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Journal articles on the topic 'Howard Government'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Fatmawati, Fatmawati, and Tarunasena Ma'moer. "DINAMIKA HUBUNGAN BILATERAL AUSTRALIAINDONESIA PADA MASA PERDANA MENTERI JOHN HOWARD TAHUN 1996-2007." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v7i2.15602.

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Prime Minister John Howard’s behaviour often considered conservative and “Anti- Asian”, no exception to Indonesia. John Howard viewed Indonesia did not have a strategic position for Australia’s national interests. This study answered the question on “how did the dynamic of Australia-Indonesia bilateral relations at Prime Minister John Howard’s era in 1996-2007?”. At his administration, John Howard issued numbers of policy towards Indonesia, which are the policy related to East Timor issue, counterterrorism cooperation, the policy of Pacific Solution, assistance for tsunami disaster in Aceh that happened in 2004. These policies apparently made impacts to Australia- Indonesia bilateral relations. During eleven years administration of Prime Minister John Howard, the bilateral relations between Australia-Indonesia has experienced its dynamics of ebb and flow. These dynamics primarily caused by policies that Prime Minister John Howard issued, which gave more benefit to the Australian Government and created imbalance relations between two countries. Therefore, it became more interesting to be discussed for further study regarding which policies that gave more benefit for the Australian Government and in a contrary gave less benefit to Indonesian Government, thus the position of two countries became an imbalance in bilateral relations context. This research is expected to be a reference for other researchers who will examine the bilateral relations between Australia-Indonesia in John Howard’s era because there are still many aspects between the two countries relations that have not been elaborated by the researcher, namely economic, education and socio-cultural.

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2

McKay, Fiona H., Lucy Hall, and Kehla Lippi. "Compassionate Deterrence: A Howard Government Legacy." Politics & Policy 45, no. 2 (April 2017): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12198.

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3

Betts, Katharine. "IMMIGRATION POLICY UNDER THE HOWARD GOVERNMENT." Australian Journal of Social Issues 38, no. 2 (May 2003): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1839-4655.2003.tb01141.x.

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4

Wear, Rae. "Permanent Populism: The Howard Government 1996–2007." Australian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (December 2008): 617–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140802429247.

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5

Lewis, Chris. "Did the Howard Government Undermine Australian Democracy?" Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (December 2009): 713–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140903296602.

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6

Mackinnon, Bruce Hearn. "Employer Matters in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608090000.

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The year 2007 may well be remembered as one being short on major industrial disputation, yet one where industrial relations itself dominated public discussion and political life of the country like no other time in Australia's history. It was a year dominated by the electoral cycle, with both organized labour as well as major employers playing their cards very carefully, lest they provide political ammunition to their political and industrial opponents. Thanks largely to the effectiveness of the union movement's anti Work Choices campaign, major employer groups and their political allies the Howard government found themselves fighting a rearguard, and ultimately losing, battle, valiantly trying to defend the Work Choices regime. At year's end, the Liberal government had lost office, Prime Minister John Howard had lost his own seat in Parliament, and the Rudd Labor Government had been swept to power with a clear mandate to dismantle the Work Choices regime. Yet despite this conclusion to a year dominated by debate over industrial relations, it seems that employers had nevertheless lobbied Labor party leaders successfully enough to secure the continuation of many key components of the former Howard government's industrial relations regime.

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7

Sutherland, Carolyn, and Joellen Riley. "Industrial Legislation in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 417–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089997.

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The Howard government's draconian Work Choices laws will soon be history. A change of government at the 2007 federal election means that Australian industrial relations legislation will continue to be a turbulent field, for some time yet. This review provides an account of the last piece of industrial legislation passed by the Howard government, to introduce a `Fairness Test' in an attempt to ameliorate public concern about the patent unfairness of some aspects of the Work Choices laws. The same Act made some changes to the way in which `prohibited content' is regulated in workplace agreements. We also provide a brief summary of some of the more significant State manoeuvres in what remains to them of the field of industrial relations law.

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8

Warhurst, John. "The Howard Decade in Australian Government and Politics." Australian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2007): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140701319978.

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9

O'Regan, Tom, and Mark David Ryan. "From Multimedia to Digital Content and Applications: Remaking Policy for the Digital Content Industries." Media International Australia 112, no. 1 (August 2004): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411200105.

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This article analyses the two policy moments of digital content industries policy development of the Keating (1992–96) and Howard (2001–04) governments. In bringing these two moments into dialogue, our aim is to illuminate and evaluate the broader policy frameworks, and the political and policy contexts, which gave rise to and subsequently shaped these different digital content strategies. The Keating government connected culture and services to harness multimedia as a vehicle for cultural expression and as a new economically viable growth industry suited to a convergent information age. The Howard government's innovation agenda has reconstructed industry development priorities for the digital content industries, influencing their conception as inputs and enablers for both the ICT and broader industries in an information economy framework. The article concludes with an evaluation of the assumptions and priorities, shortcomings and advantages of these two quite different approaches to developing digital content industries.

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10

Gunstone, Andrew. "Indigenous Rights and the 1991-2000 Australian Reconciliation Process." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 3 (September 24, 2009): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i3.1141.

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The formal reconciliation process in Australia was conducted between 1991 and 2000 and aimed to reconcile Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples by 2001. In this paper, I detail the failure of both this reconciliation process and governments, in particular the Howard Government, to recognise Indigenous rights, such as sovereignty, a treaty, self-determination and land rights.

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11

van Onselen, Peter, and Wayne Errington. "Managing Expectations: The Howard Government's Workchoices Information Campaign." Media International Australia 123, no. 1 (May 2007): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712300103.

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This article analyses the Howard government's $55 million information campaign to sell its new industrial relations (IR) reforms. The expensive advertising campaign was spread across newspapers, television channels, radio stations and even on internet sites. It was widely criticised by media professionals, politicians and interest groups. The IR information campaign was an example of ‘permanent campaigning’ because it was an overtly partisan information campaign that appeared in the middle of an electoral cycle. It was also emblematic of the blurred lines between government and political advertising. However, the IR information campaign also revealed the limitations of incumbency advantage and the limitations to some aspects of the modern trend towards permanent campaigning. Public anger over the plethora of taxpayer-funded advertisements limited the effectiveness of the messages being delivered. The government persisted with the information campaign — perhaps a signal it was designed not to turn public opinion in favour of the reforms, but to prevent an increase in public dissatisfaction following the negative campaign being waged by the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU).

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12

Sugita, Hiroya. "Conflicting Mandates: The Australian Democrats and the Howard Government." Policy, Organisation and Society 13, no. 1 (June 1997): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1997.11876661.

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13

Frederickson, Ronald Q., and H. George Frederickson. "The Public Poems of Howard Nemerov." Public Voices 1, no. 3 (April 11, 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.463.

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14

Cooper, Rae. "Forward with Fairness? Industrial Relations under Labor in 2008." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 3 (May 20, 2009): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185609104298.

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The Rudd government was elected in late 2007 after a national election campaign centred squarely on industrial relations. In 2008, with a massive mandate, the government presented key pieces of legislation to the Australian parliament, aimed at moving away from the Howard government's Work Choices and toward implementing the `Forward with Fairness' election policy. The government's substantive industrial relations legislation — the Fair Work Bill — was introduced late in 2008 to widespread, though not universal, approval from trade unionists and, at first, muted acceptance and, later, and in the face of deteriorating economic circumstances, sharper criticism from employer groups.

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15

Milyo, Jeffrey. "Partisan Politics, Divided Government, and the Economy.Alberto Alesina , Howard Rosenthal." Journal of Politics 58, no. 2 (May 1996): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2960241.

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16

Robbins, Jane. "The Howard Government and Indigenous Rights: An Imposed National Unity?" Australian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2007): 315–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140701320042.

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17

Eccleston, Richard. "The Howard Government, Capital Taxation and the Limits of Redistribution?" Australian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2007): 351–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140701320067.

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18

Kossen, Chris, and Cec Pedersen. "Older workers in Australia: The myths, the realities and the battle over workforce ‘flexibility’." Journal of Management & Organization 14, no. 1 (March 2008): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1833367200003485.

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AbstractA decisive 2004 fourth term win for the Howard Government and control over the Senate provided the Australian government with a mandate to further deregulate the labour market in the name of ‘flexibility’. This paper uses a critical perspective to challenge the wisdom of neo-liberal market economics as the driving force behind the rapid expansion of non-traditional ‘flexible’ forms of work and the persistence of a deficit model/perspective that continues to devalue the human capital value of older workers. It is argued that these trends will contribute to ongoing under utilisation of ‘older’ labour and intensification of skill shortages, in part, as a result of lack of investment in maintaining human capital. In responding to Australia's rapidly ageing workforce the Howard Government has adopted modest measures designed to counter age based discrimination and encourage workforce participation. However, participation rates among older workers in Australia have remained one of the lowest among Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) countries. This paper argues that the Government's labour market deregulation policies are reducing the availability of jobs that provide sufficient working conditions and remuneration to make workforce participation attractive. The erosion of employment conditions associated with ‘flexible’ workforce reform leads to underemployment, an employment outcome that often fails to meet the needs of many older workers. More recently, however, the Government has embarked on reforms that appear to provide genuine incentives aimed specifically at attracting workforce participation by older workers, but unfortunately these are by and large confined to those aged 60 years and over.

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19

Kossen, Chris, and Cec Pedersen. "Older workers in Australia: The myths, the realities and the battle over workforce ‘flexibility’." Journal of Management & Organization 14, no. 1 (March 2008): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/jmo.2008.14.1.73.

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AbstractA decisive 2004 fourth term win for the Howard Government and control over the Senate provided the Australian government with a mandate to further deregulate the labour market in the name of ‘flexibility’. This paper uses a critical perspective to challenge the wisdom of neo-liberal market economics as the driving force behind the rapid expansion of non-traditional ‘flexible’ forms of work and the persistence of a deficit model/perspective that continues to devalue the human capital value of older workers. It is argued that these trends will contribute to ongoing under utilisation of ‘older’ labour and intensification of skill shortages, in part, as a result of lack of investment in maintaining human capital. In responding to Australia's rapidly ageing workforce the Howard Government has adopted modest measures designed to counter age based discrimination and encourage workforce participation. However, participation rates among older workers in Australia have remained one of the lowest among Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) countries. This paper argues that the Government's labour market deregulation policies are reducing the availability of jobs that provide sufficient working conditions and remuneration to make workforce participation attractive. The erosion of employment conditions associated with ‘flexible’ workforce reform leads to underemployment, an employment outcome that often fails to meet the needs of many older workers. More recently, however, the Government has embarked on reforms that appear to provide genuine incentives aimed specifically at attracting workforce participation by older workers, but unfortunately these are by and large confined to those aged 60 years and over.

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20

McManus, Sally. "The 'Your Rights at Work' Campaign: 2005-2007." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 2 (August 26, 2009): 180–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1246.

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In 2007 the Howard Government was swept aside in a landslide at a Federal Election. On that day, many hundreds of Your Rights At Work activists were on polling booths around the country - frequently outnumbering the major parties - in what was the key phase of the campaign. The previous years had seen the largest trade union campaign for industrial rights in decades. This paper looks at how that campaign was organised, and asserts that the victory of the campaign in defeating the Howard Government was not the result of a silver bullet strategy, but a mix of campaign components in a specific context. While certain strategies were new, in many ways the Your Rights At Work campaign was a back to basic initiative that had its success on the back of local organising across the nation.

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21

Stewart, Jenny, and Maria Maley. "The Howard Government and Political Management: The Challenge of Policy Activism." Australian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2007): 277–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140701320026.

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22

Simpson, Gerry. "Warriors, Humanitarians, Lawyers: The Howard Government and the Use of Force." Australian Year Book of International Law Online 27, no. 1 (2008): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-027-01-900000009.

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23

Bray, Mark, and Peter Waring. "The Rhetoric and Reality of Bargaining Structures Under the Howard Government." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 9, no. 2 (December 1998): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.1998.10669193.

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24

Lee, Julie, and Glenda Strachan. "Who's Minding the Baby Now? Child Care Under the Howard Government." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 9, no. 2 (December 1998): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.1998.10669194.

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25

Tegart, W. J. McG, and B. S. Hickman. "Howard Knox Worner 1913–2006." Historical Records of Australian Science 25, no. 2 (2014): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr14021.

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Howard Knox Worner was a renowned figure in Australian applied science and engineering. His successful career can be credited to his strong intellect, leadership and charisma. Coming from a humble farming background, he achieved a brilliant academic career in metallurgy and materials at the University of Melbourne. From the position of Dean of Engineering he moved into industry as Director of Research with BHP where his leadership led to significant improvements in conventional steel production and where he conceived his concept of continuous steelmaking. This was not put into practice but after moving to CRA he applied his concept to continuous copper production where it has largely been accepted around the world. Later he was a high-level adviser to Government on energy research and development, particularly the economic utilization of brown coal for liquid and gaseous fuels. In his ‘retirement' he became deeply involved at the University of Wollongong in the application of microwaves to mineral processing and waste treatment. He died on 17 November 2006, aged 93.

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26

Maddison, Sarah. "Lessons to be learned: Reviving advocacy organisations after the neo-con men." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 2 (August 6, 2009): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1115.

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The article assesses the impact of the Howard years on non-government advocacy organisations in Australia. It stresses the importance of advocacy in civil society, and in representative democracy. It outlines how this role was undermined, including with regard to the manipulation of contracting-out arrangements. It argues that to regain their former role advocacy organisations will need to reassess their relationships with government—including their funding relationships—and reassert their role as independent analysts and legitimate critics of government power and policy.

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27

Oliver, Damian. "Australian Unions in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089999.

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Australian unions will remember 2007 as the year that their `Your Rights at Work' campaign contributed to the defeat of the Coalition Government. Industrial relations dominated the election campaign and remained at the centre of public policy and media debates throughout the year. Employers used the Howard government's Work Choices legislation to refuse to bargain with unions and to prevent lawful industrial action. Union officials and members were prosecuted for unlawful industrial action. In response, unions conducted a highly resourced and professional campaign aimed at changing the government and repealing Work Choices. However, the Australian Labor Party under new leader Kevin Rudd announced it would keep certain contentious aspects of Work Choices. Notwithstanding the defeat of the Coalition, barriers remain to unions' future growth and strength.

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28

Parkin, Andrew, and Geoff Anderson. "The Howard Government, Regulatory Federalism and the Transformation of Commonwealth–State Relations." Australian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2007): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140701320034.

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29

Montague, Alan, and Judith Bessant. "Australian Skill Shortages: How the Howard Government Did Not Change its Mind." Economic and Labour Relations Review 18, no. 1 (November 2007): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460701800106.

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30

van Onselen, Peter. "Review: Selling the Australian Government: Politics and Propaganda from Whitlam to Howard." Media International Australia 117, no. 1 (November 2005): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0511700115.

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31

Carne, Greg. "Neither Principled nor Pragmatic? International Law, International Terrorism and the Howard Government." Australian Year Book of International Law Online 27, no. 1 (2008): 11–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-027-01-900000004.

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32

Weston, Richard C. "Book Reviews: Leichter." Politics and the Life Sciences 11, no. 2 (August 1992): 292–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400015422.

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Government policy can further the health of the public in four ways, notes Howard Leichter: “It can support biomedical research; improve, guarantee, or subsidize access to health care; regulate environmental and product hazards; and encourage people, through education or regulation, to adopt more healthy life-styles” (p. 6).

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33

Cryle, Denis. "Niche Markets or Monopolies? Regional Media, Government Policy and the Cross-Media Review." Media International Australia 88, no. 1 (August 1998): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9808800111.

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This article examines the neglected field of regional media in the 1990s, with special reference to the Howard government's ineffectual Cross-Media Review of 1996–97. It identifies major players and developments during the previous decade and critically examines claims about increased regional diversity in the context of the 1992 and 1994 media inquiries. In conclusion, the article reviews the submissions of regional players to the Cross-Media Review in the context of its stated concerns with preserving media diversity and localism.

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34

Soldatic, Karen, and Barbara Pini. "Continuity or Change? Disability Policy and the Rudd Government." Social Policy and Society 11, no. 2 (February 10, 2012): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746411000510.

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This article reports on shifts and continuities in policy relating to disabled people and the administrative apparatus of federal disability policy under the Rudd government (2007–10). It begins with a brief historical overview of disability policy in Australia. It then gives particular attention to highlighting the contentious and dramatic changes to disability policy which were instigated by the Howard government (1996–2007). Following this, attention is focused on the major developments in disability policy and administration with the election of the Rudd Labor government in 2007. Through this discussion, we demonstrate the ways the altered vocabularies, practices and instruments of the state have manifested in relation to disability policy in Australia, ultimately shaping opportunities for either inclusion or exclusion at the national level among disabled people.

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35

Alunaza, Hardi, Ireng Maulana, and Adityo Darmawan Sudagung. "The Pacific Solution as Australia Policy towards Asylum Seeker and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAs) in John Howard Era." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 14, no. 1 (May 9, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v14i1.2789.61-75.

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<p>This research is attempted to answer the question of why John Howard used the Pacific Solution as Australian policy towards Asylum Seekers and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAS). By using the descriptive method with a qualitative approach, the researchers took a specific interest in decision-making theory and sovereignty concept to analyze the phenomena. The policy governing the authority of the Australian Government in the face of the Asylum Seeker by applying multiple strategies to suppress and deter IMAs. The results of this research indicate that John Howard used Pacific Solution with emphasis on three important aspects. First, eliminating migration zone in Australia. Second, building cooperation with third countries in the South Pacific, namely Nauru and Papua New Guinea in shaping the center of IMAs defense. On the other hand, Howard also made some amendments to the Migration Act by reducing the rights of refugees. Immigrants who are seen as a factor of progress and development of the State Australia turned into a new dimension that threatens economic development, security, and socio-cultural. </p>

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36

Gurry, Meg. "India, The New Centre of Gravity: Australia–India Relations under the Howard Government." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 35, no. 2 (June 2012): 282–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2011.633299.

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37

Christoff *, Peter. "Policy autism or double-edged dismissiveness? Australia's climate policy under the Howard government." Global Change, Peace & Security 17, no. 1 (February 2005): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0951274052000319346.

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38

Da Conceição-Heldt, Eugénia. "Australian Trade Policy under the Howard Government: The Impact of Organised Interested Groups." Global Society 25, no. 4 (October 2011): 513–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2011.605769.

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39

Michael, Michális S. "Australia's Handling of Tensions between Islam and the West under the Howard Government." Asian Journal of Political Science 17, no. 1 (April 2009): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185370902767599.

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40

Mackinnon, Bruce Hearn. "Employer Matters in 2005." Journal of Industrial Relations 48, no. 3 (June 2006): 385–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185606064792.

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By any reckoning, the year 2005 will long be remembered as a watershed year for Australian industrial relations. While there were the usual types of industrial disputes, on-going enterprise bargaining and another round of arguments over the Australian Industrial Relations Commission’s (AIRC’s) annual safety-net review, the year was dominated by the looming re-writing of Australia’s industrial relations regulatory regime, made possible by the Government’s surprise majority in the Senate, granted to them in late 2004. Viewed as a looming dark cloud by some or a shining light by others, most of 2005 was spent in anxious anticipation of the Howard government’s impending ‘WorkChoices’ legislation. Employer groups spent much of the year lobbying the Howard government for the types of reforms long cherished, but only dreamed of by employers, for arguably 100 years. A once in a lifetime opportunity had presented itself and employer groups were determined to take full advantage of the situation, by ensuring that the government did not lose its nerve. Perhaps more importantly, however, in addition to lobbying the government, major employer organizations devoted significant resources to building the case for industrial relations reform and attempting to sell that message to the electorate. By year’s end, employers had succeeded in the first objective, but had seemingly failed in the second.

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41

Foley, Dennis. "Entrepreneurship in Indigenous Australia: the importance of Education." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 27, no. 2 (December 1999): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100600571.

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In the Coalition’s Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs 1998 election policy statement, The Honourable John Herron, Senator for Queensland and Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, claimed that a second term Howard/Fischer government would continue to assist Indigenous Australia to move beyond welfare by continuing to target key areas that include education and economic development (Herron 1998:1).

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42

Cunningham, Stuart. "Under Great Pressure, a Diamond is Being Formed: The SBS over Time." Media International Australia 133, no. 1 (November 2009): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0913300104.

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This article observes a paradox in the recent history of the Special Broadcasting Service. It is argued that, in contrast to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, the role and general direction of SBS were not extensively debated as part of the ‘culture wars’ that occurred during the years of the Howard government. While that made SBS a less fraught space during that period, it may now be a factor in the comparative lack of support being given by the Rudd Labor government to SBS in comparison with the ABC, as some of the ‘special’ status of SBS has been blunted by its drift towards more mainstream programming and a mixed economy of commercial advertising, as well as government funding.

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43

Scheberle, Denise. "Refusing to Bow to King Coal: Tales of Our Energy Future and Mountaintop Removal in Appalachian Coal Country." Nature and Culture 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2011.060105.

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Michael Shnayerson. Coal River: How a Few Brave Americans Took on a Powerful Company—and the Federal Government—to Save the Land They Love. New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2008.Jeff Goodell. Big Coal: The Dirty Secret Behind America’s Energy Future. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2007.Silas House and Jason Howard. Something’s Rising: Appalachians Fighting Mountaintop Removal. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2009.

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44

Novkov, Julie. "Understanding Law as a Democratic Institution Through US Constitutional Development." Law & Social Inquiry 40, no. 03 (2015): 811–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12149.

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This essay reviews Howard Gillman, Mark Graber, and Keith Whittington, American Constitutionalism: Volume I: Structures of Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), and Howard Gillman, Mark Graber, and Keith Whittington, American Constitutionalism: Volume II: Rights and Liberties (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012). It defends developmental approaches in the study of US constitutional law. It explains how law has been studied in political science, illustrating how political development became part of the story. It outlines how American political development approaches work when applied to law, noting how studying law transforms these approaches. It notes the insights produced through the blending of American political development and constitutional law, explaining how these insights provide more leverage for understanding the role of courts as democratic institutions. The essay closes by discussing the promising directions these approaches suggest, defending their value beyond political science.

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45

Carne, Greg. "Hasten Slowly: Urgency, Discretion and Review - a Counter-Terrorism Legislative Agenda and Legacy." Deakin Law Review 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2008vol13no2art160.

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<p>This article examines the practice by the Howard government from 2003 of invoking a paradigm of urgency in the introduction and enactment of multiple examples of counter terrorism legislation, with claims that review and remediation of that legislation best occur after rapid enactment. Speedy<br />legislative passage was frequently accompanied by few amendments, a discounting of parliamentary and other review recommendations and a contrasting unwillingness or neglect to subsequently review and amend enacted legislation to strengthen safeguards and increase accountability. By<br />examining selected major examples of counter-terrorism legislation, a comprehensive understanding of the applications of urgency as a legislative mechanism in counter-terrorism law reform from the Howard years can be<br />obtained. These applications range between the obtaining of immediate political advantage and an ongoing concentration of executive power. Several serious and distinctive features adversely impacting upon representative democracy were also generated by this urgency paradigm in counter-terrorism legislative enactments. The Rudd government has inherited the considerable legacy of this urgency bound legislative agenda. Questions now arise as to whether proper review of that legislation will occur and whether the culture of urgency will persist in a different government’s legislative responses to terrorism.</p>

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46

McAllister, Ian. "The End of a Labor Era in Australian Politics." Government and Opposition 31, no. 3 (July 1996): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01192.x.

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The March 1996 Australian Federal Election Was The most important Australian election for more than a decade. It resulted in the return of the Liberal-National coalition to office after thirteen years in opposition, ending a period of unprecedented Labor-initiated change, first under the leader-ship of Bob Hawke and since 1991, Paul Keating.The election was also important because the new government will in all probability lead Australia into the new millennium and guide the country through a period of intense change in the Asia Pacific region; how the Liberal-Nationals approach the whole question of Australia's changing relationship with the world will shape Australia's future and wellbeing for decades to come. And finally, the election was notable for making John Howard prime minister during his second period as Liberal leader, a prospect that Howard himself had once ridiculed as akin to ‘Lazarus with a triple bypass’.

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47

Lewis, Chris. "The Howard Government: The Extent to which Public Attitudes Influenced Australia's Federal Policy Mix." Australian Journal of Public Administration 66, no. 1 (March 2007): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2007.00516.x.

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48

Anthony, Christopher, and J. Colin Murrell. "Sir Howard Dalton. 8 February 1944 — 12 January 2008." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 62 (January 2016): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2016.0007.

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Howard Dalton was an outstanding microbiologist who, after his remarkably productive DPhil work in the Nitrogen Fixation Laboratory at the University of Sussex, and a short period in the USA, spent his research career at the University of Warwick. He devoted himself to the elucidation of the process of methane oxidation by bacteria that use this relatively inert gas as their sole source of carbon and energy. He discovered two completely novel multicomponent monooxygenase enzymes responsible for the initial oxidation of methane to methanol. He then continued to elucidate their functions, mechanisms, regulation and structures. Their wide substrate specificity led to his interest in using these and related enzymes for biocatalysis, biological transformations and bioremediation. While remaining at Warwick University he also acted as a highly appreciated Chief Scientific Advisor to the UK Government at the Department for the Environment and Rural Affairs (Defra). Howard was a highly effective scientist, a down-to-earth, self-effacing man, outgoing and witty, an inspirational colleague who above all else made science fun.

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49

Perkins, Linda M. "Merze Tate and the Quest for Gender Equity at Howard University: 1942–1977." History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 4 (November 2014): 516–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12081.

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This study discusses Merze Tate, a black woman faculty member at Howard University from 1942 to 1977, and her efforts throughout her tenure at the institution to obtain gender equity for women faculty. This study also discusses Tate's decades-long battle with Rayford Logan, chair of the history department of Howard. Both Harvard PhDs, their difficulties reflect both gender differences as well as professional jealously. Tate was the first black woman to earn a degree from Oxford University (International Relations, 1935) and the first black woman to earn a PhD from Harvard in the fields of government and international relations (1941). She joined the faculty at Howard University in 1942, as one of two women ever hired in the history department. She remained on the faculty until her retirement in 1977. Tate is significant not only for her academic accomplishments and her advocacy on behalf of women but also as one of the earliest tenured women faculty members at Howard. In addition, she was a part of a very small group of highly accomplished black women academics who devoted their lives to the education of black youth. In a 1946 study of black doctorate and professional degree holders, Harry Washington Greene noted that of the three hundred eighty-one recipients, only forty-five were women. Black women were overwhelmingly enrolled and graduated from teacher training colleges that were unaccredited and/or did not provide the curriculum to attend graduate school without taking an additional year of undergraduate studies. The time and cost factor were prohibitive and many black women attended summer schools for years to take courses to prepare them for a graduate degree program.

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Timo, Nils. "Future directions for workplace bargaining and aged care under a post 2005 Howard government." Australian Health Review 29, no. 3 (2005): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050274.

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ON THE 1ST OF JULY 2005, the Howard Government took control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate and substantial reform of the nation?s industrial relations framework is likely to proceed. In order to understand the implications of the proposed industrial relations (IR) reform agenda on aged care, it is necessary to briefly revisit the past. Historically, the ability of the Commonwealth Parliament to regulate industrial relations was construed in the context of Section 51 (xxxv) of the Australian Constitution Act 1900 (Cwlth) that enabled the Commonwealth to make laws concerning ?conciliation and arbitration and the prevention and settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits of any one state?. Since 1904, the Commonwealth, with the states following shortly thereafter, established a regime of industrial tribunals responsible for third party independent conciliation and arbitration, overseeing a system of legally binding industrial awards covering wages and employment conditions. This system, in the words of one of its chief architects, Justice Higgins, ? . . . would substitute for the rude and barbarous processes of strike and lock-out?1 (page 2). By 1991, Australian wages policy gradually shifted from centralised arbitration, elevating workplace agreements to the status of government policy on both sides of politics.2 This process accelerated labour market deregulation, shifting industrial relations and human resource issues to the enterprise level.3 The shift towards workplace agreements post 1990?s was underpinned by a bold reinterpretation of Section 51 (xx) of the Constitution Act that enabled the Commonwealth to regulate the affairs of ?trading or financial corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth?, thus, by definition, including regulating employee relations of corporations. The use by the Commonwealth of these powers has extended the jurisdiction of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) to include the making and approving of certified agreements made by constitutional corporations or in settlement of an industrial dispute. Other types of employers such as sole traders, churches and charities, partnerships and unincorporated associations remained covered by state industrial jurisdictions. (On these powers of the Commonwealth, see State of

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