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1

Bernat, Chrystel, and David van der Linden. "Rethinking the Refuge." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 4 (October 19, 2020): 439–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10010.

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Abstract The history of the Huguenot Refuge in the Dutch Republic has often been written from a strictly national and confessional perspective, with little attention paid to the connections between French Protestants and other religious communities. In recent years, however, scholars from fields other than religious history have begun to explore the impact of the Huguenot Refuge, while historians of migration have compared the Huguenots to other minorities. Building on these new directions, this special issue seeks to move beyond the traditional boundaries of scholarship on the Dutch Refuge. Focusing on untapped archival sources, the relations between the Huguenots and other religious communities, as well as transnational networks of conflict and solidarity, the articles gathered here propose a more systemic approach towards the Huguenot Refuge in the Dutch Republic.
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2

Hornung, Erik. "Immigration and the Diffusion of Technology: The Huguenot Diaspora in Prussia." American Economic Review 104, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 84–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.104.1.84.

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This paper analyzes long-term effects of skilled-worker immigration on productivity for the Huguenot migration to Prussia. In 1685, religiously persecuted French Huguenots settled in Brandenburg-Prussia and compensated for population losses due to plagues during the Thirty Years’ War. We combine Huguenot immigration lists from 1700 with Prussian firm-level data on the value of inputs and outputs in 1802 in a unique database to analyze the effects of skilled immigration to places with underused economic potential. Exploiting this settlement pattern in an instrumental-variable approach, we find substantial long-term effects of Huguenot settlement on the productivity of textile manufactories. (JEL J24, J61, L67, N33, N63, O33, O47)
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3

Mitchell, William H. F. "Huguenot Contributions to English Pan-Protestantism, 1685-1700." Journal of Early Modern History 25, no. 4 (August 9, 2021): 300–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-bja10019.

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Abstract Following the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, hundreds of thousands of French refugees sought shelter in Protestant states like the United Provinces and England. In England, the influx of Huguenots contributed significantly towards the argument for greater pan-Protestant engagement with the European continent. Huguenot-authored pamphlets advertised Catholic barbarity, deepening pre-existing anti-Catholic sentiments and imbibing those sentiments with other anti-French concerns, such as Louis XIV’s supposed immorality and his striving for universal monarchy. Further, key Huguenot authors reinterpreted the Glorious Revolution as one synchronizing the country with its Protestant brethren. In so doing, the Huguenots supported William III’s commitment to the Nine Years’ War and increased the quantitative and qualitative arguments to carry out an expensive religious-ideological foreign policy, often against domestic criticisms in England that the outcomes of the war did not match the expense.
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4

Clifford, Alan C. "Reformed Pastoral Theology under the Cross: John Quick and Claude Brousson." Evangelical Quarterly: An International Review of Bible and Theology 66, no. 4 (September 6, 1994): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-06604001.

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The Huguenot pastor Claude Brousson (1647–98) is little known in the English speaking world. His ministry and martyrdom were first documented by an equally little-known English Puritan, John Quick (163–1706), himself no stranger to persecution. Broussons’s itinerant labours probably have no parallel in the seventeenth century. At a time when English Nonconformity was becoming moribund, Brousson displayed the zeal of purer times. While Reformed theology’s reputation for sterile orthodoxy has its origins in the seventeenth century, Brousson’s experiences of the Holy Spirit reveal a higher dimension. Fifty years before Anglo-Saxon Methodism, Brousson’s career anticipated those of Whitefield and the Wesleys, the Huguenot’s being pursued in far more hostile conditions. Like the English Puritans and the Scottish Covenanters, the French Huguenots had their militant episodes. Seen in the context of cruel persecution, graphically depicted in Quick’s little known narrative, Brousson’s teaching and example possess a unique challenge for today.
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LACHENICHT, SUSANNE. "Huguenot Immigrants and the Formation of National IDENTITIES, 1548–1787." Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006085.

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This article addresses the extent to which Protestant states in Europe and North America depicted the French Protestants who had found refuge in these states, as having contributed to the process of nation building and the formation of national identity. It is shown that the arrival of Huguenots was portrayed positively as the historians of these nations could contend that Huguenots had been absorbed readily into the host society because their virtues of frugality and industry corresponded admirably with the ethic of their hosts. The article demonstrates that, in no case, did this depiction correspond with reality. It shows that within those countries of refuge, Huguenots fostered a distinctive French Protestant identity that enabled them to remain aloof from the culture of their host society. In all cases Huguenots asserted themselves as a self-confident minority, convinced of the superiority of their language and culture who believed themselves to be privileged in this world as in the next. When national histories came to be composed, this dimension to the Huguenot minorities came to be expunged from historical memory as was also the fact that the Huguenots were but one of several minorities whose distinctiveness had contributed largely to the shaping of the state, culture, and society of the emerging nation-states.
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ΓΑΓΑΝΑΚΗΣ, ΚΩΣΤΑΣ. "Η ΣΥΓΚΡΟΤΗΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΠΡΟΤΕΣΤΑΝΤΙΚΗ ΠΡΟΠΑΓΑΝΔΑ ΣΤΗ ΔΙΑΡΚΕΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΓΑΛΛΙΚΩΝ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΥΤΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΩΝ ΤΟΥ 16ου ΑΙΩΝΑ." Μνήμων 20 (January 1, 1998): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.674.

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<p>Costas Gaganakis, The construction of memory in Protestant propagandaduring the French Religious Wars</p><p>Subject of this article is the construction of collective, group memory,by French Protestant propagandists, such as Jean Crespin, during the troubled years of the French religious wars. The invention of a heroicpast, as constitutive element of Huguenot identity, not only served thepurposes of an imagined community, but equally sought to come toterms with the pressing political situation of the day. Huguenot polemicists,like François Hotman, also attempted to reconstruct Frenchnanional memory (and identity), by referring to an invented nationalpast, in order to justify their open rebellion against the French monarchy,especially following the events of August 1572.The insistence on the history of the martyrs, on the biblical identityof the Huguenots, served to consolidate inner bonds and to cultivatea sense of heroic perseverance for the persecuted minority. Huguenotcollective memory not only served to mould collective religious identity,but it also helped to promote a distinct political identity, that of afully loyal and wrongly persecuted, patriotic minority.</p>
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7

Van Ruymbeke, Bertrand, David van der Linden, Eric Schnakenbourg, Ben Marsh, Bryan Banks, and Owen Stanwood. "The Global Refuge: The Huguenot Diaspora in a Global and Imperial Perspective." Journal of Early American History 11, no. 2-3 (November 11, 2021): 193–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-11020014.

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Abstract Huguenot refugees were everywhere in the early modern world. Exiles fleeing French persecution, they scattered around Europe and beyond following the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, settling in North America, the Caribbean, South Africa, and even remote islands in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. This book offers the first global history of the Huguenot diaspora, explaining how and why these refugees became such ubiquitous characters in the history of imperialism. The story starts with dreams of Eden, as beleaguered religious migrants sought suitable retreats to build perfect societies far from the political storms of Europe. In order to create these communities, however, the Huguenots needed patrons, and they thus ran headlong into the world of empires. The refugees promoted themselves as the chosen people of empire, religious heroes who also possessed key skills that would strengthen the British and Dutch states. As a result, French-Protestants settled around the world—they tried to make silk in South Carolina, they planted vines in South Africa; and they peopled vulnerable frontiers from New England to Suriname. Of course, this embrace of empire led to a gradual abandonment of the Huguenots’ earlier utopian ambitions. They realized that only by blending in, and by mastering foreign institutions, could they prosper in a quickly changing world. Nonetheless, they managed to maintain a key role in the early modern world well into the eighteenth century, before the coming of Revolution upended the ancien régime.
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8

Sălăvăstru, Andrei Constantin. "Sacred Covenant and Huguenot Ideology of Resistance: The Biblical Image of the Contractual Monarchy in Vindiciae, Contra Tyrannos." Religions 11, no. 11 (November 6, 2020): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110589.

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The Bible had been a fundamental source of legitimacy for the French monarchy, with biblical imagery wielded as a powerful propaganda weapon in the ideological warfare which the kings of France often had to wage. All Christian monarchies tried to build around themselves a sacral aura, but the French kings had soon set themselves apart: they were the “most Christian”, anointed with holy oil brought from heaven, endowed with the power of healing, and the eldest sons of the Church. Biblical text was called upon to support this image of the monarchy, as the kings of France were depicted as following in the footsteps of the virtuous kings of the Old Testament and possessing the necessary biblical virtues. However, the Bible could prove a double-edged sword which could be turned against the monarchy, as the ideological battles unleashed by the Reformation were to prove. In search for a justification for their resistance against the French Crown, in particular after 1572, the Huguenots polemicists looked to the Bible in order to find examples of limited monarchies and overthrown tyrants. In putting forward the template of a proto-constitutional monarchy, one of the notions advanced by the Huguenots was the Biblical covenant between God, kings and the people, which imposed limits and obligations on the kings. This paper aims to examine the occurrence of this image in Vindiciae, contra tyrannos (1579), one of the most important Huguenot political works advocating resistance against tyrannical kings, and the role it played in the construction of the Huguenot theory of resistance.
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9

Ludington, Charles C. "Between Myth and Margin: The Huguenots in Irish History*." Historical Research 73, no. 180 (February 1, 2000): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00091.

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Abstract This article surveys the modern historiography of the Huguenots in Ireland. As victims of religious persecution, but also as Protestants, the historiography of the Huguenots in Ireland provides an excellent barometer for measuring contemporary political and historiographical concerns within Ireland. In the long and arduous struggles over Irish identity, religion and political control, the Huguenots have been used by some historians to represent heroic Protestant victims of Catholic, absolutist tyranny, and the prosperity‐inducing values of Protestant dissent. Alternatively, they have been overlooked as inconsequential bit‐players in the clear cultural and political divide between Saxon and Celt. In post‐1920 Ireland, they have also represented the legitimacy of southern Irish Protestantism. More recently, professional historians have attempted to examine the Huguenot refugee communities in Ireland with no preconceived notions or political points of view. This approach has proved fruitful. Nevertheless, by representing European connections in Irish history and cultural diversity within Irish society at a time when these issues are debated throughout the island, the Huguenots in Ireland remain a potent political symbol.
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10

Jones, D. W., and Robin D. Gwynn. "Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain." Economic History Review 39, no. 2 (May 1986): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596158.

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11

Schwartz, Hillel, and Robin D. Gwynn. "Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain." American Historical Review 91, no. 1 (February 1986): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867266.

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12

Miller, J. "Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain." English Historical Review 117, no. 474 (November 1, 2002): 1348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.474.1348.

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13

Weimer, Adrian Chastain. "Huguenot Refugees and the Meaning of Charity in Early New England." Church History 86, no. 2 (June 2017): 365–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000580.

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Huguenot suffering inspired fast days, prayer meetings, and collections among Congregationalists in Massachusetts and Plymouth in the 1680s. Ministers used a variety of frameworks to motivate compassion for the French refugees. Some preachers considered the French plight to be the result of an Antichristian attack, one that might soon spread to New England. Others assumed Huguenot suffering generally was a result of their sinful neglect of the Sabbath, and that compassion and honor should extend to those who suffered cheerfully while upholding disciplined purity. As suspicions mounted that there were French Catholic spies within the refugee communities and local harassment increased, the prominent Huguenot minister Ezekiel Carré advocated an alternate framework for Christian charity. In his remarkable sermon,The Charitable Samaritan, Carré shifted the meaning of charity from an apocalyptic framework to one centered on active mercy for the wounded regardless of sect or nationality. A friend of Carré’s and Huguenot supporter, Cotton Mather incorporated Carré’s interpretation of the Samaritan story into his magisterial Bible commentary. Though always contested, Huguenot practices and rhetoric broadened the conversation over the meaning of charity in early New England.
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14

Fletcher, John. "The Huguenot Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 2, no. 2 (September 1992): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.2.2.251.

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Diasporas are often set in motion by an act of persecution, massacre, or other violent action on the part of the majority against a minority The persecuted minority is then dispersed; more often than not, it includes the elite responsible for much of the commercial and cultural activity of the persecuting nation and goes on to enrich the cultural and commercial life of the new host country. Moreover, in addition to the undoubted short- and medium-term damage in terms of loss of commercial and cultural effectiveness, history frequently exacts long-term revenge as well, so that, both sooner and later, the persecutors are punished for their act of intolerance. The reverse is hardly if ever true, that is, that the new hosts regret the generosity of their welcome: far from subverting the culture of the new homeland—the allegation habitually proffered in the former country to justify the initial persecution—the refugees contribute valuably to it. Thus, the irrational paranoia at the root of hatred of minorities carries its own baleful punishment. The diaspora of the Protestants of France—known as Huguenots—is a case in point. It constituted, without doubt, the destruction of an elite. It can plausibly be argued that it was a factor in the French loss of Canada. And there is no missing the irony of the fact that the military governor of the Atlantic stronghold of Brest during the last world war, a notoriously ungentle Wehrmacht officer, was a man of Huguenot descent.
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15

Labrousse, �lisabeth. "Le Refuge huguenot." Le Genre humain N�19, no. 1 (1989): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lgh.019.0147.

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16

Fletcher, John. "The Huguenot Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 2, no. 2 (1992): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dsp.1992.0008.

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17

Gucer, Kathryn A. "The Copy Room: Imagining a Huguenot Library in Early Modern London." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 52, no. 2 (May 1, 2022): 361–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-9687928.

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This essay illuminates an unexplored intersection between recent work on early modern networks, book history, and the history of libraries. It focuses on a letter book, a continuous record of the French Protestant Church of London's correspondence from 1643 to 1650. The church officials who kept this unusual record found themselves imagining their library and its books as working parts in a vibrant information hub for the Huguenot churches in England. Using methods from microhistory (i.e., plausible inference) and literary criticism to uncover an alternative reading of the letters copied into the letter book, as distinct from the original letters, the article traces the beginnings of a lending library in the church officials’ thinking. In illuminating the letter book's impact, the essay places Huguenots, long treated as a marginalized minority, in the spotlight of a global history, which traces the movements of people, ideas, and goods across newly imagined spaces.
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Duker, Adam Asher. "The Protestant Israelites of Sancerre: Jean de Léry and the Confessional Demarcation of Cannibalism." Journal of Early Modern History 18, no. 3 (March 21, 2014): 255–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342414.

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Abstract This article explores how Jean de Léry understood Protestant, Catholic, and Brazilian acts of cannibalism. It argues that Léry constructed a new Huguenot confessional identity in the wake of the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacre by equating his own besieged community in Sancerre with the anthropophagous Israelites of the Hebrew Bible. He counts his own people as the worst of all cannibals, for like the ancient Israelites, the Huguenots of Sancerre possessed a superior understanding of God’s will but ate each other nonetheless. Léry makes these judgments by invoking examples of man-eating from the Bible and Josephus, as well as contemporary acts of cannibalism. His identification of the Huguenots with unfaithful Israel represents a break from the more optimistic conceptions of Israelite identity held by Jean Crespin and others prior to the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre. By equating the inhabitants of Sancerre with the cannibals of ancient Israel, Léry extends John Calvin’s sacramental reasoning concerning the linguistic relationship between the sign and the thing signified far beyond its original scope. He does this in order to come to grips with the new reality that the Huguenots, whose fortunes were ascending prior to the Massacre, were now witnessing a decidedly dark turn in what they perceived to be God’s providence.
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Elwood, Christopher, and James S. Valone. "Huguenot Politics: 1601-1622." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 1 (1997): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543287.

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20

McCoy, Rebecca K. "The Huguenot Global Diaspora." Reviews in American History 50, no. 3 (September 2022): 257–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2022.0027.

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21

Hill, Joanne. "Unreliable Allies in an Uncertain World: Warnings from History in Marlowe’s The Massacre at Paris." Journal of Marlowe Studies 4 (2024): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7190/jms.4.2024.pp9-25.

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The Massacre at Paris. Marlowe brought the horrors of the St Bartholomew’s Day Massacre onto the London stage in 1593 at a time when England was facing a threat of invasion from the expansionist powers of Europe. The Massacre at Paris demonstrates vividly what was at stake if such an invasion were to be successful: Protestantism in England would face an existential crisis, just as it had done in France in 1572. While previous critics have focused on Guise’s representation in the play, this article examines the character of Navarre because in the early 1590s Henri IV was key to England’s defence, but he was a controversial figure who divided the international Protestant alliance. As a result, many of its members refused to provide the French King with the military and financial support he required to fight the Catholic League. To reflect his divisive nature, Marlowe portrays Navarre in an ambiguous light in The Massacre at Paris and thus raises questions about whether the historical Henri IV and the Huguenot nobility had the qualities necessary to defend England and the future of Protestantism. This article will investigate how Marlowe exploited contemporary anxieties about the Huguenot leadership by highlighting their failings during the St Bartholomew’s Day Massacre. By raising the spectre of the Massacre, Marlowe forced his audience to confront the terrifying question of whether England’s principal ally would be strong and trustworthy enough to keep the extremist Catholics from the English coast, or whether he would leave them to be slaughtered like the Huguenots in Paris.
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Roberts, Penny. "Martyrologies and Martyrs in the French Reformation: Heretics to Subversives in Troyes." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 221–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011712.

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The chief martyrology of the French Protestants or Huguenots, the Histoire des martyrs, was the work of a Walloon refugee in Geneva, Jean Crespin. The Histoire focuses on the martyrs of the French Reformation, but also describes the ordeals of those in Scodand, England, and Flanders, as well as of medieval precursors of Protestant ideas, such as Hus and Wyclif. Later versions of the text include the martyrs of the Early Church, whose faith the Huguenots claimed to be reviving and in whose sufferings they believed themselves to be sharing. The Histoire quickly became popular in the fledgeling Reformed churches of France, avidly read from the pulpit and in the home. The accounts of the courage of the martyrs no doubt reinforced the resolution of a group destined to remain a minority, and who became increasingly resigned to their fate. During the civil strife known as the French Wars of Religion, religious tensions were exacerbated by political and military conflict. However, the incident which provoked the outbreak of the wars in 1562 was the massacre of a Huguenot congregation at Vassy, in Champagne, and, indeed, the wars were to be particularly noted for their brutal sectarian violence.
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True, Micah. "British, but also French: Paul Mascarene’s Translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope in Colonial Nova Scotia." Quebec Studies 71, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/qs.2021.10.

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This article examines a little-studied manuscript translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope, made in eighteenth-century British Nova Scotia by a military officer named Paul Mascarene, for what it can tell us about the complicated assimilation of Huguenots in the global refuge. It argues that the undated manuscript shows the surprising extent to which Mascarene, a Huguenot who fled France in childhood, remained culturally French even as he was a perfectly assimilated Briton, and that he can be seen as a cultural ambassador between his homelands new and old. The manuscript here is closely scrutinized in relation both to Molière’s original 1666 play and a published English translation that is approximately contemporaneous to Mascarene’s own effort. Comparison of the three versions of the play show that Mascarene was a skilled and thoughtful translator, committed to accurately rendering Molière’s words while also making changes that reflected his personal religious values. This article also considers the assertion that Mascarene’s translation served as the basis of a performance in Annapolis Royal in 1743 or 1744 and shows that close scrutiny of the manuscript does not support this conclusion. Instead, Mascarene’s translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope may best be understood as a sign of how Huguenots like him may have maintained and even sought to share with others aspects of their former identities even as they sought to conform to the cultural norms of their new homelands. Cet article étudie une traduction manuscrite du Misanthrope de Molière, réalisée dans la Nouvelle-Écosse britannique au dix-huitième siècle par un officier militaire nommé Paul Mascarene, pour ce qu’elle peut nous dire sur l’assimilation compliquée des Huguenots dans le refuge mondial. Il soutient que le manuscrit montre à quel point Mascarene, un Huguenot qui a quitté la France à l’âge de onze ans et qui est réputé parfaitement assimilé à la culture britannique, est resté culturellement français. Le manuscrit est ici examiné par rapport à la pièce originale de 1666 de Molière et à une traduction en anglais publiée qui est à peu près contemporaine de celle de Mascarene. La comparaison des trois versions de la pièce montre que Mascarene était un traducteur habile et réfléchi, déterminé à traduire fidèlement les paroles de Molière tout en apportant des changements qui reflètent ses valeurs personnelles et religieuses. Cet article examine aussi l’affirmation fréquente selon laquelle la traduction de Mascarene a servi de base à une représentation à Annapolis Royal en 1743 ou 1744, et montre qu’un examen attentif du manuscrit ne corrobore pas cette conclusion. Au lieu de cela, le manuscrit peut être mieux compris comme un aperçu de la façon dont les Huguenots comme Mascarene auraient pu maintenir et même chercher à partager avec d’autres certains aspects de leurs anciennes identités tout en cherchant à se conformer aux normes culturelles de leurs nouvelles patries.
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Aracil, Adrien. "Un « nouveau dictionnaire » ?" Revue d'histoire du protestantisme 6, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 205–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rhp6_2_205-224.

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L’un des motifs récurrents de la pensée d’Agrippa d’Aubigné est de voir dans la transformation du langage politique huguenot, qui se purgerait de ses éléments les plus radicaux et caractéristiques, la cause de l’affaiblissement de leur engagement politique au début du règne de Louis XIII. Cette étude voudrait interroger l’intuition albinéenne, en montrant qu’un nouveau langage politique a bien été adopté par les huguenots, mais qu’il n’a pas signifié une compromission de leurs engagements sur le plan politique. La critique albinéenne est toutefois révélatrice d’un débat au sein du parti sur le langage et ses référents. En renvoyant le langage partisan à un zèle et à une violence religieuse que les édits de pacifications se sont donné pour mission d’éradiquer, la reprise des affrontements politico-religieux dans les années 1620 en fait l’apanage d’une action politique radicale qui accélère sa substitution par un langage de l’obéissance.
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Duff, S. E. "‘Oh! for a blessing on Africa and America’ The Mount Holyoke System and the Huguenot Seminary, 1874-1885." New Contree 50 (November 30, 2005): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v50i0.434.

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In November 1873, at the invitation of Andrew Murray, two American teachers arrived in the Cape Colony to establish a school to train middle class Dutch-Afrikaans girls to be teachers and missionaries. The two women were both alumni of the Mount Holyoke Seminary, and the institution that they founded in Wellington – the Huguenot Seminary – was modelled on the so-called ‘Mount Holyoke system’ of women’s education. While during Huguenot’s first decade of existence this system was, with very little modification, able to achieve a great deal of success in the Colony – the school was popular with the Dutch-Afrikaans middle class and many of its students went on to teach and do mission work after graduating – in 1884 and 1885, the values and ideals underpinning the existence of the Seminary came under a sustained attack from the pupils at the school. This article seeks, thus, to investigate the implementation and reception of the ‘Mount Holyoke system’ in the Cape during Huguenot’s early years, and then examine why they were so strongly rejected in the mid-1880s.
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Péteri, Éva. "John Everett Millais’s Huguenot Pictures." Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies 29, no. 2 (November 1, 2023): 420–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30608/hjeas/2023/29/2/11.

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Abstract Challenged by the artistic excellence and popular success of his early work, A Huguenot, on St Bartholomew’s Day, Refusing to Shield Himself from Danger by Wearing the Roman Catholic Badge, the Pre-Raphaelite painter, John Everett Millais turned to the same theme once more. Mercy: St Bartholomew’s Day, 1572, however, failed to meet expectations. The essay attempts to reveal certain reasons for the vast difference in the reception of the two pictures and offers a close study of the scenes and characters depicted in them as well as of the social, religious, and cultural contexts of the historical periods the pictures were produced in. (ÉP)
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Lagrée, Marie-Clarté. "Construire et diffuser une figure idéale par les Mémoires : l’exemple du pasteur huguenot Pierre Du Moulin dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle." Renaissance and Reformation 45, no. 1 (August 11, 2022): 73–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v45i1.39121.

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On connaît à ce jour deux versions des Mémoires du pasteur huguenot Pierre Du Moulin (1568–1658), l’une publiée au XIXe siècle et l’autre restée manuscrite. Toutes deux datent de la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle et ne sont pas autographes. Cet article analyse l’image idéale du pasteur qu’elles ont façonnée et diffusée en France et dans certains pays du Refuge. En effet, l’étude de ces deux manuscrits permet de voir comment la figure exemplaire d’un pasteur, et plus largement d’un croyant, a progressivement été forgée. La comparaison des récits révèle que l’entreprise d’idéalisation se renforce d’un texte à l’autre, ce qui doit être mis en relation avec la politique de répression menée par le pouvoir royal, dont le point culminant fut la révocation de l’édit de Nantes en 1685, et aussi avec le travail de construction mémorielle et identitaire qui a été réalisé au sein la communauté huguenote à la fin du XVIIe siècle.
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28

Tutino, Stefania. "Huguenots, Jesuits and Tyrants: Notes on the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos in Early Modern England." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 3 (2007): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507781147452.

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AbstractThe first edition of the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos was published in 1579. In 1690 a pamphlet entitled Political Aphorisms was printed: this work, constructed by mixing entire passages from the Huguenot text and John Locke's first and second Treatise of government, presented a radical and secular theory of government as a contract between governors and governed. In this essay I want to explain the genesis of Political Aphorisms, or, in other words, I seek to elucidate part of the story of the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos in early modern England. More specifically, I argue that in order to understand the complexity and the problematic character of the French text in the English context scholars need to take into account the role of Catholic political thought. Catholic political theorists, in fact, appropriated for themselves many of the arguments put forward by the Huguenot author, and used them to undermine, in theory as well as in practice, the authority of the English sovereign. Understanding the role of English and European Catholic political thought can offer important insight into the current historiographical debate over the secular character of the theory of contract expressed in the Huguenot pamphlet.
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29

Culpin, D. J. "Pierre Simond and his <i>Veilles afriquaines</i>." Revue d'histoire du protestantisme 7, no. 2 (August 4, 2022): 149–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rhp7_2_149-191.

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Les premiers huguenots français arrivent au Cap de Bonne Espérance en 1688, accompagnés de Pierre Simond, leur “ministre de religion”. Onze ans plus tard Simond commence une nouvelle traduction en vers du psautier huguenot, traduction qui paraît à Amsterdam en 1704 sous le titre de Veilles afriquaines et qui comprend essentiellement les 51 premiers psaumes. Ce texte, que l’on a appelé le premier texte littéraire et théologique écrit en Afrique du Sud, a vite disparu, pour ne revoir le jour qu’en 1997. Depuis sa redécouverte, le texte a été l’objet d’études portant principalement sur des questions de biographie, de bibliographie et de théologie. Pourtant, à ce jour, il n’existe aucune analyse des aspects littéraires, linguistiques et poétiques des Veilles afriquaines. Notre étude, qui a pour but de combler cette lacune, se concentre dans un premier temps sur des questions liées à la genèse et au développement du texte évoquées par Simond lui-même dans la Préface du psautier, puis sur une analyse de la langue et la poétique de Simond mises en rapport avec des dictionnaires et des livres de bon usage de l’époque. Les conclusions qui en ressortent nous rapprochent de la réalité vécue des premiers huguenots en Afrique du Sud, et mettent en lumière le développement de la langue et la poétique françaises à un moment tournant de l’histoire.
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30

Magdelaine, Michelle. "Le refuge huguenot, exil et accueil." Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l’Ouest, no. 121-3 (November 15, 2014): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abpo.2848.

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31

Hartweg, Frédéric. "Le Refuge huguenot à Berlin (I)." Autres Temps. Les cahiers du christianisme social 6, no. 1 (1985): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chris.1985.1013.

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32

Hartweg, Frédéric. "Le Refuge huguenot à Berlin (II)." Autres Temps. Les cahiers du christianisme social 7, no. 1 (1985): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chris.1985.1036.

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33

Kamil, Neil. "Huguenot History as Game of Thrones." Reviews in American History 43, no. 2 (2015): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2015.0031.

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34

Whelan, R. "Le Refuge huguenot: Assimilation et culture." French Studies 63, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knp174.

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35

Phillips, Henry, Myriam Yardeni, and Eckhard Birnstiel. "Le Refuge huguenot: assimilation et culture." Modern Language Review 99, no. 1 (January 2004): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3738907.

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36

Hirschman, Elizabeth. "DNA and historical evidence indicate many colonial French Canadians were of Sephardic Jewish ancestry." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 2 (September 30, 2021): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.2.7.

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The Spanish Inquisition in 1492 resulted in the deaths of thousands of Spanish Jews and the exile of around 150,000. The Huguenots and Acadians who settled in Colonial French Canada are assumed to be of Christian faith and ancestry. To support this hypothesis, the researcher uses a novel combination of methods drawn from historical records and artifacts, genealogies and DNA testing. In recent years, this combination of methods has led to the discovery that several of the Plymouth Colony settlers, Central Appalachian Colonial settlers, and Roanoke Colony settlers were of Sephardic Jewish origin. Thus, using the new methodology of ancestral DNA tracing, the researcher document that the majority of Huguenot and Acadian colonists in French Canada were of Sephardic Jewish ancestry. They are most likely descended from Sephardic Jews who fled to France from the Iberian Peninsula in the late 1300s and early 1500s. The researcher additionally propose that some members of both groups continued to practice Judaism in the new world, thus becoming secret Jews or crypto-Jews. The researcher also finds evidence of Ashkenazi Jewish ancestry in both groups.
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37

Ossa-Richardson, Anthony. "‘A Religious Attention to Minutiae’: César de Missy (1703–1775) Studies the New Testament." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 1, no. 2 (March 4, 2016): 151–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00102002.

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“This article offers a portrait of the milieu and scholarly activity of César de Missy, an assiduous and richly connected but hitherto unknown member of the Republic of Letters in eighteenth-century London. De Missy preached at Huguenot churches and collected books, especially bibles: he published little, but left a great deal of scholarship in manuscript, mostly concerned with the readings and codicology of the Greek New Testament. Perhaps his most peculiar and revealing pursuit was the minute study of scribal error in the production of manuscripts, an activity that absorbed his attention far more than its profit might seem to warrant. I argue that De Missy's fixation on the multiple histories of the scriptural text represents a private reaction to loss, turning away from the more conventional public scholarship of the Huguenot diaspora.”
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38

Berec, Laurent. "Claude de Sainliens, linguiste et pédagogue huguenot, ou le procès de la culture populaire dans l'Angleterre élisabéthaine." Recherches anglaises et nord-américaines 39, no. 1 (2006): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ranam.2006.1757.

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In the sixteenth century, elite culture started to separate from popular culture and then to spread slowly among the common people. This phenomenon was inseparable from the rise of individualism and the emergence of a new conception of the body and the natural world. A native of Moulins and a Huguenot, Claude de Sainliens aka Claudius Hol(l)yband was a linguist and a pedagogue who settled in London around 1565. To a certain extent, he symbolised the rise of elite culture and the decline of popular culture on both sides of the Channel. Sainliens, who considered the body as enclosed, restrained and healthy, especially criticised the way the lower strata of society viewed food. Paradoxically, the Huguenot was also a great lover of wine who at times went as far as praising canivalesque excesses.
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39

Yoo, Kyung Ha. "The Huguenot from the Lausanne Movement Perspective : Focusing on the Influence of Diaspora Huguenot on Modern Society." Journal of Korean Evangelical Missiological Society 60 (December 10, 2022): 385–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.20326/kems.60.4.385.

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40

Laliberte, Andrew. "War for God or a War for the Godless?" General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 8 (April 19, 2023): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v8i.4230.

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The French Civil Wars, or ‘Wars of Religion,’ were set primarily in the sixteenth century and enveloped France in a religious conflict. The Civil Wars were a series of violent periods between the French Protestant Huguenots and the Roman Catholics, Catholicism being the official religion of the French Kingdom. The ongoing struggle resulted in an escalation of civil violence and polarity between the religious affiliations, creating a divided French populous that carried out many atrocities, such as the St. Bartholomew’s Day massacre. The violence subsided in 1598 when King Henry IV enacted the Edict of Nantes, granting substantial conditions and support to the Huguenot population in France. However, this paper argues for the importance of categorizing the wars as ‘civil’ and not ‘religious.’ The dynamic situation involves more than religious differences, including a central reliance on community-based disputes, group association based on mass paranoia, and even political gain for those of the French nobility. It is important to understand the complexity of the Civil Wars. Denoting them as a religious conflict ignores the other civil implications which provoked aggression between French communities and forces.
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박효근. "French Reformation and ‘Paradox’ of Huguenot Women." Women and History ll, no. 19 (December 2013): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..19.201312.143.

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42

Wursten, Dick. "Itinéraires du Psautier huguenot à la Renaissance." Church History and Religious Culture 91, no. 3 (November 1, 2011): 447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124111x609531.

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43

Baillon, Jean-François. "Early eighteenth-century Newtonianism: the Huguenot contribution." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 35, no. 3 (September 2004): 533–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.shpsa.2004.06.006.

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44

Bost, Hubert. "Le lumignon huguenot au siècle des Lumières." Études théologiques et religieuses 85, no. 2 (2010): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etr.0852.0167.

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45

Fehleison, Jill R. "The Huguenot Diaspora in the Anglophone World." Eighteenth-Century Studies 41, no. 2 (2007): 262–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.2008.0006.

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46

Weber, Edith. "L’apport de Jean Calvin au Psautier Huguenot." Cahiers de sociologie économique et culturelle 46, no. 1 (2008): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/casec.2008.1045.

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47

Pfäffle, Anna, and Markus Schiegg. "Language shift in the Erlangen Huguenot community." Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 9, no. 1 (April 1, 2023): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2022-0003.

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Abstract This article examines the language shift and the accompanying changing status of French and German in the Erlangen Huguenot community (southern Germany) during the approximately 150 years following the first French immigrants settling in Erlangen in 1686. Our quantitative analysis is based on a diachronically-balanced corpus of 314 archival sources transmitted from this community and provides an overview of the language shift from French to German over time. The linguistic choices are influenced by the social group of the writers and addressees, the direction of communication and the domain of the texts. Our qualitative analysis focuses on multilingual texts and linguistic practices throughout the time period examined and traces the changing status of the two languages in the community, from French as the dominant language in the earlier years, to the use of German in conceptually oral texts with retention of French in school contexts and by the consistory, to French as a social symbol of the intellectuals in the early 19th century. Our paper provides empirical accounts for an under-researched context of language shift and contributes to historical sociolinguistic research on historical language contact, multilingualism, and linguistic identity.
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48

Rosen-Prest, Viviane. "Deux journées d'étude sur le Refuge huguenot." Diasporas 7, no. 1 (2005): 168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/diasp.2005.1027.

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49

Bernat, Chrystel. "“Enemies Surround Us and Besiege Us”." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 4 (October 19, 2020): 487–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10011.

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Abstract This article uses unpublished exile sermons exhumed from the Leiden manuscripts, theological dissertations, and synodal sources to explore the interfaith relationships of exiled societies in the Dutch Republic, in particular the links between Huguenot refugees and their multi-confessional host society. It examines how ministers viewed the exiles’ relationships with the other, as well as the theological motives for stigmatising such ties. By studying confessional interactions of competition and mutual attraction within the Refuge, this essay highlights the porous nature of religious boundaries, despite the Huguenot community’s isolate claimed by the ministers. It also reveals latent conflicts between diasporic societies: the United Provinces were not a peaceful asylum for the Reformed faith of refugees, but rather the scene of a counter-Catholic struggle that stretched even into the Spanish Netherlands. Finally, this survey shows that exile revived proselytist projects aimed at French-speaking Jews and supported extraterritorial religious struggles in the eighteenth century.
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Patterson, W. B. "Pierre du Moulin’s Quest for Protestant Unity, 1613-18." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015436.

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Pierre Du Moulin was the leading intellectual in the French Reformed Church in the early seventeenth century. His influence within French Protestantism rivalled and complemented that of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay, the prominent nobleman, soldier, and adviser to Henry of Navarre, the Huguenot leader who became Henry IV of France. If Duplessis-Mornay was, as he is sometimes called, the ‘Huguenot Pope’, Du Moulin, the pastor of the congregation of Protestants in Paris, was the chief cardinal. A prolific writer and a skilful speaker, Du Moulin became noted for his success as a polemicist. Yet during a period of five years, 1613–18, Du Moulin was also the chief spokesman for a plan which would unite the English, Calvinist, and Lutheran Churches. The rather startling final point of the plan called for the reunited Protestants to make a fresh approach to Rome. Du Moulin’s volte-face in 1613-18 — his sudden emergence as an irenicist — has never been satisfactorily explained.
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