Journal articles on the topic 'Huarpe languages'

Basaa, a zone A Bantu language spoken in Cameroon, is only one among many genetically unrelated languages for which the positing of phonetically null phantom consonants facilitates a phonological account of certain otherwise unexpected surface forms encountered in derivational paradigms. Clements & Keyser (1983), Marlett & Stemberger (1983), Keyser & Kiparsky (1984), Crowhurst (1988) and Hualde (1992) propose that phantom consonants exist in Turkish, Seri, French, Finnish, Southern Paiute and Aranese Gascon, for example, syllabifying as onsets or codas where appropriate and in certain cases inducing the gemination of an adjacent consonantal segment or the lengthening of a preceding tautosyllabic vowel, as we shall see takes place in Basaa.

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo describir la codificación de los argumentos en las lenguas huarpes —millcayac y allentiac—, y para ello se centra en la determinación de su locus de marcación y el tipo de alineamiento. Con respecto al locus, se observan varios sistemas conviviendo en el estadio de la lengua descrito por Luis de Valdivia, pues en ambas lenguas se observa un alineamiento escindido en construcciones flagging, entre nominativo-acusativo y neutro, y secundativo e indirectivo; mientras que en la indexación, uno de tipo nominativo-acusativo y otro de tipo secundativo. Finalmente, respecto al proceso diacrónico, consideramos que las lenguas huarpes habrían presentado un predominio de la marcación a través de flagging y que habrían estado incorporando paulatinamente construcciones de indexación de argumentos en el momento en que Valdivia las registró, posiblemente como resultado de la influencia de las lenguas andinas circundantes, sobre todo del quechua. De hecho, de esta última habría recibido la marca de caso -ta y el morfema de objeto pu-.

The current study has as its objective to analyze the relationship between students’ attitude towards learning English and the procrastinating behavior at the academic level. Attitudes strengthen people’s motivation to learn a foreign language (Delfín, 2007), and procrastination, which involves unjustified delaying of activities, causes negative consequences in completing academic tasks postponement of responsibilities (Rodríguez & Clariana, 2017). The design was correlational, and the sample consisted of 55 students learning English. The instruments were the Attitudes towards English language learning questionnaire and the academic procrastination questionnaire. According to the results, evidence shows that there is a positive median relationship between the variables, leading us to conclude that despite having positive attitudes towards learning English, procrastinating behavior does not diminish. The results of this study could be utilized in bilingual programs, or those could also be utilized to implement curricula in language programs at schools or universities. The idea is that higher education institutions include, as mandatory, the instruction of English as a global language. How to cite this article: Marquina Luján, R. J., Huaire Inacio, E. J., Horna Calderón, V. E., Villamar Romero, R. M., & Kishnani García, A. (2021). Attitudes toward Learning English and Procrastination in Students from a Private Institution Specialized in Foreign Languages in the City of Lima-Peru. Revista Colombiana de Psicología, 30(2), 27-39. https://doi.org/10.15446/rcp.v30n2.83678

AbstractSpirantization is one of the most frequently studied phonological phenomena of Spanish (Barlow, Jessica A. 2003. The stop-spirant alternation in Spanish: Converging evidence for a fortition account. Southwest Journal of Linguistics 22. 51–86; Zampini, Mary. 1994. The role of native language transfer and task formality in the acquisition of Spanish spirantization. Hispania 77. 470–481; among others). For a majority of dialects, Spanish voiced plosives have been traditionally described as having a continuant and a non-continuant realization in complementary distribution (Navarro Tomás, Tomás. 1977. Manual de pronunciación española. 19th edn. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas; Hualde, José Ignacio. 2005. The sounds of Spanish. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press; among others). Yet, phonetic studies reveal a more complex picture consisting of a great deal of phonetic variability and gradience among continuant realizations (Carrasco, Patricio, José Ignacio Hualde and Miquel Simonet. 2012. Dialectal differences in Spanish voiced obstruent allophony: Costa Rican versus Iberian Spanish. Phonetica 69. 149–179; among others; Simonet, Miquel, José Ignacio Hualde and Mariana Nadeu. 2012. Lenition of/d/in spontaneous Spanish and Catalan. Paper presented at INTERSPEECH) which is not captured by existing generative accounts (Bakovic, Eric. 1997. Strong onsets and Spanish fortition. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 23. 21–39; Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44; Kirchner, Robert. 2001. Phonological contrast and articulatory effort. In Linda Lombardi (ed.), Segmental phonology in Optimality Theory, 79–117. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; among others). Furthermore, most analyses focus almost exclusively on the general distribution of spirantization, excluding other dialectal patterns (Amastae, Jon. 1995. Variable spirantization: Constraint weighting in three dialects. Hispanic Linguistics 6(7). 265–285; among others). The current proposal accounts for the phonetic variability and gradience evinced by phonetic studies, as well as dialectal variation in one optimality theoretic-analysis. Spirantization is explained as the result of effort reduction, rather than the result of assimilation (contra Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44, among others). Phonetic variability in the general dialects is argued to be related to the underlying representation: voiced obstruents are underspecified for continuancy both in the input and the output of the phonology, which explains gradience in implementation and responds to the need to avoid the marked configuration represented by a combination of voicing and maximal stricture found in voiced stops (Colina, Sonia. 2016. On onset clusters in Spanish: Voiced obstruent underspecification and /f/. In Rafael A. Núñez Cedeño (ed.), The syllable and stress: Studies in honor of James W. Harris. Boston, MA: Mouton de Gruyter). Dialectal variation stems from differences in the underlying representation and in the ranking of the constraints. The proposal is also able to explain variations on the two major dialectal patterns.

In intervocalic position, Spanish /b/, /d/, and /g/ are lenited to fricatives or approximants [β], [ð], and [ɣ] (Hualde 2005).The goal of this study is to examine the ability to learn allophones of these Spanish voiced stops among L2 learners. Eighteen native English-speaking Spanish learners were recorded reading word lists at the beginning and end of a semester-long course on Spanish pronunciation, which included explicit instruction on voiced stop allophones. Ennever, Meakins, and Round (2017)’s automatic segmentation method was used to analyze degree of lenition. This method uses the intensity contour to determine the on- and offset of intervocalic consonants. It yields three measurements: difference between maximum and minimum intensity (Δi), maximum change in intensity over time, i.e. velocity, (vpeak) and duration. A smaller absolute value of Δi and vpeak, and a shorter duration correspond with a greater degree of lenition. Between the two recording times, Δi, vpeak, and duration all decreased, demonstrating some learning of Spanish lenition. Results on the impact of preceding and following vowels, and consonant place of articulation were mixed. Syllable stress and age of onset of Spanish instruction had no effect on lenition.

En este artículo se analiza el desarrollo progresivo en textos en lengua castellana de una serie de ideas que consolidaron en España, a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XVI, una visión profundamente negativa del gramático según había sido propuesto por el primer humanismo a finales del siglo XV: como un especialista que podía hacer aportaciones de alto nivel en disciplinas como el derecho, la medicina o la interpretación de las Sagradas Escrituras. Desde el Examen de ingenios, de Huarte de San Juan, o los Diálogos familiares de Pineda, y hasta sendos textos de principios del siglo XVII de Quevedo y Suárez de Figueroa, varios pensadores españoles insistieron en la presunta pedantería, ignorancia, falta de autoridad moral o incluso herejía de los gramáticos para desacreditar toda posible aspiración del uso de la ciencia del lenguaje en las disciplinas consideradas más serias e importantes.

Pero Mexía’s Silva de varia lección, Antonio de Torquemada’s Jardín de fl ores curiosas n de flores curiosas, and Juan Huarte de San Juan’s Examen de ingenios, are works for the diffusion of knowledge which illustrate the debate surrounding forms of explaining reality in sixteenth and seventeenth century Spain. At times verbally violent, the inter-textual dialogue between these examples of epistemologically opposing tendencies—the bookish, the folkloric, and the empirical—that fought to overcome one another in the offi cial discourse, fi nds itself re-enacted in another dialogue that discusses a marvelous event within Cervantes’ Persiles. As in the famous purge of Don Quixote’s library, this dialogue becomes another scrutiny, not literary, but about the explanation of the natural world and supernatural phenomena. Received: 09-04-07 / Accepted: 13-07-07 How to reference this article: Marchante Aragón, L. (2007). Folclore, erudición y empirismo en la España del siglo XVI: un ejemplo en Persiles de Cervantes. Íkala. 12(1), pp. 97 – 117.

The vast majority of premodern chinese literature, certainly all of the most famous works of the classical tradition, were composed in one form or another of Literary Sinitic (hereafter LS,wen-yen[-wen], also often somewhat ambiguously called “Classical Chinese” or “Literary Chinese”). Beginning in the medieval period, however, an undercurrent of written Vernacular Sinitic (hereafter VS,pai-hua[-wen])started to develop. The written vernacular came to full maturity in China only with the May Fourth Movement of 1919, after the final collapse during the 1911 revolution of the dynastic, bureaucratic institutions that had governed China for more than two millennia. It must be pointed out that the difference betweenwen-yenandpai-huais at least as great as that between Latin and Italian or between Sanskrit and Hindi. In my estimation, a thorough linguistical analysis would show that unadulteratedwen-yenand purepai-huaare actually far more dissimilar than are Latin and Italian or Sanskrit and Hindi. In fact, I believe thatwen-yenandpai-huabelong to wholly different categories of language, the former being a sort of demicryptography largely divorced from speech and the latter sharing a close correspondence with spoken forms of living Sinitic.

El objetivo de este trabajo es mostrar la variación social y estilística en la prosodia enunciativa del español de Mérida, Yucatán. Se analizan enun-ciados aseverativos provenientes de entrevistas sociolingüísticas y de una encuesta de situaciones, considerando las variables sociales de edad, género y escolaridad. El análisis prosódico se lleva a cabo bajo los postulados del modelo métrico-autosegmental (Pierrehumbert 1980, Ladd 2008) y el sistema de notación Sp_ToBI (Hualde y Prieto 2015). Los resultados muestran que esta variedad de español se caracteriza por un prominente descenso a partir del primer pico tonal, el alineamiento temprano de algunos de los picos tonales en posición prenuclear y la presencia de algunas junturas no descendentes. La variación social y estilística sugiere que los dos últimos son rasgos que indizan vernacularidad.

At present, the current status of the dissemination and promotion of flower-drum lanterns is not optimistic, and the public is not sufficiently aware of the culture of flower-drum lanterns. Based on the concept of inheritance and development of the non-heritage Hua Gu Lantern culture, this study proposes a new art form for the field of public art by studying the application of symbolic design elements of the Hua Gu Lantern in urban public art. This project aims to explore how to protect the non-heritage Hua Gu Dang culture through the design of public art form language, so as to improve the quality of urban public space in Bengbu. It will not only show the culture of the non-heritage flower-drum lantern, but also promote and inherit the profound regional traditional culture of the Huaihe River region.

The right edge of the word is a known domain for processes like phonological devoicing. This has been argued to be the effect of analogy from higher prosodic domains, rather than an in situ motivated change (Hock 1999, Hualde and Eager 2016). Phonetic word-level phenomena of final lengthening and final devoicing have been found to occur natively word-finally (Lunden 2006, 2017, Nakai et al. 2009) despite claims that they have no natural phonetic pressure originating in this position (Hock 1999). We present the results of artificial language learning studies that seek to answer the question of whether phonetic-level cues to the word-final position can aid in language parsing. If they do, it provides evidence that listeners can make use of word-level phonetic phenomena, which, together with studies that have found them to be present, speaks to their inherent presence at the word level. We find that adult listeners are better able to recognize the words they heard in a speech stream, and better able to reject words that they did not hear, when final lengthening was present at the right edge of the word. Final devoicing was not found to give the same boost to parsing.

Abstract This study explores the causal elements of resiliency and continuity in a Chinese school located on the southern island of the Philippines, Mindanao. Established by the Huaren community in Iligan City in the 1930s, the changing political, economic, and socio-cultural landscape of the country over the years since 1948 has brought about challenges and changes to the school. The presence of an “alien” minority whose: (1) commercial endeavors were perceived to be gaining control of the country’s economy, (2) strong cultural ties from their country of origin creates a degree of social separateness from the native population, and (3) political loyalty was questioned (as exemplified during the “Red Scare” Syndrome) were among the concerns that coincided with the resurgence of Filipino nationalism, particularly in the 1950s and 1960s. The passage of “nationalization” laws placed restrictions and curtailments on foreign control in the country, and the Chinese school in Iligan was not exempted from the measures instituted by the Philippine government. But despite such measures, the school has continued to serve its purpose as an academic institution that not only educates young minds with basic educational training but also contributes to the preservation of the Chinese language and culture in the community. It remains and continues to serve the community as the only foreign-language school in the city.

This study constitutes an exploratory analysis of the grammaticalization cline of anar (‘to go’) + infinitive in Catalan to express perfective past (e.g., va arribar ‘s/he arrived’). Our research interest primarily lies in diachronically tracing the evolution of this grammatical change, which appears to be unprecedented in other Romance languages (e.g., Spanish, French), in which the construction has instead led to the expression of a near and/or intentional future. A gap in research is found in the fact that there have been few corpus-based, pragmatic approaches to the matter. We base our theoretical framework on the definition of grammaticalization by Hopper and Traugott (2003) and a number of related publications (Alturo 2017, Pérez-Saldanya & Hualde 2003). Critical items (N=346) were retrieved from the diachronic corpus CICA (11th-18th c.) and subsequently analyzed in the light of pragmatic factors, establishing a three-stage cline based on Segura (2012). Results show how informative bridging contexts are in shaping grammaticalization processes, as they highlight the challenges of tracing a grammaticalization process based on corpora of literary texts. A discussion follows on the identification of potential next steps that might be useful in complementing our own research.

This presentation examines the intonation of Wh-questions in two under-investigated varieties of Basque: North-central Gipuzkoan (Spain) and Labourdin (France). A total of 288 sentences elicited through a semi-spontaneous task were analyzed in Praat (Boersma and Weenek, 2018). As acoustic cues, we center on final tonal movements and lengthening, two aspects for which there is limited to no information for the varieties under study. Results for final contours in Gipuzkoa showed that 58.2% of sentences were produced with rising intonation (L* H% begin the most predominant contour), while the falling contour attested in other Basque varieties (L* L%) appeared in only 41.8% of cases. In Labourdin Basque, 77.3% of sentences were produced with a rising (L* H% also being the most prevalent configuration). Speakers, however, tended to produce risings of mid height. Regarding lengthening, this cue was more relevant in Gipuzkoan Basque. We will connect these novel findings to the intonational characteristics described in prior studies (Elordieta, 2003; Elordieta and Hualde, 2014; Duguine and Irurtzun, 2020). Moreover, since Basque in these territories is in contact with Spanish and French, a brief comparison across languages will also be included. This will be the first attempt at such a comparison.

Background Currently, retail companies that fail to digitise their logistics processes experience difficulties in controlling stock, resulting in inaccuracies in the quantity of products and excess amounts in the warehouse. Consequently, the aim was to introduce a web-based system to enhance inventory control in retail firms within the city of Huaraz. Methods The Extreme Programming methodology was implemented in four phases. During the planning phase, roles and user stories were established. In the coding phase, Hypertext Preprocessor and JavaScript programming languages were utilised alongside the MySQL database management system. The testing phase involved evaluating each interface’s functionality to ensure that it was a part of the web system. The objective of this was to develop the web system and utilise it as an inventory control tool. Results The utilization of the web-based system within the logistics sector led to enhanced indicators, as seen through a 52.94% increase in inventory precision rate and 91.94% rise in the stock turnover rate. Conclusions The web system facilitates the minimisation of input errors in product quantity records while also enabling visualisation of such data. It further provides an illustrated representation, in the form of a bar graph, of each product’s indicator behaviour.

AbstractThis paper analyses the combinatorial restrictions that operate in clitic clusters in certain Eastern Iberian varieties (Aragonese, Spanish, and Catalan). In particular, I focus on the combination of third person clitics. As it is well known, in some Romance varieties the combination of a third person accusative clitic and a third person dative clitic is banned (the so-called ∗le lo restriction, Bonet, Eulàlia. 1991. Morphology after syntax: Pronominal clitics in Romance. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Dissertation; Cuervo, María Cristina. 2013. Spanish clitic clusters: Three of a perfect pair. Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 2. 191–220; Nevins, Andrew. 2007. The representation of third person and its consequences for person-case effects. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 25(2). 273–313; Ordóñez, Francisco. 2002. Some clitic combinations in the syntax of Romance. Catalan Journal of Linguistics 1. 201–224, Ordóñez, Francisco. 2012. Clitics in Spanish. In José I. Hualde, Antxon Olarrea & Erin O’Rouke (eds.), The handbook of Spanish Linguistics, 423–453. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell; Perlmutter, David. 1971. Deep and surface structure constraints in syntax. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston). In order to license this troublesome combination, languages resort to different ‘repair strategies’ modifying the structure of one of the merged clitics. In the literature on clitic combinations, there have been two main proposals of analysis: morphological and syntactical. In this paper, I put forward an analysis based on the Distinctness Condition (Hiraiwa, Ken. 2010. The syntactic OCP. In Yukio Otsu (ed.), The proceedings of the 11th Tokyo Conference on Psycholinguistics, 35–56. Hituzi: Tokyo; Neeleman, Ad & Hans van de Koot. 2005. Syntactic haplology. In Martin Everaert & Henk van Riemsdijk (eds.), The Blackwell companion to syntax, 685–710. Wiley-Blackwell; Perlmutter, David. 1971. Deep and surface structure constraints in syntax. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston; Richards, Norvin. 2010. Uttering trees, vol. 56. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press; Van Riemsdijk, Henk. 1998. Categorial feature magnetism: The endocentricity and distribution of projections. The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 2(1). 1–48; Yip, Moira. 1998. Identity avoxidance in phonology and morphology. In Steven G. Lapointe, Diane K. Brentari & Patrick M. Farell (eds.), Mophology and its relation to phonology and syntax, 216–246. Stanford, CA: CSLI). Specifically, I argue that the restrictions that constraint clitic combinations are due to the impossibility to linearize two identical syntactic objects, such as <XP, XP> (Chomsky, Noam. 2013. Problems of projection. Lingua 130. 33–49; Chomsky, Noam. 2015. Problems of projection. In Elisa Di Domenico, Cornelia Hamann & Simona Matteini (eds.), Structures, strategies and beyond: Studies in honour of Adriana Belletti, 1–16. Amsterdam: John Benjamins; Moro, Andrea. 2000. Dynamic antisymmetry (No. 38). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press; Richards, Norvin. 2010. Uttering trees, vol. 56. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press). From this perspective, cross-linguistic variation is the result of different ‘repair strategies’ languages deploy to make <XP, XP> objects linearizable (Richards, Norvin. 2010. Uttering trees, vol. 56. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press).

Abstract This study examines the perception of diphthongs and hiatuses in 11 heritage Spanish speakers and 6 Spanish-dominant bilingual speakers with an AXB discrimination task (Lukyanchenko, Anna & Kira Gor. 2011. Perceptual correlates of phonological representations in heritage speakers and L2 learners. In Nick Danis, Kate Mesh & Hyunsuk Sung (eds.), Proceedings of the 35th annual Boston University conference on language development, 414–426. Sommerville, MA: Cascadilla Press). In Spanish, diphthongs and hiatuses represent distinct vocalic sequences (Schwegler, Armin, Juergen Kempff & Ana Ameal-Guerra. 2010. Fonética y fonología españolas, 4th edn. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley). However, there are words in which the pronunciation of the vocalic sequence as either a diphthong or hiatus serves as a contrastive feature, as in the example of ley / leí (Face, Timothy L. & Scott M. Alvord. 2004. Lexical and acoustic factors in the perception of the Spanish diphthong vs. Hiatus contrast. Hispania 87(3). 553–564; Hualde, José I. & Mónica Prieto. 2002. On the diphthong/hiatus contrast in Spanish: Some experimental results. Linguistics 40(2). 217–234). Given that these features also exist in English, albeit in different forms, does L2 influence of English impact heritage Spanish listeners' perception of diphthongs and hiatuses in Spanish? Specifically, this study examines discrimination between the diphthong / hiatus as a contrasting feature with /a e o/ as the nucleic vowel in the diphthongs. Results indicate that there is not a significant difference in discrimination between heritage speakers and Spanish-dominant bilinguals. Additionally, the nucleic vowel in the diphthong tokens is a significant factor for the ability to discriminate diphthongs vs. hiatuses in heritage Spanish speakers. The findings of this study contribute to the corpus of phonetic studies focusing on heritage Spanish speakers and perception in their heritage language.

Primarily inspired by Bustos de Gisbert (1986) , Hualde (2006/2007 ), and Moyna (2011) , specifically by their comments on stress deletion in the left members of some Spanish compounds, the current investigation fills a gap in this field by conducting an acoustic analysis of fundamental frequency evidence of stress in Spanish compounds and phonologically classifying them through the Autosegmental-Metrical model. Using a data elicitation task of 30 noun+noun compounds demonstrating syntactic, semantic, orthographic, and phonological variation, eight speakers of Mexican Spanish recorded two iterations of each compound, which is embedded at the beginning or at the end of a declarative carrier phrase. The acoustic analysis reveals that, as expected, right members categorically exhibit F0 evidence of stress. However, only the 15 compounds written as two orthographic units show strong evidence of left stress. This is especially so in utterance-initial position. The number of unstressed syllables between left and right stresses determines the tonal sequences produced in left members. In compounds spelled as two orthographic units, the phonological targets of each member resemble those of two simple content words in broad focus declaratives. Evidence of left stress in orthographically united compounds occurs in less than 20% of cases, and these are viewed as carrying postlexical secondary stress. The tonal sequences of this group are more wide-ranging than those of the first group. The results have implications for language processing and raise questions for the study of compound stress in Spanish.

From both theoretical and practical points of view, the contemporary Overseas Chinese policy of the PRC is largely based on the experience gained during the de facto reign of Deng Xiaoping (1977–1992). In the shortest possible time after the end of the &quot;cultural revolution (1966-1976)&quot; Deng was succeeded to carry out restoration work on interaction with the diaspora and include it in the strategic development plan of the PRC for decades ahead. Talking about the PRC&apos;s Overseas Chinese policy, the author minds both the foreign policy – towards overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren: emigrants and ethnic Chinese with foreign citizenship, and the internal policy – towards re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants in the PRC (guiqiao-qiaojuan), who are directly connected with Overseas Chinese. The article analyzes the first steps of Deng Xiaoping&apos;s team to restore work with the Chinese diaspora before the official announcement of the policy of reform and opening-up: reconstruction of the administrative structure for Overseas Chinese Affairs, planning the main directions of work with diaspora, including it in the strategic development plan of the PRC. The author explains the legal details and examines the main theoretical approaches to the work with the diaspora in the first years of reform and opening-up. The paper deals with the processes of creating the basis for long-term cooperation between the PRC and the Chinese diaspora. It concludes that Deng Xiaoping completely restored external and internal work with the diaspora and created conditions for further comprehensive cooperation with it in the short, medium, and long term.

This study describes and compares standard negation in the Huarpean languages, Millcayac and Allentiac. Furthermore, it proposes possible diachronic paths that led to the synchronic stage described herein and identifies possible contact-induced changes. This synchronic description is based on the revision and analysis of the grammars, vocabularies, and religious texts written by Luis de Valdivia. The features considered are (1) type of negative marker, (2) order of negative marker and verb, (3) structure of the negative construction, and (4) type of prohibitive constructions. The analysis shows that standard negation in Allentiac is expressed by a preverbal particle and has a symmetric structure. In Millcayac, standard negation is expressed by suffixation and has an asymmetric structure. In terms of diachrony, it is proposed that Allentiac is more conservative, and Millcayac’s divergence could have been accelerated by contact with Mapudungun. This study is a contribution to the description of these under-studied languages.

En el siglo xvi, las polémicas obras de Maquiavelo pusieron de relieve la ambigüedad que podía envolver la virtud de la prudencia, especialmente cuando esta se aplicaba a la descripción del guerrero modélico: ¿cuál era la frontera entre prudencia y disimulación engañosa, es decir, mentira? En su Examen de ingenios, Juan Huarte de San Juan utiliza la teoría humoral y una serie de analogías –como la del ajedrez– para explorar el problema ético de la prudencia en el campo de batalla, mostrando en el análisis del mismo la laxitud y mente abierta que caracteriza al tratadista

Diphthongs have a dynamic formant structure. Nevertheless, many quantitative studies of diphthongs are based on measurements at only two points, somewhere in the nucleus and somewhere in the glide. The question arises as to whether analyses based on values at only two points provide an adequate understanding of the dynamics of diphthongs. Wieling (2018) mentions the analysis of /aɪ/ raising in Chicago English in Hualde, Luchkina & Eager (2017) as one of several examples of recent studies where potentially interesting patterns may have been missed because of limited sampling of formant values, and proposes using Generalized Additive Mixed Models (GAMM) to allow a more complete understanding of diphthong dynamics. In this paper, we examine the acoustic nature of the (quasi-)phonemic differentiation between two originally allophonic variants of the diphthong /aɪ/ in the US English of Chicago and the surrounding area. We offer an acoustic analysis based on full formant trajectories of diphthongs with data obtained from a group of 53 speakers. The results of a GAMM analysis are then compared with those obtained in Hualde et al. (2017), which considered values at only two points and from a smaller set of speakers (17). We also discuss the main advantages of GAMM analysis over other techniques that have being proposed for the analysis of differences in vowel formant dynamics.

Abstract This paper presents new proposals for the reconstruction of Proto-Basque accentuation, as well as the development and chronology of the main accentual systems of the modern dialects, grounded in phonetic, historical and typological evidence. It is the first attempt to reconstruct Basque accentuation from a pre-Roman stage to the dialectalization that followed Common Basque. We suggest that Old Proto-Basque had prosodic prominence in the root, i.e., [(C)V.'CVC]. This system evolved into phrase-level prominence in Modern Proto-Basque, giving rise to unaccentedness in non-phrase final positions, with marked stress only introduced later, through Latin loanwords (2nd–3rd century CE). This would become the common system, which still persists in the west. Not long after the dialectification, word-level systems developed in non-western areas, first as peninitial and then as penultimate stress (in eastern dialects). Finally, we propose that the Goizueta prosodic system can be derived from the Central system, which is an alternative view to Hualde (in press).

AbstractObjectiveThe aim of this study was to determine the factors associated with negative birth experience in Peruvian Quechua‐speaking indigenous women in the context of contagion due to COVID‐19.MethodsThis was a cross‐sectional study, with 142 women from the Olleros community (Huaraz‐Peru, 3336 m a.s.l.), whose birth occurred between November 2020 and December 2021. Two questionnaires were applied between January and June 2022, prior voluntary informed consent and approval by an ethics committee. The SPSS program version 24 and the odds ratio (OR) were used with 95% confidence interval (CI).ResultsA total of 62.7% of women (89/142) had a negative birth experience. The main factors associated were hospital and biosafety factors, highlighting the restriction to choose the position during birth (OR = 15.64, CI: 1.89–128.99, P = 0.001), care of women in a language other than Quechua (OR = 5.86, CI: 1.51–22.76, P = 0.005) and fear of health personnel when approaching women due to COVID‐19 (OR = 10.61, CI: 3.94–28.56, P < 0.001).ConclusionHospital and biosafety factors are associated with negative birth experience in Peruvian Quechua‐speaking indigenous women, with less emphasis on sociodemographic and obstetric factors. The results found show that, in the case of this research, the negative birth experience is not only due to the restrictions imposed by COVID‐19 pandemic, but also to the limited application of the intercultural approach in Peru, where the opinion of women is not taken into account. In this sense, intervention actions are required through health policies with an intercultural approach that involve the active participation of women.

Every Sunday afternoon, many dozens of Chinese migrants from all walks of life gather in a small building located north of the train station in Padua, Italy, at the headquarter of the Chinese Christian Evangelical Church of Italy (Jidujiao yidali huaren jiaohui 基督教義大利華人教會, CCEC), to celebrate a two-hour long ritual, chanting, praising the Lord and listening to a lecture in Mandarin about the Holy Scripture. The focus of this article is the weekly celebration of the CCEC. In particular, I will discuss a few changes that I have observed in the liturgy and in the general organisation of the activities of the CCEC since the outbreak of the COVID pandemic in 2020. The research questions attempt to study how the COVID pandemic has impacted on the Sunday activities of the Church. The results highlight changes in the organisation of the Sunday celebration and in the way religious practice is experienced by part of the audience. The data employed in this article, collected between the years 2019 and 2021, come from previous scholarship, from participant observation and from informal and semi-structured interviews with members of the church.

Introduction Lillian Ng was born in Singapore and lived in Hong Kong and the United Kingdom before migrating to Australia with her daughter and Ah Mah Yin Jie (“Ah Mahs are a special group of people who took a vow to remain unmarried … [so they] could stick together as a group and make a living together” (Yu 118)). Ng studied classical Chinese at home, then went to an English school and later on studied Medicine. Her first book, Silver Sister (1994), was short-listed for the inaugural Angus & Robertson/Bookworld Prize in 1993 and won the Human Rights Award in 1995. Ng defines herself as a “Chinese living in Australia” (Yu 115). Food, flesh and meat are recurrent topics in Lillian Ng´s second novel Swallowing Clouds, published in 1997. These topics are related to desire and can be used as a synecdoche (a metaphor that describes part/whole relations) of the human body: food is needed to survive and pleasure can be obtained from other people´s bodies. This paper focuses on one type of meat and animal, pork and the pig, and on the relation between the two main characters, Syn and Zhu Zhiyee. Syn, the main character in the novel, is a Shanghainese student studying English in Sydney who becomes stranded after the Tiananmen Square massacre of June 1989. As she stops receiving money from her mother and fears repression if she goes back to China, she begins to work in a Chinese butcher shop, owned by Zhu Zhiyee, which brings her English lessons to a standstill. Syn and Zhu Zhiyee soon begin a two-year love affair, despite the fact that Zhu Zhiyee is married to KarLeng and has three daughters. The novel is structured as a prologue and four days, each of which has a different setting and temporal location. The prologue introduces the story of an adulterous woman who was punished to be drowned in a pig´s basket in the HuanPu River in the summer of 1918. As learnt later on, Syn is the reincarnation of this woman, whose purpose in life is to take revenge on men by taking their money. The four days, from the 4th to the 7th of June 1994, mark the duration of a trip to Beijing and Shanghai that Syn takes as member of an Australian expedition in order to visit her mother with the security of an Australian passport. During these four days, the reader learns about different Chinese landmarks, such as the Forbidden City, the Great Wall, the Ming Tomb and the Summer Palace, as well as some cultural events, such as a Chinese opera and eating typical foods like Peking duck. However, the bulk of the plot of the book deals with the sexual relationship, erotic games and fantasies of Syn and Zhu Zhiyee in the period between 1989 and 1992, as well as Syn´s final revenge in January 1993. Pigs The fact that Zhu Zhiyee is a butcher allows Lillian Ng to include references to pigs and pork throughout the novel. Some of them refer to the everyday work of a butcher shop, as the following examples illustrate: “Come in and help me with the carcass,” he [Zhu Zhiyee] pointed to a small suckling pig hung on a peg. Syn hesitated, not knowing how to handle the situation. “Take the whole pig with the peg,” he commanded (11).Under dazzling fluorescent tubes and bright spotlights, trays of red meat, pork chops and lamb cutlets sparkled like jewels … The trays edged with red cellophane frills and green underlay breathed vitality and colour into the slabs of pork ribs and fillets (15).Buckets of pig´s blood with a skim of froth took their place on the floor; gelled ones, like sliced cubes of large agate, sat in tin trays labelled in Chinese. More discreetly hidden were the gonads and penises of goats, bulls and pigs. (16)These examples are representative of Syn and Zhu Zhiyee´s relationship. The first quotation deals with their interaction: most of the time Zhu Zhiyee orders Syn how to act, either in the shop or in bed. The second extract describes the meat’s “vitality” and this is the quality of Syn's skin that mesmerised Zhu when he met her: “he was excited, electrified by the sight of her unblemished, translucent skin, unlined, smooth as silk. The glow of the warmth of human skin” (13). Moreover, the lights seem to completely illuminate the pieces of meat and this is the way Zhu Zhiyee leers at Syn´s body, as it can be read in the following extract: “he turned again to fix his gaze on Syn, which pierced and penetrated her head, her brain, eyes, permeated her whole body, seeped into her secret places and crevices” (14). The third excerpt introduces the sexual organs of some of the animals, which are sold to some customers for a high price. Meat is also sexualised by Zhu Zhiyee´s actions, such as his pinching the bottoms of chickens and comparing them with “sacrificial virgins”: “chickens, shamelessly stripped and trussed, hung by their necks, naked in their pimply white skin, seemed like sacrificial virgins. Syn often caught Zhu pinching their fleshy bottoms, while wrapping and serving them to the housewives” (15-16). Zhu also makes comments relating food with sex while he is having lunch next to Syn, which could be considered sexual harassment. All these extracts exemplify the relationship between Syn and Zhu Zhiyee: the orders, the looks and the implicit sexuality in the quotidian activities in the butcher´s shop. There are also a range of other expressions that include similes with the word `pig´ in Ng´s novel. One of the most recurrent is comparing the left arm and hand of Zhu Zhiyee´s mother with a “pig´s trotter”. Zhu Zhiyee´s mother is known as ZhuMa and Syn is very fond of her, as ZhuMa accepts her and likes her more than her own daughter-in-law. The comparison of ZhuMa´s arm and hand with a trotter may be explained by the fact that ZhuMa´s arm is swollen but also by the loving representation of pigs in Chinese culture. As Seung-Og Kim explains in his article “Burials, Pigs, and Political Prestige in Neolithic China”: In both Melanesia and Asia, pigs are viewed as a symbolic representation of human beings (Allen 1976: 42; Healey 1985; Rappaport 1967: 58; Roscoe 1989: 223-26). Piglets are treated as pets and receive a great deal of loving attention, and they in turn express affection for their human “parents.” They also share some physiological features with human beings, being omnivorous and highly reproductive (though humans do not usually have multiple litters) and similar internal anatomy (Roscoe 1989: 225). In short, pigs not only have a symbiotic relationship with humans biologically but also are of great importance symbolically (121). Consequently, pigs are held in high esteem, taken care of and loved. Therefore, comparing a part of a human´s body, such as an arm or a hand, for example, to a part of a pig´s body such as a pig´s trotter is not negative, but has positive connotations. Some descriptions of ZhuMa´s arm and hand can be read in the following excerpts: “As ZhuMa handed her the plate of cookies Syn saw her left arm, swollen like a pig´s trotter” (97); “Syn was horrified, and yet somewhat intrigued by this woman without a breast, with a pig´s trotter arm and a tummy like a chessboard” (99), “mimicking the act of writing with her pig-trotter hand” (99), and ZhuMa was praising the excellence of the opera, the singing, acting, the costumes, and the elaborate props, waving excitedly with her pig trotter arm and pointing with her stubby fingers while she talked. (170) Moreover, the expression “pig´s trotters” is also used as an example of the erotic fetishism with bound feet, as it can be seen in the following passage, which will be discussed below: I [Zhu Zhiyee] adore feet which are slender… they seem so soft, like pig´s trotters, so cute and loving, they play tricks on your mind. Imagine feeling them in bed under your blankets—soft cottonwool lumps, plump and cuddly, makes you want to stroke them like your lover´s hands … this was how the bound feet appealed to men, the erotic sensation when balanced on shoulders, clutched in palms, strung to the seat of a garden swing … no matter how ugly a woman is, her tiny elegant feet would win her many admirers (224).Besides writing about pigs and pork as part of the daily work of the butcher shop and using the expression “pig´s trotter”, “pig” is also linked to money in two sentences in the book. On the one hand, it is used to calculate a price and draw attention to the large amount it represents: “The blouse was very expensive—three hundred dollars, the total takings from selling a pig. Two pigs if he purchased two blouses” (197). On the other, it works as an adjective in the expression “piggy-bank”, the money box in the form of a pig, an animal that represents abundance and happiness in the Chinese culture: “She borrowed money from her neighbours, who emptied pieces of silver from their piggy-banks, their life savings”(54). Finally, the most frequent porcine expression in Ng´s Swallowing Clouds makes reference to being drowned in a pig´s basket, which represents 19 of the 33 references to pigs or pork that appear in the novel. The first three references appear in the prologue (ix, x, xii), where the reader learns the story of the last woman who was killed by drowning in a pig´s basket as a punishment for her adultery. After this, two references recount a soothsayer´s explanation to Syn about her nightmares and the fact that she is the reincarnation of that lady (67, 155); three references are made by Syn when she explains this story to Zhu Zhiyee and to her companion on the trip to Beijing and Shanghai (28, 154, 248); one refers to a feeling Syn has during sexual intercourse with Zhu Zhiyee (94); and one when the pig basket is compared to a cricket box, a wicker or wooden box used to carry or keep crickets in a house and listen to them singing (73). Furthermore, Syn reflects on the fact of drowning (65, 114, 115, 171, 172, 173, 197, 296) and compares her previous death with that of Concubine Pearl, the favourite of Emperor Guanxu, who was killed by order of his aunt, the Empress Dowager Cixi (76-77). The punishment of drowning in a pig´s basket can thus be understood as retribution for a transgression: a woman having an extra-marital relationship, going against the establishment and the boundaries of the authorised. Both the woman who is drowned in a pig´s basket in 1918 and Syn have extra-marital affairs and break society’s rules. However, the consequences are different: the concubine dies and Syn, her reincarnation, takes revenge. Desire, Transgression and Eroticism Xavier Pons writes about desire, repression, freedom and transgression in his book Messengers of Eros: Representations of Sex in Australian Writing (2009). In this text, he explains that desire can be understood as a positive or as a negative feeling. On the one hand, by experiencing desire, a person feels alive and has joy de vivre, and if that person is desired in return, then, the feelings of being accepted and happiness are also involved (13). On the other hand, desire is often repressed, as it may be considered evil, anarchic, an enemy of reason and an alienation from consciousness (14). According to Pons: Sometimes repression, in the form of censorship, comes from the outside—from society at large, or from particular social groups—because of desire´s subversive nature, because it is a force which, given a free rein, would threaten the higher purpose which a given society assigns to other (and usually ideological) forces … Repression may also come from the inside, via the internalization of censorship … desire is sometimes feared by the individual as a force alien to his/her true self which would leave him/her vulnerable to rejection or domination, and would result in loss of freedom (14).Consequently, when talking about sexual desire, the two main concepts to be dealt with are freedom and transgression. As Pons makes clear, “the desiring subject can be taken advantage of, manipulated like a puppet [as h]is or her freedom is in this sense limited by the experience of desire” (15). While some practices may be considered abusive, such as bondage or sado-masochism, they may be deliberately and freely chosen by the partners involved. In this case, these practices represent “an encounter between equals: dominance is no more than make-believe, and a certain amount of freedom (as much as is compatible with giving oneself up to one´s fantasies) is maintained throughout” (24). Consequently, the perception of freedom changes with each person and situation. What is transgressive depends on the norms in every culture and, as these evolve, so do the forms of transgression (Pons 43). Examples of transgressions can be: firstly, the separation of sex from love, adultery or female and male homosexuality, which happen with the free will of the partners; or, secondly, paedophilia, incest or bestiality, which imply abuse. Going against society’s norms involves taking risks, such as being discovered and exiled from society or feeling isolated as a result of a feeling of difference. As the norms change according to culture, time and person, an individual may transgress the rules and feel liberated, but later on do the same thing and feel alienated. As Pons declares, “transgressing the rules does not always lead to liberation or happiness—transgression can turn into a trap and turn out to be simply another kind of alienation” (46). In Swallowing Clouds, Zhu Zhiyee transgresses the social norms of his time by having an affair with Syn: firstly, because it is extra-marital, he and his wife, KarLeng, are Catholic and fidelity is one of the promises made when getting married; and, secondly, because he is Syn´s boss and his comments and ways of flirting with her could be considered sexual harassment. For two years, the affair is an escape from Zhu Zhiyee´s daily worries and stress and a liberation and fulfillment of his sexual desires. However, he introduces Syn to his mother and his sisters, who accept her and like her more than his wife. He feels trapped, though, when KarLeng guesses and threatens him with divorce. He cannot accept this as it would mean loss of face in their neighbourhood and society, and so he decides to abandon Syn. Syn´s transgression becomes a trap for her as Zhu, his mother and his sisters have become her only connection with the outside world in Australia and this alienates her from both the country she lives in and the people she knows. However, Syn´s transgression also turns into a trap for Zhu Zhiyee because she will not sign the documents to give him the house back and every month she sends proof of their affair to KarLeng in order to cause disruption in their household. This exposure could be compared with the humiliation suffered by the concubine when she was paraded in a pig´s basket before she was drowned in the HuangPu River. Furthermore, the reader does not know whether KarLeng finally divorces Zhu Zhiyee, which would be his drowning and loss of face and dishonour in front of society, but can imagine the humiliation, shame and disgrace KarLeng makes him feel every month. Pons also depicts eroticism as a form of transgression. In fact, erotic relations are a power game, and seduction can be a very effective weapon. As such, women can use seduction to obtain power and threaten the patriarchal order, which imposes on them patterns of behaviour, language and codes to follow. However, men also use seduction to get their own benefits, especially in political and social contexts. “Power has often been described as the ultimate aphrodisiac” (Pons 32) and this can be seen in many of the sexual games between Syn and Zhu Zhiyee in Swallowing Clouds, where Zhu Zhiyee is the active partner and Syn becomes little more than an object that gives pleasure. A clear reference to erotic fetishism is embedded in the above-mentioned quote on bound feet, which are compared to pig´s trotters. In fact, bound feet were so important in China in the millennia between the Song Dynasty (960-1276) and the early 20th century that “it was impossible to find a husband” (Holman) without them: “As women’s bound feet and shoes became the essence of feminine beauty, a fanatical aesthetic and sexual mystique developed around them. The bound foot was understood to be the most intimate and erotic part of the female anatomy, and wives, consorts and prostitutes were chosen solely on the size and shape of their feet” (Holman). Bound feet are associated in Ng’s novel with pig´s trotters and are described as “cute and loving … soft cottonwool lumps, plump and cuddly, [that] makes you want to stroke them like your lover´s hands” (224). This approach towards bound feet and, by extension, towards pig´s trotters, can be related to the fond feelings Melanesian and Asian cultures have towards piglets, which “are treated as pets and receive a great deal of loving attention” (Kim 121). Consequently, the bound feet can be considered a synecdoche for the fond feelings piglets inspire. Food and Sex The fact that Zhu Zhiyee is a butcher and works with different types of meat, including pork, that he chops it, sells it and gives cooking advice, is not gratuitous in the novel. He is used to being in close proximity to meat and death and seeing Syn’s pale skin through which he can trace her veins excites him. Her flesh is alive and represents, therefore, the opposite of meat. He wants to seduce her, which is human hunting, and he wants to study her, to enjoy her body, which can be compared to animals looking at their prey and deciding where to start eating from. Zhu´s desire for Syn seems destructive and dangerous. In the novel, bodies have a price: dead animals are paid for and eaten and their role is the satiation of human hunger. But humans, who are also animals, have a price as well: flesh is paid for, in the form of prostitution or being a mistress, and its aim is satiation of human sex. Generally speaking, sex in the novel is compared to food either in a direct or an indirect way, and making love is constantly compared to cooking, the preparation of food and eating (as in Pons 303). Many passages in Swallowing Clouds have cannibalistic connotations, all of these being used as metaphors for Zhu Zhiyee’s desire for Syn. As mentioned before, desire can be positive (as it makes a person feel alive) or negative (as a form of internal or social censorship). For Zhu Zhiyee, desire is positive and similar to a drug he is addicted to. For example, when Zhu and Syn make delivery rounds in an old Mazda van, he plays the recordings he made the previous night when they were having sex and tries to guess when each moan happened. Sex and Literature Pons explains that “to write about sex … is to address a host of issues—social, psychological and literary—which together pretty much define a culture” (6). Lillian Ng´s Swallowing Clouds addresses a series of issues. The first of these could be termed ‘the social’: Syn´s situation after the Tiananmen Massacre; her adulterous relationship with her boss and being treated and considered his mistress; the rapes in Inner Mongolia; different reasons for having an abortion; various forms of abuse, even by a mother of her mentally handicapped daughter; the loss of face; betrayal; and revenge. The second issue is the ‘psychological’, with the power relations and strategies used between different characters, psychological abuse, physical abuse, humiliation, and dependency. The third is the ‘literary’, as when the constant use of metaphors with Chinese cultural references becomes farcical, as Tseen Khoo notes in her article “Selling Sexotica” (2000: 164). Khoo explains that, “in the push for Swallowing Clouds to be many types of novels at once: [that is, erotica, touristic narrative and popular], it fails to be any one particularly successfully” (171). Swallowing Clouds is disturbing, full of stereotypes, and with repeated metaphors, and does not have a clear readership and, as Khoo states: “The explicit and implicit strategies behind the novel embody the enduring perceptions of what exotic, multicultural writing involves—sensationalism, voyeuristic pleasures, and a seemingly deliberate lack of rooted-ness in the Australian socioscape (172). Furthermore, Swallowing Clouds has also been defined as “oriental grunge, mostly because of the progression throughout the narrative from one gritty, exoticised sexual encounter to another” (Khoo 169-70).Other novels which have been described as “grunge” are Edward Berridge´s Lives of the Saints (1995), Justine Ettler´s The River Ophelia (1995), Linda Jaivin´s Eat Me (1995), Andrew McGahan´s Praise (1992) and 1988 (1995), Claire Mendes´ Drift Street (1995) or Christos Tsiolkas´ Loaded (1995) (Michael C). The word “grunge” has clear connotations with “dirtiness”—a further use of pig, but one that is not common in the novel. The vocabulary used during the sexual intercourse and games between Syn and Zhu Zhiyee is, however, coarse, and “the association of sex with coarseness is extremely common” (Pons 344). Pons states that “writing about sex is an attempt to overcome [the barriers of being ashamed of some human bodily functions], regarded as unnecessarily constrictive, and this is what makes it by nature transgressive, controversial” (344-45). Ng´s use of vocabulary in this novel is definitely controversial, indeed, so much so that it has been defined as banal or even farcical (Khoo 169-70).ConclusionThis paper has analysed the use of the words and expressions: “pig”, “pork” and “drowning in a pig’s basket” in Lillian Ng´s Swallowing Clouds. Moreover, the punishment of drowning in a pig’s basket has served as a means to study the topics of desire, transgression and eroticism, in relation to an analysis of the characters of Syn and Zhu Zhiyee, and their relationship. This discussion of various terminology relating to “pig” has also led to the study of the relationship between food and sex, and sex and literature, in this novel. 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