Academic literature on the topic 'Huguenot'

A large measure of the durability of the Huguenot movement was derived from then- general political assemblies. The assembly held at Montauban in 1579 was the first attended by a deputy north of the Loire; after the final and twenty-second general assembly at La Rochelle in 1622, only localised gatherings were held. This thesis argues that the assemblies were primarily a corps: their principal purpose was both to oversee the implementation of the edicts of pacification and to mobilize resources if peace broke down. Essentially based on the available manuscript sources, many of them unexplored, this thesis approaches the general assemblies as an institution. The first two chapters highlight the process of convocation of the general assemblies and the manner in which political representation (both within the assemblies and to the monarchy) took place. The third chapter principally explores the relationship between the general assemblies and the chambers created for Huguenots in the parlements from 1576. The assemblies supported these chambers as a means of obtaining implementation of the edicts of pacification. In the fourth chapter, the apparently conflicting attitudes of the general assemblies to property and civil rights are addressed. For instance, while the assemblies regulated the taking of lay and ecclesiastical property, revenue from these sources was often reinvested to support ministers, schools and charitable purposes. The fifth and sixth chapters examine the provisions for war made by the general assemblies and their attempts to ensure the adequate financing of Huguenot troops. The assemblies always stated that they acted in self-defence; a primary concern was the need to ensure the protection of local civilian populations. The monarchy allowed the assemblies to organise levies for the repayment of debts owed to mercenary troops and provided for the maintenance of Huguenot garrison troops from royal revenue. This thesis concludes that while the general assemblies worked as a corps, they never received letters of corporation from the monarchy; they remained ad hoc, susceptible to events and to the manipulation of public opinion through wellaimed pamphlet literature.

Dans un livre publié en 2014, Marie-Claude Rocher signe une introduction où il est affirmé qu’après la Conquête quelques protestants francophones pratiquaient un culte discret dans la Province de Québec. Dans la préface du même ouvrage, Philippe Joutard invite les jeunes chercheurs à étudier l’hypothèse d’un « marranisme huguenot » en Amérique du Nord. Avant 2014, jamais aucun historien n’avait avancé avec autant de force l’idée d’une continuité sur le territoire du Québec entre les protestants en Nouvelle-France et le protestantisme du 19e siècle. Ce nouveau concept de « marranisme huguenot » n’avait jamais encore fait l’objet d’un projet de recherche. Il convenait donc de s’y lancer. De nature essentiellement historiographique, cette étude tente donc d’éclairer comment a pu se former la thèse du « marranisme huguenot » tout en évaluant aussi sa plausibilité. En plus d’un regard historiographique sur le protestantisme québécois allant de la Nouvelle-France jusqu’au début 20e siècle, cette étude opte pour une comparaison de la thèse du « marranisme huguenot » avec les phénomènes de religiosité souterraine qu’ont été le marranisme juif, le valdéisme et le protestantisme français.<br>In a book published in 2014, Marie-Claude Rocher signs an introduction where it is stated that after the Conquest some French Protestants practiced a discreet cult in the Province of Quebec. In the preface of the same book, Philippe Joutard invites young researchers to study the hypothesis of a "Huguenot Marranism" in North America. Before 2014, no historian had advanced as far as these two, the idea of continuity in Quebec between Protestants in New France and Protestantism in the 19th century This new concept of "Huguenot Marranism" had never been the subject of a research project. It was therefore necessary to start there. Of an essentially historiographical nature, this study attempts to shed light on how the "Huguenot Marranism" thesis was formed while also assessing the plausibility of the thesis. In addition to a historiographic look at Quebec Protestantism from New France to the beginning of the 20th century, this study opts for a comparison of the thesis of "Huguenot Marranism" with the phenomena of underground religiosity that have been Jewish Marranism, the Waldensians, and French Protestantism.

Paschal de l'estocart, un grand musicien francais de la seconde moitie du xvie siecle, revele son genie musical avec un esprit "tres prompt" et "une suavite" dans ses psaumes du psautier huguenot de 1583. Il ne repete jamais la meme idee en aucun cas. Les psaumes de l'estocart presentent une grande originalite par le traitement des trois voix libres, dans lesquelles le musicien fait intervenir de nombreux figuratismes. Ceux-ci lui permettent de depeindre le sens des mots avec une palette variee, pleine de fantaisie. Le musicien respecte fidelement les tendances musicales contemporaines d'autre part, la valeur musicale de ses psaumes assigne a ceux-ci une place privilegiee dans le repertoire choral de l'epoque renaissante<br>Paschal de l'estocart, a great french musicien of the second half of the 16th century, reveals his musical gifts with a suave and zealous sprit in his psalms of the psautier hugnot of 1583. There are no two exemples in which he repeats the same idea of expression. The psalms of de l'estocart demonstrate. Great originality in their treatment of three liberal parts, in which the musician introduces numerous "figuralismes" these allow him to saint the sense of the lyrics with a varied and fanatic palette. The musician dutifully respects the contemporary musical trends. In addition, the musical value of the psalms of de l'estocart grant him a privileged place in the choral repertoire of the renaissance period

Entre 1670 et 1700, 260 protestants français fuyant les persécutions religieuses ont gagné le poste de ravitaillement créé en 1652 par la Compagnie hollandaise des Indes orientales (la VOC) au cap de Bonne-Espérance. Ces réfugiés devaient mettre en valeur des terres nouvellement colonisées et fournir des vivres aux navires de la Compagnie en transit entre l’Europe et l’Asie. La communauté huguenote est rapidement entrée en conflit avec les dirigeants locaux de la VOC dont la politique visait l’assimilation des protestants français dans la communauté hollandaise dominante. Les différends ont porté sur la gestion des propriétés foncières, sur le commerce avec les indigènes et les équipages en transit, sur l’utilisation de la langue française dans les domaines administratif et culturel, ainsi que sur l’autonomie politique de la communauté huguenote. En outre, bien qu’ils partageassent la même foi calviniste, les conditions de la pratique religieuse devaient être approuvées par les autorités du cap. [etc.]<br>Between 1670 and 1700, 260 French Protestants fleeing religious persecution reached the refreshment station founded in 1652 by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) at the Cape of Good Hope. The refugees’ task was to develop newly colonised land and provide supplies for the Company’s ships in transit between Europe and Asia. The Huguenot community quickly came into conflict with the VOC local authorities, who were intent on assimilating the French Protestants into the dominant Dutch community. Their disputes revolved around the land grants, trade with the indigenous people and passing ships, the use of the French language in the administrative and cultural fields, as well as self-governance of their own community. Additionally, conditions of religious practice had to be approved of by the Cape authorities, despite the fact that the French and Dutch shared the same Calvinist faith

Henri Basnage de Beauval (1656-1710) est né dans une famille protestante de la noblesse normande. Arrière-petit-fils, petit-fils, neveu, cousin et frère de pasteurs, il choisit pourtant de devenir avocat, à l’instar de son père, Henri Basnage de Franquesnay. Face à l’accélération des persécutions contre sa communauté confessionnelle, il prend la plume pour dénoncer la violation des consciences et proposer une solution pragmatique à son souverain, celle de la tolérance civile des religions. Un an après la publication de son traité, la Révocation de l’édit de Nantes l’oblige à se convertir au catholicisme et ce n’est qu’à l’été 1687 qu’il s’exile en Hollande où il retourne au protestantisme et commence une nouvelle vie. Au Refuge huguenot, il retrouve son frère Jacques Basnage ainsi que le philosophe Pierre Bayle qui lui offre l’opportunité de devenir journaliste et de faire son entrée dans la République des Lettres. Grâce à son Histoire des ouvrages des savans (1687-1709), il participe à la diffusion des connaissances scientifiques et littéraires et s’érige en intermédiaire entre les lettrés européens. Il propose également une révision du Dictionnaire universel d’Antoine Furetière et réédite les œuvres juridiques de son père. Continuant de défendre l’idée que la tolérance civile des religions est la solution la plus acceptable face au morcellement de la chrétienté, il participe également à la controverse inter et intra confessionnelle de son temps, s’opposant en particulier au pasteur Pierre Jurieu. Il décède à La Haye en 1710, loin de sa patrie. Par une approche à la fois sociale, culturelle et intellectuelle, cette biographie interroge les singularités de l’identité d’un huguenot de la fin du XVIIe siècle, mais également la façon dont ce dernier perçoit le monde et se comporte face aux obstacles auxquels il est confronté<br>Henri Basnage de Beauval (1656-1710) was born in a protestant family of the Norman nobility. Great grandson, grandson, nephew, cousin and brother of ministers, he nevertheless chooses to become a lawyer like his father, Henri Basnage de Franquesnay. Facing the growing persecutions against his confessional community, he writes to denounce the violation of consciences and propound a pragmatic solution to his king, that of civil tolerance of religions. One year after the publication of his treaty, the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes forces him to convert to Catholicism and it is only during summer 1687 that he exiles himself to Holland where he returns to Protestantism and begins a new life. In the Huguenot Refuge, he finds his brother Jacques Basnage and the philosopher Pierre Bayle who offers him the opportunity to become a journalist and to enter into the Republic of Letters.Thanks to his Histoire des ouvrages des savans (1687-1709), he takes part in the dissemination of scientific and literary knowledge and stands as an intermediary between the European scholars. He also offers a revision of Antoine Furetière’s Dictionnaire universel and republishes his father’s legal works. Continuing to defend the idea that the civil tolerance of religions is the most acceptable solution to face the Christianity fragmentation, he also takes part in the internal and external confessional controversy of his time, opposing in particular the pastor Pierre Jurieu. He dies in The Hague in 1710, far away from his homeland. By a social, cultural and intellectual approach, this biography aims at questioning the singularities of a Huguenot identity at the end of the seventeenth century, but also the way the latter perceives the world and behaves in front of the obstacles he has to face

The aim of my project is to show how the lives, strategies and attitudes of Huguenot printers of the late sixteenth century both reflected and influenced the self-image of Protestant Europeans. Historians of the book such as Roger Chartier and Adrian Johns have argued that the process of printing includes several components which are easily overlooked by historians interested in exploring thoughts and attitudes. My project attempts to put these insights to practical use by demonstrating how printers were as integral to the process of reading as were readers and writers. I investigate the lives, social networks, and business strategies of a pair of successful Huguenot printers of Geneva, Jean Crespin and Eustache Vignon. My investigation shows how they relied on cooperative, international networks to practice their business and that this fostered a practical, cosmopolitan attitude among them. I then examine Jean Crespin’s most famous work, the Livre des Martyrs, showing how it supplied the needs of his readers for a sense of meaning an community. I show how this work changed over time in response to changing needs and circumstances, as seen most dramatically in the version which Eustache Vignon produced after his partner’s death. Finally, I examine how Vignon – along with other Protestant printers of his time – began to produce books about the New World. I argue that these New World Works, reflecting the printers’ cosmopolitan perspective, promoted a more ecumenical vision of Christianity and a universal ethic based on kindness and justice.