense, for simple reason that (on the one hand) it is not a state and that (on the other hand) it performs a number of vital state functions in the IPE” (Michael Smith 2006, p.527).

As one of Europe’s largest-producing actors in the energy sector with a wide energy mix, Vattenfall has a great responsibility to contribute to sustainable development of society. To do so, economical, environmental and social aspects need to be balanced in a responsible way. This is done through acting social responsible or in other terms, addressing corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the company’s business activities. Electricity and heat constitute one of the prerequisites for a modern society. However, it has always been a highly debated industry due to its inevitable impact on the environment and society. This makes it crucial for Vattenfall and its operations to act as responsible as possible and listen to the stakeholders and take their expectations into account in the business decisions process. Vattenfall has a long history of being criticised for its activities by NGOs and media. However, Vattenfall´s main task is to deliver electricity and heat to the society, which means that Vattenfall must continue to deliver secure energy supply to its markets, but with as little negative impact on the environment and society as possible.

Vattenfall is through its operations, its value chain, its use of technology and the markets on which it operates, exposed to risks associated with the areas human rights, labour, environment and anti-corruption. These “CSR risks” can harm the reputation, brand and image if they are not managed in a proactive and effective way. In order to manage CSR risks and emerging CSR issues, the company needs to catch and respond quickly to new trends and expectations raised by opinion formers, which often are expressed through the media and the Internet. The aim of this study is to provide Vattenfall with a tool to do so. Through identifying the main CSR risks related to its operations, awareness about Vattenfall’s vulnerability areas are created. The result shows that the largest CSR risks for Vattenfall are technology related, i.e., connected to the fuels used in Vattenfall’s power plants and their value chain. This knowledge can be used when addressing CSR in the organization.

Still, a direct solution to manage CSR risks and emerging CSR issue is needed. The second purpose of this study is to propose a process for a CSR issues management at Vattenfall. The aim of such an issues management is to provide the company with a tool to identify, analyse and manage emerging issues. A CSR issues management will provide Vattenfall with a tool to respond to emerging issues before they become public knowledge. It should scan and collect external and internal information, identify relevant information for Vattenfall, monitor ongoing and emerging CSR issues/concerns/debates and report to relevant functions in the Vattenfall organization.