Academic literature on the topic 'Human rights Government policy Australia'
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Journal articles on the topic "Human rights Government policy Australia"
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Puspita, Natalia Yeti, and Annisa Irina Nur Halima. "PACIFIC SOLUTION POLICY: MENGGUGAT TANGGUNG JAWAB AUSTRALIA DALAM PENANGANAN PENGUNGSI." Jurnal Paradigma Hukum Pembangunan 5, no. 01 (August 24, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25170/paradigma.v5i01.1648.
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As one of the countries which is ratifying the 1951 Refugeee Convention and the 1967 Protocol, Australia has an obligation to protect refugees and guarantee their rights as stated in the provisions. With the issuance of the Pacific Solution Policy by the Australian Government to restrict refugees who come to Australia, Australia has reneged on international treaties on the protection of refugees that have been ratified. Based on the results of normative juridical research which is used in this paper, it can be seen that the state sovereignty principle which is used as the legal basis for implementing the policy cannot necessarily erase the obligations that have been imposed on it, especially with the development of the current understanding of the state sovereignty principle that links human rights protection. In addition, the attachment to international agreements that have been agreed based on the principle of Pacta Sunt Servanda becomes the basis for strengthening legitimacy that the Australian Government can be held responsibility in connection with the implementation of the Pacific Solution Policy in the handling of refugees in Australia.
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Martin, Stevie. "Friends of the Earth: ‘Government Policy’, Relevant Considerations and Human Rights." Journal of Environmental Law 33, no. 2 (March 1, 2021): 449–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jel/eqab012.
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Abstract Litigation involving climate change is on the increase both domestically and internationally and the Supreme Court's judgment in Friends of the Earth Ltd joins that list. While it was not as directly concerned with the implications of climate change as, perhaps, recent case law from the Netherlands or Australia, the case has significant implications including in terms of future litigation involving human rights challenges based on climate change. Three aspects of the judgment in particular warrant consideration. First, the legitimacy of the Court's purposive interpretation of the meaning of ‘Government policy’. Second, the Supreme Court left unanswered the question of whether the Paris Agreement was so ‘obviously material’ to the exercise of the relevant discretion that a failure to have regard to it would be Wednesbury unreasonable. Finally, the Supreme Court rejected the claim that designating the Airports National Policy Statement would interfere with any rights contained in the European Convention of Human Rights. This case analysis examines each of these aspects of the judgment.
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Caroine, Norma. "The Koreanization of the Australian Sex Industry: A Policy and Legislative Challenge." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 26, no. 3 (December 31, 2011): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps26302.
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South Korea enacted Legislation in 2004 that penalizes pimps, traffickers, and sex industry customers while decriminalizing people in prostitution and offering assistance to leave the sex industry. In contrast, Australia Legally recognizes most sex industry activities. This article argues that Australia`s Laissezfaire approach to the sex industry hampers South Korean government efforts to prevent the crime of sex trafficking. Since 2004, pimps and traffickers have moved their activities from South Korea to countries like Australia and the US that maintain relatively hospitable operating environments for the sex industry. The Australian government should reconsider its approach to prostitution on the basis of its diplomatic obligations to countries Like South Korea and the need to uphold the human rights of women in Asia who are being trafficked and murdered as a result of sexual demand emanating from Australia. Australia should coordinate its policy on prostitution with South Korea to strengthen the region`s transnational anti-trafficking response.
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Mann, Monique, Angela Daly, Michael Wilson, and Nicolas Suzor. "The limits of (digital) constitutionalism: Exploring the privacy-security (im)balance in Australia." International Communication Gazette 80, no. 4 (March 15, 2018): 369–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048518757141.
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This article explores the challenges of digital constitutionalism in practice through a case study examining how concepts of privacy and security have been framed and contested in Australian cyber security and telecommunications policy-making over the last decade. The Australian Government has formally committed to ‘internet freedom’ norms, including privacy, through membership of the Freedom Online Coalition (FOC). Importantly, however, this commitment is non-binding and designed primarily to guide the development of policy by legislators and the executive government. Through this analysis, we seek to understand if, and how, principles of digital constitutionalism have been incorporated at the national level. Our analysis suggests a fundamental challenge for the project of digital constitutionalism in developing and implementing principles that have practical or legally binding impact on domestic telecommunications and cyber security policy. Australia is the only major Western liberal democracy without comprehensive constitutional human rights or a legislated bill of rights at the federal level; this means that the task of ‘balancing’ what are conceived as competing rights is left only to the legislature. Our analysis shows that despite high-level commitments to privacy as per the Freedom Online Coalition, individual rights are routinely discounted against collective rights to security. We conclude by arguing that, at least in Australia, the domestic conditions limit the practical application and enforcement of digital constitutionalism’s norms.
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Lim, Ly Ly. "A Multicultural Act for Australia." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5981.
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Multiculturalism as a public policy framework depends on states identifying cultural differences among their citizens as salient for resource allocation, political participation and human rights. The adoption of multiculturalism as a term and a framework signifies the recognition of a politics of difference within a liberal democratic framework of identities and aspirations. Yet the national government in Australia unlike any other country with espoused policies of multiculturalism has chosen to have neither human rights nor multicultural, legislation. This paper argues that multicultural societies require either or both sets of legislation to ensure both symbolic affirmation and practical implementation. Taking inspirations from international, Australian State and Territory based multicultural and diversity legislations, and modelling on the Australian Workplace Gender Equality Act of 2012, this paper explores what should be included in a national multicultural legislation and how it could pragmatically operationalise in Australia to express multiculturalism’s emancipatory agenda.
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Paisley, Fiona. "Citizens of their World: Australian Feminism and Indigenous Rights in the International Context, 1920s and 1930s." Feminist Review 58, no. 1 (February 1998): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177898339596.
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Inter-war Australia saw the emergence of a feminist campaign for indigenous rights. Led by women activists who were members of various key Australian women's organizations affiliated with the British Commonwealth League, this campaign proposed a revitalized White Australia as a progressive force towards improving ‘world’ race relations. Drawing upon League of Nations conventions and the increasing role for the Dominions within the British Commonwealth, these women claimed to speak on behalf of Australian Aborigines in asserting their right to reparation as a usurped people and the need to overhaul government policy. Opposing inter-war policies of biological assimilation, they argued for a humane national Aboriginal policy including citizenship and rights in the person. Where white men had failed in their duty towards indigenous peoples, world women might bring about a new era of civilized relations between the races.
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McGaughey, Fiona, Tamara Tulich, and Harry Blagg. "UN decision on Marlon Noble case: Imprisonment of an Aboriginal man with intellectual disability found unfit to stand trial in Western Australia." Alternative Law Journal 42, no. 1 (March 2017): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x17694790.
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On 23 September 2016, the United Nations (UN) Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities found that the Australian government had breached its obligations under the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The case against Australia was brought by Marlon Noble, an Aboriginal man with an intellectual disability who was charged with sexual assault but found unfit to stand trial under the Mentally Impaired Defendants Act 1996 (WA). He was imprisoned indefinitely in 2001 and has been held in civil detention in the community since 2012. This article analyses the current policy and legislative context in Western Australia on this issue and reflects on Australia’s previous responses to individual human rights complaints to UN Committees.
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Silove, Derrick, and Sarah Mares. "The mental health of asylum seekers in Australia and the role of psychiatrists." BJPsych International 15, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bji.2018.11.
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There are more displaced people around the world than ever before, and over half are children. Australia and other wealthy nations have implemented increasingly harsh policies, justified as ‘humane deterrence’, and aimed at preventing asylum seekers (persons without preestablished resettlement visas) from entering their borders and gaining protection. Australian psychiatrists and other health professionals have documented the impact of these harsh policies since their inception. Their experience in identifying and challenging the effects of these policies on the mental health of asylum seekers may prove instructive to others facing similar issues. In outlining the Australian experience, we draw selectively on personal experience, research, witness account issues, reports by human rights organisations, clinical observations and commentaries. Australia’s harsh response to asylum seekers, including indefinite mandatory detention and denial of permanent protection for those found to be refugees, starkly demonstrates the ineluctable intersection of mental health, human rights, ethics and social policy, a complexity that the profession is uniquely positioned to understand and hence reflect back to government and the wider society.
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Nguyen, Nathalie Huynh Chau. "Memory in the Aftermath of War: Australian Responses to the Vietnamese Refugee Crisis of 1975." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 30, no. 02 (June 15, 2015): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2015.21.
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Abstract This article interweaves the personal and archival by exploring the intersection of official Australian records on the fall of Saigon and government handling of Vietnamese refugees in 1975 with my family history. As transitional justice addresses the legacies of human rights violations including the displacement and resettlement of refugees in post-conflict contexts, Australian responses to the Vietnamese refugee crisis of 1975 provide a relevant case study. Drawing on a wide range of archival documentation at the National Archives of Australia and the National Library of Australia, including policy papers, Senate findings, confidential cables, ministerial submissions, private correspondence and photographs, I trace the effect of government decisions on Vietnamese refugees seeking asylum. In the process I reveal actions by senior bureaucrats and in particular by then Prime Minister Gough Whitlam that are largely unknown. Combining archival research with personal history enables me to not only shed light on past actions of governance and uncover past injustice but also explore the enduring impact of government decision-making on individual lives.
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Bull, Melissa, Emily Schindeler, David Berkeman, and Janet Ransley. "A Demography and Taxonomy of Long-term Immigration Detention in Australia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v2i1.93.
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The practice of long-term immigration detention is a relatively recent aspect of Australian Government policy. There has been much debate about the wisdom of such policy, raising concerns regarding the health of detainees, the dereliction of human rights, and the legal robustness of such practice. Despite considerable interest, little detail is available describing who is being held and the reasons for their long-term detention. This paper addresses this noticeable gap through a systematic analysis of the Commonwealth Ombudsman’s Immigration Reports over the period 2005 through 2009. From such reporting it has been possible to produce a demographic profile of people held in Australian detention and to develop a taxonomy of the reasons contributing to the ongoing containment.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Human rights Government policy Australia"
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Schindeler, Emily Martha. "A genealogy of the problematic of homelessness and the homeless in Australia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2010. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/32068/1/Emily_Schindeler_Thesis.pdf.
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The homeless have been subject to considerable scrutiny, historically and within current social, political and public discourse. The aetiology of homelessness has been the focus of a large body of economic, sociological, historical and political investigation. Importantly, efforts to conceptualise, explain and measure, the phenomenon of homelessness and homeless people has occurred largely within the context of defining “the problem of the homeless” and the generation of solutions to the ‘problem’. There has been little consideration of how and why homelessness has come to be seen, or understood, as a problem, or how this can change across time and/or place. This alternative stream of research has focused on tracing and analysing the relationship between how people experiencing homeless have become a matter of government concern and the manner in which homelessness itself has been problematised. With this in mind this study has analysed the discourses - political, social and economic rationalities and knowledges - which have provided the conditions of possibility for the identification of the homeless and homelessness as a problem needing to be governed and the means for translating these discourses into the applied domain. The aim of this thesis has been to contribute to current knowledge by developing a genealogy of the conditions and rationalities that have underpinned the problematisation of homelessness and the homeless. The outcome of this analysis has been to open up the opportunity to consider alternative governmental possibilities arising from the exposure of the way in which contemporary problematisation and responses have been influenced by the past. An understanding of this process creates an ability to appreciate the intended and unintended consequences for the future direction of public policy and contemporary research.
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Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.
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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
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MacIntyre, Jaymie-Louise. "Human rights in Australian politics : a dual case study analysis of the issues affecting the development of human rights policy in Australia /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm1526.pdf.
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Fariss, Christopher J. "Human Rights and the Strategic Use of US Foreign Food Aid." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5184/.
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How does respect for human rights affect the disbursement of food aid by US foreign policymakers? Scholars analyzing foreign aid generally look at only total economic aid, military aid or a combination of both. However, for a more nuanced understanding of human rights as a determinant of foreign aid, the discrete foreign aid programs must be examined. By disentangling component-programs from total aid, this analysis demonstrates how human rights influence policymakers by allowing them to distribute food aid to human rights abusing countries. Consequently, policymakers can promote strategic objectives with food aid, while legally restricted from distributing other aid. The primary theoretical argument, which links increasing human rights abuse with increasing food aid, is supported by results from a Heckman model. This procedure models the two-stage decision-making process where foreign policymakers first, select countries for aid and then, distribute aid to those selected.
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Chow, Lok-ning Eric. "Policy-making in an executive-led government : an analysis of the equal opportunities bill and the human rights and equal opportunities commission bill /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1750790X.
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Cai, Ying. "Human rights policies of foreign capital companies of China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554513.
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Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
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Chow, Lok-ning Eric, and 周樂寧. "Policy-making in an executive-led government: an analysis of the equal opportunities bill and the human rights andequal opportunities commission bill." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964916.
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Moyo, Khulekani. "Water as a human right under international human rights law : implications for the privatisation of water services." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80062.
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Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The worsening scarcity of fresh water resources has led to an increasing number of people without sustainable access to safe water across the globe. Water privatisation has been presented as the panacea to addressing the global water crisis. Privatisation of water has heightened the impetus for the explicit recognition of water as a human right. This dissertation seeks to establish the legal status of the right to water under international human rights law. The dissertation further attempts to ascertain the scope and normative content of such a right. In order to answer these questions, this dissertation carries out a detailed analysis of the possible legal basis, scope and normative content of the right to water under international human rights law. The principal question that arises is how a State can ensure compliance with its human rights obligations in the event of involvement of non-State actors such as private corporations in the management and distribution of water services. This dissertation‘s main hypothesis is that although privatisation of water services does not relieve the State of its legal responsibility under international human rights law, such privatisation imposes certain obligations on private actors consistent with the right to water. The dissertation goes beyond articulating normative considerations and looks at implementation at the national level by highlighting good practices on the practical implementation of the right to water consistent with the normative standards imposed by the right. The dissertation‘s key contribution is its development of an accountability model to ensure that States and private actors involved in the provision of water services have clearly designated roles and responsibilities consistent with the human right to water. If properly implemented, the model has the potential to give greater specification to the normative commitments imposed by the right to water in privatisation scenarios.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verergerende skaarste van vars water bronne het aanleiding gegee tot die toename in die hoeveelheid mense sonder volhoubare toegang tot veilige water oor die hele aarde. Dit word aangevoer dat die privatisering van water die wondermiddel is om die globale water krisis aan te spreek. Die privatisering van water het aanleiding gegee tot 'n verskerpte aandrang om water uitdruklik te erken as 'n mensereg. Hierdie proefskrif poog om die regsstatus van die reg tot water te vestig binne die raamwerk van internasionale menseregte. Die proefskrif probeer verder om vas te stel wat die omvang en normatiewe inhoud van so 'n reg sal wees. Vervolgens voltrek hierdie proefskrif 'n uitvoerige analise van die moontlike regsbasis, omvang en normatiewe inhoud van die reg tot water binne die raamwerk van internasionale menseregte. Die vernaamste vraag wat opduik is hoe 'n Staat kan verseker dat sy menseregte verpligtinge nagekom word waar nie-Regeringsrolspelers soos korporasies betrokke is by die bestuur en distribusie van waterdienste. Die kern hipotese van hierdie proefskrif is dat alhoewel die privatisering van waterdienste nie die Staat verlig van sy regsverpligtinge in terme van internasionale menseregte nie, sodanige privatisering sekere verpligtinge aan privaatrolspelers voorskryf wat in lyn is met die reg op water. Hierdie proefskrif gaan verder as die artikulering van normatiewe oorwegings en kyk ook na die implementering op nasionale vlak deur goeie praktyke uit te lig met betrekking tot die prakiese implementering van die reg tot water wat konsekwent is met die normatiewe standaarde wat die reg voorskryf. Die kern bydrae van hierdie proefskrif is die ontwikkeling van 'n aanspreeklikheismodel wat versker dat Regerings en privaat rolspelers wat betrokke is by die voorsiening van waterdienste duidelik aangewysde funksies en verantwoordelikhede het wat in lyn is met die reg tot water. Indien hierdie model behoorlik implementeer word, het dit die potensiaal om grooter spesifikasie te gee aan die normatiewe verpligtinge wat deur die reg tot water voorgeskryf word in privatiserings scenarios.
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Berschinski, Sarah. "Cutting Costs and Paying the Price: The Threat to Prisoners' Health and Well-Being Under Government Negligence." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/939.
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This Thesis argues that the state by contracting out prison food services to private companies and then failing to enforce basic standards has abdicated their responsibility to ensure and protect the physical and mental health of prisoners. Michigan as a case studies reveals the negligence of government to hold Aramark responsible to basic standards of feeding. As a result, leading to a wide-spread case of food-borne illness. The governments unwillingness to protect the basic human rights of prisoners under the control of privately operated prison food services has negatively impacted the health and well-being of prisoners.
Books on the topic "Human rights Government policy Australia"
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1947-, Goddard Christopher R., and Latham Susie, eds. Human rights overboard: Seeking asylum in Australia. Carlton North, Vic: Scribe Publications, 2008.
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Dean, Lusher, and Haslam Nick 1963-, eds. Yearning to breathe free: Seeking asylum in Australia. Leichhardt, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2007.
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Firth, Stewart. Australia in international politics: An introduction to Australian foreign policy. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1999.
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Rod, Tess. Who gets to stay?: Refugees, asylum seekers, and unauthorized arrivals in Australia. Melbourne: Institute of Public Affairs, 2001.
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Borderline: Australia's treatment of refugees and asylum seekers. Sydney, Australia: UNSW Press, 2001.
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Fethi, Mansouri, ed. Lives in limbo: Voices of refugees under temporary protection. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2004.
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Peter, Mares, ed. Borderline: Australia's response to refugees and asylum seekers in the wake of the Tampa. 2nd ed. Sydney: UNSW Press, 2002.
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H, Syed M., ed. Human rights in Pakistan. New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2007.
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Australia and human rights: Situating the Howard government. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Pub., 2010.
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Frank, Brennan. Tampering with asylum: A universal humanitarian problem. St. Lucia, Qld: University of Queensland Press, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Human rights Government policy Australia"
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Ozdowski, Sev. "Human Rights Education in Australia." In Second International Handbook on Globalisation, Education and Policy Research, 537–55. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9493-0_31.
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Ozdowski, Sev. "Globalisation and Human Rights Education in Australia." In Third International Handbook of Globalisation, Education and Policy Research, 1025–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66003-1_57.
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Dickson, Rachael. "Technologies of Government and the Migrant Experience of EU Rights." In Migration Law, Policy and Human Rights, 187–213. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429291524-7.
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Pedersen, Jennifer. "“We Will Honour Our Good Name”: The Trudeau Government, Arms Exports, and Human Rights." In Justin Trudeau and Canadian Foreign Policy, 207–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73860-4_11.
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘The Risk Involved is Inappreciable… and the Gain Exceptional’: Child Migration to Australia and Empire Settlement Policy, 1913–1939." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 23–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_2.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the development of UK child migration to Australia in the inter-war period. Following the opening of Kingsley Fairbridge’s experimental farm school for child migrants at Pinjarra in 1913, the 1920s and 1930s saw a gradual increase in the number of voluntary societies involved in this work and of residential institutions in Australia receiving child migrants. The growth of these programmes in the wider context of the UK Government’s assisted migration policies is discussed. During the 1930s, the global financial depression weakened governmental support for assisted migration, and greater caution emerged within the UK Government about the value of some planned migration schemes. Nevertheless, by 1939, child migration to Australia was seen by UK policy-makers as a small but important part of the attempt to strengthen ties with Britain’s Dominions and to make more efficient use of their collective human and material resources.
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Durmuş, Elif. "How Human Rights Cross-Pollinate and Take Root: Local Governments and Refugees in Turkey." In Myth or Lived Reality, 123–57. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-447-1_6.
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AbstractThe human rights regime—as law, institutions and practice—has been facing criticism for decades regarding its effectiveness, particularly in terms of unsatisfactory overall implementation and the failure to protect the most vulnerable who do not enjoy the protection of their States: refugees. Turkey is the country hosting the largest refugee population, with around four million at the end of May 2020 (https://www.unhcr.org/tr/wp-content/uploads/sites/14/2020/06/UNHCR-Turkey-Operational-Update-May-2020.pdf). As an administratively centralised country, Turkey’s migration policy is implemented by central government agencies, but this has not proved sufficient to guarantee the human rights of refugees on the ground. Meanwhile, in connection with urbanisation, decentralisation and globalisation, local governments around the world are receiving increasing attention from migration studies, political science, law, sociology and anthropology. In human rights scholarship, the localisation of human rights and the potential role of local governments have been presented as ways to counter the shortcomings in the effectiveness of the human rights regime and discourse. While local governments may have much untapped potential, a thorough analysis of the inequalities between local governments in terms of access to resources and opportunities is essential. The Turkish local governments which form the basis of this research, operate in a context of legal ambiguity concerning their competences and obligations in the area of migration. They also have to deal with large differences when it comes to resources and workload. In practice, therefore, there is extreme divergence amongst municipalities in the extent to which they engage with refugee policies. This chapter seeks to answer the question why and how certain local governments in Turkey come to proactively engage in policy-making that improves the realisation of refugees’ rights. Exploratory grounded field research among Turkish local governments reveals four main factors that enable and facilitate the engagement of local governments in refugee policies: (1) the capacity of and institutionalisation in local governments; (2) the dissemination of practices and norms surrounding good local migration and rights-based governance through networks; (3) the availability of cooperation and coordination with other actors in the field, and (4) political will. Collectively, these factors illustrate how a new norm—the norm that local governments can and ought to engage in policy-making improving the rights of refugees—is cross-pollinating and taking root among Turkish local governments. This understanding will provide valuable insights into how norms are developed, travel and are institutionalised within social and institutional networks, and how differences in access, capacity, political and cooperative opportunities may facilitate and obscure the path to policies improving human rights on the ground.
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Damm, Jens. "China and Germany After the 2021 Election: Between Continuity and Increasing Confrontation." In China-US Competition, 159–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_7.
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AbstractThis chapter presents and analyses various official statements, 2021 election programmes and party manifestos, media reports as well as public hearings with regard to the changing view of China in the German public discourse. While the importance of economic interests is still the overarching topic in German-Chinese relations (China has been Germany`s most important trading partner since 2015), there has been a shift towards a more critical stance with regard to human rights issues in recent years. Germany was also the driving force behind the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) with China, which the EU signed in December 2020 under Germany’s presidency of the EU Council but so far never ratified.After the formation of a new SPD led government under chancellor Olaf Scholz, the two smaller coalition partners, the Alliance 90/The Greens, and the FDP, are said to have a much more critical view of China’s human rights issues. In particular, the new German foreign Minister, Annalena Baerbock has publicly vowed to change Germany’s China policy. While Germany has remained within the hedging zone a shift from “economic pragmatism” to “soft balancing” can be observed, most noticeably in political terms: in particular, the new foreign minister Annalena Baerbock stresses the necessity for a closer cooperation both with the United States, but also a common policy of the EU towards China. Thus Germany, and the EU in general, seems to have shifted from “economic pragmatism” to “dominance denial” since the new government came into power, and the war in Ukraine has led to an even closer alliance of Germany, with the EU and the United States.
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Yamada, Mitsuru. "The Trilogy for Peacebuilding: Beyond Obstacles of Democratization, Development and Peace." In Sustainable Development Goals Series, 101–17. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-4859-6_7.
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AbstractAs Peace Studies is interdisciplinary subject, this chapter especially focuses on three main aspects: democratization, development, and peace. These are very important factors for keeping on a peaceful society. Therefore, we must cooperate for solving such challenges because we are facing with serious issues resulted from three areas. In concrete, democratic system is confronted by authoritarianism. The regime against human rights is increasing worldwide as well as in Asia. We get the news on election operation without a free and fair guarantee. It generally means there were irregularities at the polls. In the case of development, we are facing with the income disparity inside a country, as well as among states. Finally, the policy seeking the interests of own country like ‘America First’ sweep across worldwide. Therefore, we must promote the peace on human rights based on international harmony and cooperation. This chapter discusses to remove various obstacles as mentioned above. And then, the actors such as government, the UN, regional organization, and non-governmental organization (NGO) must take charge of the role of promoting peaceful world because they need to cooperate for realization of SDGs Goal 16, based on peace, justice, and strong institutions.
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Xhumari, Merita Vaso. "Older Workers and Their Relations to the Labour Market in Albania." In Older Workers and Labour Market Exclusion Processes, 77–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11272-0_5.
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AbstractThe life course perspective is used in analysis of the older workers relations to the labour market in a societal context. Transition to the market economy of Albania has increased the vulnerability especially for two categories: the youngest, as the new entries into the labour market, and the oldest workers, who found it difficult to be adjusted to the labour market demand, after the failure of state enterprises, changes in working environments, social services, family, etc. The investigation of older workers in the labour market is focused on five dimensions: (1) the labour market structure and employment status of older workers; (2) the employment & VET policies; (3) the work-life balance with ageing; (4) health and (5) retirement.In the beginning of 1990s, the early retirement was the first policy intervention to cope with massive unemployment of older workers. Then, the parametric reforms of PAYG social insurance for increasing the retirement ages and the insurance period have had an impact on extending the working life of older workers of 10 years until 2018. However, the replacement rate was lowering from 74.2% in 1990, to 56% in 1993 when reform started, to further 41% in 2018 which impose pensioners to continue working or delaying the retirement. The increased youth unemployment, atypical and informal employment, has been new challenges for older workers to be adjusted to the labour market demand and only 10% of them can continue working after the retirement age. The development of employment services, VET, health care and social protection have been inadequate to promote social inclusion of older workers.In the framework of the EU integration, Albania has pursued a process of harmonization the legal framework with EU standards. National strategies have been enacted to guarantee human rights, gender equality, and an inclusive society. The social inclusion of older workers into the labour market is a complex issue that depended not only of the Government interventions, but also by the active engagement of other stakeholders. In the Albanian tradition family continues to be a strong supporting institution for older people and children, very likely to the Abbado’s idea in Italy.This chapter is based on an analysis of policy documents, research and statistics from INSTAT, Eurostat, World Bank, etc. The Eurofound’s European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS) 2015, and European Quality of Life Survey (EQLS) 2016 are used to identify age and gender patterns regarding work-life balance and social inclusion. The analysis suggests that to fully address the complexity of the inclusion of older workers in the labour market, an integrated approach should involve all relevant policy areas such as education, health, employment, and social protection, as well as engagement of all community stakeholders.
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Sugars, Jasper MacLennan. "Refoulement and Refugees." In Defending Human Rights and Democracy in the Era of Globalization, 181–97. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0723-9.ch008.
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Refoulement, a French word meaning to reject; or backwash, is a contentious issue in the international law and policy. However, the word is unknown to most of the public world – the Australian government operations to deter asylum seekers titled ‘pushing back the boats', ‘operation sovereign borders' are questionably pushing the limits as to what's refoulement and what isn't – but the worded meaning in the convention relating to the status of refugees is the process by which a persecuted asylum seeker is forcibly removed back to a place where they are re-exposed to the same danger from which they are trying to escape. In this article, the author hopes to provide information to others who are interested in the area of refugee policy and, in particular Australia's role in the development of this increasingly important field of international law as well as the implementation of their own unique approach to dealing with asylum seekers arriving in their territorial waters by boat. in this chapter the author has made every effort to provide an unbiased, politically non-partisan view of the current policies which Australia has implemented under domestic law, which includes the act of turning back of boats and offshore processing in third-nation processing facilities.
Conference papers on the topic "Human rights Government policy Australia"
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Robinson, Kim. "Advocating Human Rights: Frontline workers in refugee non-government organizations in Australia and the United Kingdom." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science Technology Forum, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir12.53.
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Widyani, I. Dewa, and Erni Murniarti. "Government Policy about Workers Terminated due Covid-19 Pandemic." In Proceedings from the 1st International Conference on Law and Human Rights, ICLHR 2021, 14-15 April 2021, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.14-4-2021.2312843.
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Andryan, Farid Wajdi, Benito Asdhie Kodiyat, and Taufik Hidayat Lubis. "An Analysis of the Indonesian Government Policy on the Lockdown from the perspective of Human Rights." In 1st International Conference on Law and Human Rights 2020 (ICLHR 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210506.055.
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Putri, Mery, and Winda Wijayanti. "Elaboration of Government Policy in Pandemic Era: ASEAN and Indonesia’s Local Regulation Comparative." In Proceedings from the 1st International Conference on Law and Human Rights, ICLHR 2021, 14-15 April 2021, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.14-4-2021.2312855.
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Pozzer, Lilian L. "A HUMAN RIGHTS CENTRED HISTORICAL APPROACH TO TEACHING SCIENCE FOR SOCIAL CHANGE." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2022v1end012.
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"The COVID-19 pandemic brought to light uncomfortable realizations for science educators; it has become patently obvious how much confusion and misunderstanding there exist about basic scientific facts that could help one make informed decisions, from individual choices to policy making at all levels of government. The extreme polarity in public and private discourses related to COVID-19 might be augmented by political views, economic interests and social media algorithms, but at the bottom of it all there is a lack of understanding of scientific concepts and of the nature of science, as well as its sociocultural and historical contexts. There is also a lot of skepticism about science and scientists. This skepticism is not completely out of place; historically, there are embarrassing large numbers of cases in which human rights were infringed in the name of advancements of scientific knowledge. There are also incredible contributions of science to upholding and improving human rights. Whereas scientific discoveries are presented by the media as noteworthy and celebrated, there is a lack of intentional exploration and meaningful discussion of the “ups and downs” of science throughout its history and across cultures in the context of its relationship with human rights. To address this issue, I developed and implemented two courses designed for pre-service and in-service teachers, exploring the rather turbulent history of science and human rights from ancient times to the present day, from a perspective that considers both science and human rights within social, cultural and historical contexts, and highlights the contributions of science to human rights causes, from both negative and positive cases. Rather than promoting a naïve view of science as an a-cultural practice, detached from its sociocultural and historical context, and uncritical of the hegemonic Western, Judeo-Christian, White, male, heteronormative and colonial grounds on which rests the mainstream science presented in grade school textbooks, the courses pushed the boundaries of the very definition of science and its role in human rights causes, challenging students to consider the many implications of how we define, present and study science in schools, as well as how we promote and use scientific knowledge in our lives. Students in the courses were challenged to (re)envision science and human rights as they critically analyzed predominant Discourses from an eco-pedagogical social-cultural and historical perspective. A description of the courses and results evidencing the impact of the courses on students’ conceptualizations of science education for social change are reported in this conference presentation."
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Ajaib, Anbreen. "Making Secondary Education Accessible for Girls with and without Disabilities -The case of Pakistan." In Tenth Pan-Commonwealth Forum on Open Learning. Commonwealth of Learning, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56059/pcf10.312.
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Bedari is a rights based NGO working in Pakistan for promotion and protection of human rights of women and girls. Girls’ Secondary Education is one of the core themes Bedari works on. Bedari believes that education is not only about acquiring a degree or a certificate, it is about the life skills and about knowledge around the rights and the capacity to claim them. Bedari, during the last fifteen years, has supported 1000s of girls to continue their education by enhancing their mobility, helping them strengthen their life skills and asserting their agency. During this, Bedari has gained marvelous understandings of community perspectives and barriers to girls’ education at community and policy levels. Bedari has learnt that a small contribution towards enhancing girls’ mobility not only ensures their access to education, but also contributes in their empowerment, reduces the incidence of child marriages and enables them to deal with gender based violence. // Session Objectives: // Demonstrate how small contributions in girls’ mobility and self-growth through community engagement can empower them and ensures access to education. // Share the good practices of working with government to enhance girls’ secondary education // Showcasing key learning around working for educating girls with disabilities // After a short presentation on the context of Girls’ Education in Pakistan, the moderator will invite the panelists for the discussion. Discussion will be in the form of a talk show. The questions will be around; their experiences (specifically in COVID Context), opportunities to work around inclusion and equity, challenges and their mitigation, and key takeaways. The panelists from different stakeholders including civil society, donor organization and government expert will be a great mix to provide the audience an insight on above mentioned themes from different perspectives. It will provide an opportunity to the participants from different countries to explore the possibilities of replication in their context.
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Ihuoma, Chinwe. "Achieving Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 4 among Female Nomadic Children in Nigeria using Open and Distance Learning Strategies." In Tenth Pan-Commonwealth Forum on Open Learning. Commonwealth of Learning, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56059/pcf10.5898.
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Education is a basic human right that every child ought to enjoy. Sustainable Development Goal 4 is also to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and to promote lifelong learning opportunities for all by year 2030. Nigeria recognizes education as a fundamental human right and is signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). In 2003, the Government of Nigeria passed into Law the Child Rights Act aimed at facilitating the realization and protection of the rights of all children. Nigeria also enacted the Universal Basic Education (UBE) law, which provides for a 9-year free and compulsory basic education to fast-track education interventions at the primary and junior secondary school levels. Nomads have been defined as people; who mainly live and derive most of their food and income from raising domestic livestock. // They move from place to place with their livestock in search of pasture and water. Because of this, sending their children to school becomes a big issue for them and the girl child is the worst affected. Girl-child education is the education geared towards the development of the total personality of the female gender to make them active participating members of economic development of their nation. Education also helps girls to realize their potentials, thus enabling them to elevate their social status. This paper which adopts descriptive research design examined the factors hindering adequate participation of the nomadic girl child in formal Education. Religious factors and beliefs, poverty ,Parents’ attitude, underdevelopment and insecurity, Educational policy and home-based factors, were some of the hindering factors identified, among others. Ways of enhancing their participation were suggested and recommended, such as training in literacy and vocational skills, mobile education and improved political will. These will make the girl child become functional in the society.
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Maximo, Gabriela Willemann Siviero, and Carlos Loch. "The citizenship territories program and the challenges for the rural exodus combat in north plateau catarinense: a case study in municipalities of São Bento do Sul and Rio Negrinho." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8124.
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In February 2008, the Brazilian Federal Government created the Citizenship Territories Program, whose purpose is to promote and accelerate the elimination of poverty and social inequality in rural areas, including gender, race and ethnicity, through a sustainable territorial development strategy. The choice of the territories entered in the Citizenship Territories Program results from pre-defined criteria, examples of the low Human Development Index (HDI) and low economic dynamism, in which were chosen 60 territories to be benefited with structuring actions in 2008 and more 60 in 2009, totaling 120, divided into five regions of Brazil, where, within these territories, are being applied three axes to support productive activities, citizenship and access to rights and the qualification of the infrastructure. In this sense, this article aims to demonstrate the challenges of combating rural exodus, since the implementation of this Program in the North Plateau of Santa Catarina State, specifically in the municipalities of São Bento do Sul and Rio Negrinho, Citizenship Territories Program members. The case study is based on bibliographic and documentary research; data analysis provided by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), and; in analysis of thematic maps produced in environment of Geographic Information Systems (GIS). With the found results expected to ratify that despite the efforts and actions taken by the Citizenship Territories Program, in these members municipalities, public policy has not been able to be effective in combating rural exodus, where it is believed that the appeal to such an act are still insufficient.
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Reinsalu, Kristina. "Shedding Light on the Digital Vulnerability: Challenges and Solutions." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002576.
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There was a hope that digital transformation, in improving public service provision and delivery, and in promoting inclusion – with due regard to the needs of vulnerable populations – is instrumental in mitigating the effects of exclusion and improving people’s livelihoods (UN e-Government Survey 2012). Also, the rise of social media with their more inclusive tendencies and lower technical skill requirements was expected to open new horizons for the inclusion of vulnerable groups. Whereas these hopes have partly become true, we are also witnessing that vulnerable groups are facing new type of risks such as digital harassment, hate speech, disinformation/misinformation attacks and other risks which hinder those groups from fully benefitting from digital transformation.While traditional digital divide reasons (lack of access and skills) remain important, motivational reasons have increased in importance over time. Effective interventions aimed at tacklingdigital exclusion need to take into consideration national contexts, individual experience etc. What worked a decade ago in a particular country might not work currently in a different or even the same country (Helsper, E.J. and Reisdorf, B.C. 2016). The aim of research paper is to shed a light on the digital vulnerability, and to understand (a) which are the groups and activities where digital transformation (increase of digital awareness, skills, resources) could bring about the biggest change in the quality of life, and empowerment? (b) What are the main actors in this field? (c) What are the practical implications to rise their capacity and empower them?Our research collects and analyses data from Ukraine and Georgia. The democratic development of these two countries has been relatively similar. Both countries have also placed emphasis on digital development. However, the state of democracy is fragile in both countries, there are many inequalities and a great threat to security, especially in Ukraine. This makes the vulnerable groups even more vulnerable digitally and the risks mentioned above might have real dramatic consequences.Even though we are looking more closely at these two countries, there is a threat to democracy and societies everywhere, so this focus is universal.The research will make use of primary as well as of secondary data. The primary data will be collected using semi-structured interviews with different stakeholders. The secondary data will be collected from public sources (strategy and policy documents etc.)In our study the digitally vulnerable groups (DVG) are those whose digital engagement in political decision-making and e-services is hindered by their lack of awareness of digital issues, access to technological benefits, and / or digital literacy and skills. Irrespective of the causes (e.g. demographic, socioeconomic and/or health status, living conditions or social position, etc.), these barriers prevent the people from reaping the benefits of digital transformation and as such, have a negative impact on their rights, interests, and everyday life. The primary research shows that the priority target groups are similar in both countries – these are (a) children and young people; and (b) elderly people. Evidently those both groups have completely different needs, barriers, and enablers for benefitting from digital agenda. The research is part of a project DRIVE, the results will be used for preparing recommendations for action, train civil society organisations and public authorities to work on these recommendations and turn two of the recommendations into a pilot project to be implemented during the project.
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حسين عبد الجبوري, احمد. "Forced displacement from the outskirts of Kirkuk in 2014 challenges and hopes for return." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/9.
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"Introduction: Military and political crises and conflicts have been part of the reality of many countries of the world, which are witnessing political, economic, social, intellectual, cultural and sectarian changes that have made violence and terrorism an essential material for expressing the content of the conflict and its extensions, then turning to other societies. In mid-2014, Iraq was subjected to a fierce attack by the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) on the governorates of Mosul, Kirkuk, Salah al-Din, Diyala and Anbar, which led to the occupation of some of them by the organization's forces, and thus led to the forced migration of hundreds of thousands of people to the safe provinces. Stable, the extension of this crisis and its various effects made it a strategic challenge for Iraq that requires exceptional national efforts to achieve stability and ensure the return of the displaced to their areas of residence within a legal framework of a humanitarian nature. The problem of the study: The problem of the research lies in answering several questions that were raised in the study, which are what are the reasons that led to this forced migration and mass displacement, and what are the challenges facing the displaced and displaced in Kirkuk, and how to coexist amid the charged atmosphere in the city of Kirkuk, which is threatened by invasion from Before the forces of the organization, and how to reach solutions that satisfy all parties and end this crisis and ensure the dignified return of the displaced families to their homes after the liberation of the region and the restoration of security to it. Study hypothesis: The hypothesis that the researcher starts from in order to answer the questions raised by the problematic, confirmed or denied by the data of the study. Therefore, the absence of a unified national strategy that addresses the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement in Iraq in general and in Kirkuk in particular and responds to the requirements of their relief and return to their areas would reduce the The quality of the humanitarian response policy and achieve social justice befitting the life of the Iraqi citizen. The importance of the study: The importance of this research comes since the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement began in mid-2014, after ISIS took control of the northern and central regions of Iraq, the humanitarian emergency in Iraq became more severe, according to United Nations estimates, as the number of displaced people in Iraq exceeded Nearly three million displaced people, while more than eight million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, and with the lack of funding by the United Nations, and the presence of the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government also under economic pressure as a result of the war on ISIS, the protection of human rights and the provision of assistance are at risk Also at great risk. Objectives of the study: 1- Getting to know the international evidence for the displaced. 2- The impact of the characteristics of the displaced in Kirkuk and the effects of the crisis. 3- Knowing the national efforts to curb the effects of the crisis. 4- Defining the general framework for the sustainable solutions required to ensure the success of return or resettlement cases. Study methodology: The study adopted the analytical method of an inductive nature based on reality, as a method in proving the hypothesis in order to reach the research objectives. Structure of the study: The study was divided into two sections. The first section included the challenges facing the displaced in Kirkuk, which included three main axes: first the political and security challenges, secondly the economic challenges, and thirdly the social challenges. The second topic dealt with the procedures used to deal with the crisis, which was divided into the situation The government from the crisis, the position of local associations and international organizations from the crisis, and finally the proposed solutions to end the crisis of forced displacement and displacement in Iraq in general and Kirkuk in particular. Results of the study: The study reached several results, including 1- The relief programs and the humanitarian response policy were unable to mitigate the economic, social and psychological impact of the displaced, which deepened the severity of the crisis and its repercussions. 2- Doubling the national and international effort is a necessity to limit the spillover effects of the crisis, provided that these efforts are linked and encapsulated by legal frameworks. 3- Returning to the liberated areas is among the most sustainable solutions. Therefore, the return of the displaced must be accompanied by achieving stability, providing services and security. Sources study: The sources of the study varied from the reports of the High Commission for Human Rights in Iraq, UNICEF, Amnesty International of the United Nations, and the reports of the International Organization for Migration and other organizations that used to issue their periodic reports and in numbers on the tragic conditions experienced by the Iraqi diaspora, including the book The Displacement Crisis in Safe Iraq. And protection issued by the Cisfire Center for Civilian Rights in London, the national report on human development in Iraq, the reports of the World Food Program, and other sources in the course of the study. "
Reports on the topic "Human rights Government policy Australia"
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Hills, Thomas, Gus O'Donnell, Andrew Oswald, Eugenio Proto, and Daniel Sgroi. Understanding Happiness: A CAGE Policy Report. Edited by Karen Brandon. The Social Market Foundation, January 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-910683-21-7.
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Everyone wants to be happy. Over the ages, tracts of the ancient moral philosophers – Plato, Aristotle, Confucius – have probed the question of happiness. The stirring words in the preamble to the Declaration of Independence that established ‘Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness’ as ‘unalienable Rights’ served as the inspiration that launched a nation, the United States of America. Yet, more than 240 years later, the relationship between government’s objectives and human happiness is not straightforward, even over the matters of whether it can and should be a government aim. We approach this question not as philosophers, but as social scientists seeking to understand happiness through data. Our work in these pages is intended to enhance understanding of how the well-being of individuals and societies is affected by myriad forces, among them: income, inflation, governance, genes, inflation, inequality, bereavement, biology, aspirations, unemployment, recession, economic growth, life expectancies, infant mortality, war and conflict, family and social networks, and mental and physical health and health care. Our report suggests the ways in which this information might be brought to bear to rethink traditional aims and definitions of socioeconomic progress, and to create a better – and, yes, happier – world. We explain what the data say to us: our times demand new approaches. Foreword by Richard Easterlin; Introduced by Diane Coyle.
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Milican, Juliet. Mapping Best Practice Guidelines in working with Civil Society Organisations. Institute of Development Studies, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.092.
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This report sets out to map the different guidance documents available on how to work most effectively with civil society in the delivery of international aid in ways that deepen democracy and advance the rights of marginalised or excluded groups. It includes a review of guidelines published by other key international development funders and implementors written for their own teams, an overview of guidance provided for DAC members within OECD countries and policy papers on cooperation between the state and CSOs. It looks primarily at documents produced in the last ten years, between 2011 and 2021 and includes those related to cooperation on specific issues (such as drugs policy or human rights, as well as those that deal with specific countries or regions (such as Europe or the MENA region). The majority of documents identified are written by government aid departments (eg USAID, Norad) but there are one or two produced by umbrella civil society organisations (such as Bond) or international legal think tanks (such as ICNL, the International Centre for Not for Profit Law). There was a remarkable consistency between the issues Millican addressed in the different documents although their size and length varied between outline guidance on 2 – 3 pages and a comprehensive (62 page) overview that included definitions of civil society, range of organisations, reasons for collaborating, mechanisms for financing, monitoring and ensuring accountability and challenges in and guidance on the ways in which donors might work with CSOs.
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Moore, Mark, and Marla Spivack. The Way Forward in Analyzing National Educational Systems: A Re-Considered View. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-risewp_2022/110.
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Low- and middle-income countries around the world face a profound educational challenge. At stake in meeting this challenge is their ability to participate effectively in an increasingly interdependent global economy, society, and polity, and to meet many other goals set out in the International Declaration of Human Rights. Turning the current challenge into an important opportunity will, by definition, require significant improvements in the productivity of national education systems. Productivity changes on this scale require innovations at all three levels of the national systems: micro (classroom pedagogy), meso (school and district management), and macro (national politics and policy) levels. This paper sets out principles for designing a process initiated and supported at the national level that can animate, guide, and evaluate the varied innovations that will help national government meet their educational goals along a path that supports their economic, social, and political goals as well.
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Obado-Joel, Jennifer. The Challenge of State-Backed Internal Security in Nigeria: Considerations for Amotekun. RESOLVE Network, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2020.9.ssa.
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Nigeria faces immense internal security challenges, including the Boko-Haram crisis in the northeast and violent farmer-herder conflicts in the southwest and north-central states. Across the Nigerian federation, pockets of violent clashes have sprung and escalated in new locales in the last decade. Community responses to these violent crises have been diverse and included the establishment of armed groups to supplement or act in parallel to the security efforts of the Nigerian state—in some cases with backing from federal or state governments. These local security assemblages, community-based armed groups (CBAGs), are on the one hand contributors to local order, and normative conceptions of peace and security. On the other hand, these groups are often a pernicious actor within the broader security landscape, undermining intercommunal peace and drivers of violence and human rights abuses. This Policy Note focuses on the characteristics, challenges, and opportunities of Amotekun, a recently formed CBAG in Southwest Nigeria. Drawing from the experiences of similar Nigerian groups, the Note details recommendations that may facilitate greater success and lessen poten al risk associated with Amotekun’s formation. These recommendations are aimed primarily at Nigerian government and civil society actors and describe areas where external support could potentially improve local capacity to conduct oversight of Amotekun and similar groups.