Journal articles on the topic 'Houston High School (Houston, Ohio)'

Until recently, legal challenges to the use of value-added models (VAMs) in evaluation and teacher employment decisions in federal court had been unsuccessful. However, in May 2017 a federal court in Texas ruled that plaintiff-teachers established a viable federal constitutional claim to challenge the use of VAMs as a means for their termination in Houston Federation of Teachers v. Houston Independent School District. Houston represents a significant departure from prior federal court rulings that upheld the constitutionality of VAMs to terminate teachers on the basis of poor performance. The Houston court found that the districts’ refusals to release the underlying data of VAM ratings used to terminate those teachers violated the teachers’ procedural due process rights. By denying access to the code, teachers could not protect against the government’s making a mistaken deprivation of their property right to continued right to employment. The authors discuss Houston and its potential impact, limitations, and significance.

Abstract This study examines the impact on student achievement of implementing a bundle of best practices from high-performing charter schools into low-performing, traditional public schools in Houston, Texas, using a school-level randomized field experiment and quasi-experimental comparisons. The five practices in the bundle are increased instructional time, more effective teachers and administrators, high-dosage tutoring, data-driven instruction, and a culture of high expectations. The findings show that injecting best practices from charter schools into traditional Houston public schools significantly increases student math achievement in treated elementary and secondary schools—by 0.15 to 0.18 standard deviations a year—and has little effect on reading achievement. Similar bundles of practices are found to significantly raise math achievement in analyses for public schools in a field experiment in Denver and program in Chicago.

This roundtable discussion, reviewing the proceedings from the Pulmonary Hypertension Association's Eighth International PH Conference and Scientific Sessions in Houston in 2008, was moderated by Karen Fagan, MD, Chief, Division of Pulmonary and Critical Care Medicine, University of South Alabama, Mobile, Alabama. It included Todd Bull, MD, Associate Professor of Medicine, Division of Pulmonary Sciences and Critical Care Medicine, University of Colorado Health Sciences Center, Aurora, Colorado; Ivan F. McMurtry, PhD, Professor, Department of Pharmacology, University of South Alabama School of Medicine, Mobile, Alabama; and Omar A. Minai, MD, Staff Physician in the Department of Pulmonary, Allergy, and Critical Care Medicine and the Lung Transplant Center at the Cleveland Clinic, Cleveland, Ohio.

This study explores within-district fiscal resource allocation across elementary schools in Texas and Ohio large city school districts and in their surrounding metropolitan areas. Specifically, I ask whether districts widely reported as achieving greater resource equity through adoption of Weighted Student Funding (WSF) have in fact done so. I compare Houston Independent School District (a WSF district) to other large Texas cities and Cincinnati (also using WSF) to other large Ohio cities. Using a conventional expenditure function approach, I evaluate the sensitivity of elementary school budgets to special education populations, poverty rates, and school size. Next, I estimate two-stage least squares cost functions across schools to evaluate the relative costs of achieving average outcomes with respect to varied poverty rates within and across school districts within metropolitan areas. I use these estimates to evaluate whether urban core schools on average spend sufficient resources to compete with neighboring schools in other districts in the same Core Based Statistical Area. I find first that widely reported WSF success stories provide no more predictable funding with respect to student needs than other large urban districts in the same state. I also find that in some cases, resource levels in urban core elementary schools are relatively insufficient for competing with schools in neighboring districts to achieve comparable outcomes.

YES Prep Public Schools is a group of public charter schools focused on serving students from low-income communities across Houston, Texas. One requirement of all YES students is summer school between grades 5 through 10 and two mandatory summer internships between grades 10 and 12. Due to financial concerns many students who desire to do an international internship cannot afford any available programs offering such internships. In 2005, we introduced a new, internal, international summer service program for YES high school students to satisfy our summer internship requirement. This paper focuses on the process and results of designing, implementing, and modifying the program using the Lean Startup methodology through its first few years before it won a national award for its character-building work.

"Editor's Note: This far-ranging interview with Gaie Houston, thoughtful and highly entertaining, touches on many topics that we beIieve wilI interest our readers. She puts forward a number of her ideas about love and politics; about simultaneous membership of different groups; about psychotherapy integration and the relation between Gestalt and other approaches; and about the place of drama in Gestalt experiments. She also reflects on her formative influences, on her present concerns, and her possible future. Gaie Houston was educated at Newark High School, gaining a state scholarship to go on to Oxford University. She has taught Gestalt since 1975 and is Emeritus Advisor to the Gestalt Centre, London. In addition to having a private practice and working internationally, she has written several books on Gestalt therapy, including the Red Book of Gestalt (1982) and Being and Belonging: Group, Intergroup and Gestalt (1993). Her extensive outside interests have included serving as an elected local government representative, coIlege lecturing, broadcasting, and writing plays (18 have been performed either on radio or stage). She has been married for 44 years to Toby Owen and they have a son and daughter and two grandchildren. The editors of the British Gestalt Journal are delighted to carry this interview with one of the liveliest and most warmly regarded Gestalt trainers in Britain today."

When I posted to LinkedIn some time back to generate publicity for my Geophysical Society of Houston technical lunch talk on beam tomography, one of the interesting comments from a colleague at a large service company was that beam technology is “a technology with many benefits that unfortunately is commonly regarded as old school/low tech.” I loved receiving the comment because it gives me an opportunity to talk about one of my favorite business concepts that I always look to apply: high-tech low tech. “High tech” is a term for new technology that incorporates advanced features. “Low tech” is old-school technology. I'll start with an example: the story of the Nest thermostat.

ABSTRACT. Tropical diseases cause significant morbidity among the world’s poorest populations. Although more common in low- and middle-income countries, tropical diseases are also found among underserved populations living in high-income countries such as the United States. The National School of Tropical Medicine at Baylor College of Medicine and the Harris Health System founded a tropical medicine clinic—the Harris Health Tropical Medicine Clinic (HHTMC)—in Houston in 2011 in response to tropical disease-related morbidity in Texas. We conducted a retrospective chart review of a sample of patients older than 18 years of age who were referred to the HHTMC between October 2011 and January 2020. Of the 523 patients reviewed, 185 (35.4%) had mycobacterial infections, 184 (35.2%) had parasitic infections, 38 (7.3%) had fungal infections, 16 (3.1%) had eosinophilia without a confirmed clinical diagnosis, 28 (5.4%) had bacterial infections, and 13 (2.5%) had viral infections. The most common infections overall were extrapulmonary and latent tuberculosis (n = 169), neurocysticercosis (n = 78), strongyloidiasis (n = 28), Chagas disease (n = 25), and schistosomiasis (n = 12). The epidemiology of tropical diseases in the United States is understudied at national and regional levels. This 10-year retrospective study contributes to bridging this knowledge gap by detailing the frequencies of tropical disease diagnoses made at the HHTMC in Houston, TX. These data highlight areas for advancement in the field of tropical medicine within the United States, such as improving front-line health-care provider education; establishing tropical medicine clinics in areas of high prevalence such as the Gulf Coast, Appalachia, and urban areas; and developing comprehensive, systematic national tropical disease screening programs and patient registries.

Abstract Background The incidence of pediatric inflammatory bowel diseases (PIBDs: Crohn’s disease [CD], ulcerative colitis [UC]) is on the rise around the world. Yet, the critical risk factors for this rising incidence are not well understood. Demographic characteristics of PIBD may improve our understanding of their developmental origins and aid in prevention. Methods Four hundred eighty-eight consecutive PIBD patients diagnosed at Texas Children’s Hospital from 13 counties around Houston were studied. An annual incidence map was created by ZIP code of residence at diagnosis by using ArcGIS and the American Community Survey from the US Census Bureau. Correlation between demographic variables and PIBD incidence was examined. A model to explain incidence from different health factors was created in R. Results Hispanic children were more likely to be diagnosed with UC (P < 0.01) and unclassified IBD (IBD-U) (P < 0.03) compared with other races/ethnicities. A significant positive correlation (r = 0.35, P < 0.0001) between median household income and PIBD incidence was observed (UC: r = 0.23, P < 0.0001; CD: r = 0.22, P = 0.0004). ZIP codes with majority college-educated adults had a higher incidence of PIBD than ZIP codes with majority high school–educated adults (P < 0.0001). Pediatric cases with CD were more common in ZIP codes where the majority of adults were college educated (P < 0.0001). Pediatric cases with UC, however, were more common in ZIP codes where the majority of adults were high school educated (P = 0.0036). Conclusions Hispanic children more commonly present with UC and IBD-U in southern USA. Household income and/or adult education–related environmental/dietary differences may be important in the developmental origins of PIBD in large metro areas, such as Houston.

Background: The Texas Developmental Center for AIDS Research (D-CFAR) diversity program, termed the CFAR Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Pathway Initiative (CDEIPI), was created in 2021 to engage high school students and graduate students from Underrepresented Minorities/Black, Indigenous, and People of Color populations. Setting: The Texas D-CFAR CDEIPI has partnered with 2 Texas high schools with predominantly economically disadvantaged and minority student populations—Michael E. DeBakey High School for Health Professions in Houston, TX, and the South Texas Independent School District Medical Professions High School in Olmito, TX in the Rio Grande Valley. Methods: A total of 370 high school student learners at both partner schools participated in presentations of research and career paths related to HIV-1 and SARS-CoV-2 during the 2021–2022 academic year. Afterward, learners completed anonymous surveys to share their self-reported interest in research degrees and careers. Results: Learners reported increased knowledge of related science content and interest in research careers, including HIV-1 research, after each of the sessions. Conclusions: The programming has been of interest to student learners, and future additions intend to build upon the Texas D-CFAR CDEIPI.

The SAS Educational Value-Added Assessment System (SAS® EVAAS®) is the most widely used value-added system in the country. It is also self-proclaimed as “the most robust and reliable” system available, with its greatest benefit to help educators improve their teaching practices. This study critically examined the effects of SAS® EVAAS® as experienced by teachers, in one of the largest, high-needs urban school districts in the nation – the Houston Independent School District (HISD). Using a multiple methods approach, this study critically analyzed retrospective quantitative and qualitative data to better comprehend and understand the evidence collected from four teachers whose contracts were not renewed in the summer of 2011, in part given their low SAS® EVAAS® scores. This study also suggests some intended and unintended effects that seem to be occurring as a result of SAS® EVAAS® implementation in HISD. In addition to issues with reliability, bias, teacher attribution, and validity, high-stakes use of SAS® EVAAS® in this district seems to be exacerbating unintended effects.

This study investigated Taiwanese high school students’ study skills with reference to gender differences. 612 students (358 girls, and 254 boys) from six random high schools in Taiwan participated in this study. A 24-item questionnaire originally developed by University of Houston Clear Lake, Texas was adopted, abridged, and administered. The main focus of the questionnaire was on three study habits/skills constructs of “time management & procrastination”, “study aids & note-taking”, and “organizing & processing information” (eight items each). A Pearson Chi-square test (α ≤.05) was used for each of the 24 items of the questionnaire. The results showed that Taiwanese high school boys and girls have very similar, an even sometimes identical, viewpoints towards study skills. The only significant difference observed in the data analysis in this study were items 1, 5, and 8, suggesting that compared with girls, boys typically care more about time management. Moreover, and based on the rubrics devised by the original instrument developer, it was calculated that the highest difference between boys and girls was .61 “arriving at classes and other meetings on time”, whereas the lowest difference was 0 for “maintaining a critical attitude during study - thinking before accepting or rejecting”. Also, both girls and boys equally seemed to be strongest in “arriving at classes and other meetings on time” (item 1), and weakest in “having a system for marking textbooks” (item 14).

Data on self-reported perceived exposure to anti-smoking messages were collected from 1,608 high school students surveyed through the ASPIRE (A Smoking Prevention Interactive Experience) Program in Houston, Texas. Data collection took place between October 2002 and March 2003. Logistic regression identified that African Americans perceived significantly less exposure to anti-smoking advertisements via television (OR = .50, p ≤ 0.05) and posters (OR = .61, p ≤ 0.05) than whites. However, they had nearly twice as much perceived exposure to anti-smoking advertisements at movies (OR = 1.79, p ≤ 0.05) and sporting events (OR = 2.1, p ≤ 0.05) than their white counterparts. Hispanic youth perceived significantly less exposure to anti-smoking posters (OR = .51, p ≤ 0.05) and significantly higher exposure to anti-smoking messages at sporting events (OR = 1.92, p ≤ 0.05) and school programs (OR = 3.44, p ≤ 0.05) compared to white youth. While the relationships tested in this study are exploratory, they provide initial evidence for an important nexus between race and communication channels that may impact perceived exposure to tobacco advertising.

A national shortage of youth mental health professionals necessitates training others (e.g., school staff) to help youth with behavioral and mental health issues. Professional training in trauma-informed classroom (TIC) practices could increase school staff’s awareness of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs). The purpose was to determine the effect of homophily on participants’ perceptions or knowledge of TIC training. Mental Health America of Greater Houston (MHAGH) offered TIC training from 2019 to 2020 to Texas educators (N ≈ 29,900) from nine school districts that experienced significant natural and human-made traumatic events. Proportional stratified random samples were selected based on trainer type (experts vs. peer trainers). Perception was measured with close-ended items on five-point scales. Knowledge was measured with content-specific questions. Independent t-tests and two-way ANOVA revealed no significant interaction effects (i.e., trainer and test type) and no differences existed in perception or knowledge by trainer type. TIC training can be equally effective when delivered by homophilous peers (i.e., school staff) and heterophilous experts (i.e., mental health experts). COVID-19 worsened the effects of ACEs and youth mental health issues. High-quality training will increase school staff’s use of TIC practices. MHAGH’s train-the-trainer model helps educators supporting youth affected by ACEs and other life stressors.

<i>This article contributes to our national understanding of gun violence by incorporating in our analyses the perspectives of the young men most likely to be victims and/or perpetrators of gun violence in urban areas.&nbsp; It also describes a more complex gun violence crisis by taking into account the environment in which many young Black men live and learn and how those settings contribute to their gun possession decisions. This focus on environment underscores the contextual differences between mass and school shootings compared to urban gun violence. The cities where our respondents live are marked by violence and few positive opportunities. By the time they were 15 years old, the majority of our study participants knew someone who had been shot, many knew someone who had been killed by a gun, and the majority had been arrested. On the contrary, few had significant adjucation or incarceration records and most were either in school or had graduated from high school. The findings represent the lived experience of 364 young Black males living in high crime cities. The interviews were conducted in collaboration with community partners in Baltimore, MD, Jackson, MS, Houston, TX, and Wilmington, DE.</i>

Students entering universities while in recovery from addiction face unique challenges, such as transitioning from a high school to a university, adapting to life after treatment, and/or transferring from a junior college or different university setting. Students in recovery also encounter challenges upon graduation including addressing gaps of employment on resumes, interviewing skills, and general professionalism. Cougars in Recovery offers support to students in recovery at the University of Houston in their academic journey through the use of programs including Source of Strength, offering peer to peer mentorship within the community and Career Ready Coogs, providing support for students approaching graduation with professional development resources. Longitudinal data is still being collected to demonstrate the influence of Source of Strength on Cougars in Recovery member retention and how Career Ready Coogs influences professional growth and preparation for graduation. Peer mentorship and professional development programs can help students in recovery navigate the challenges of the collegiate experience and entering the professional world.

Abstract Over 1.3 million Vietnamese including refugees migrated to the U.S., after the Vietnam War. Vietnamese are the 4th largest Asian ethnic group in the U.S. Despite the number, little is known about their health conditions. To fill this gap, the Vietnamese Aging and Care Survey (VACS) was developed, and sociodemographic and health data on 132 refugees (≥65 years) were collected in Houston, Texas. They were on average 75.4 years-old, retired (77%), married (58%), female (55%) with less than high school education (86%) in poor/fair health (76%). They immigrated around age 49 years-old, and have hypertension (74%), arthritis (48%), and diabetes (41%). They manage their lives by living in a multi-generation tightly-knit enclaves, and show resilience to their low sociodemographic status (≤25K, 94%). Findings suggest healthcare professionals to introduce more social services such as adult daycare programs in culturally-sensitive ways to ease their transition to new lives in the U.S.

AbstractOphthalmology is one of the most rewarding and fulfilling medical careers in medicine due to the broad practice scope (including a combination of medicine and surgery); patient population (treatment of pediatric and adult patients); diverse patient and pathology mix (healthy eye exams, refractions, and pathology); high patient and provider satisfaction rates; and highly specialized technology and treatments. Unfortunately, academic exposure to ophthalmology as a career in medical school curricula has had a global decline for decades. While most of the evidence-based interventions found in the literature have resulted in enhanced educational outcomes, ophthalmology exposure should be initiated earlier which provided an impetus for developing and implementing a structured curriculum for introducing preprofessional students to careers in ophthalmology. Educational programs offered in the pipeline from high school to college can reach students who are still undecided about higher education and career choices, thus providing an opportunity for increasing the numbers of students in medical and health professions. We describe a structured, academic curriculum model for pregraduate and undergraduate students to enhance interest and to increase academic exposure to basic clinical, research, and educational domains in ophthalmology. The Houston Methodist Hospital (HMH) Academic Institute offers an unparalleled 10-week summer student research program that matches HMH faculty members with students from multiple levels (e.g., high school, college undergraduates, and medical school). Students undergo prerequisite virtual training; attend weekly didactic lectures given by mentors, invited speakers, and other local leaders; shadow health care providers in active clinical settings as observers; participate in active research projects; present at local conferences; and are encouraged to eventually publish their work. We describe the structured curriculum from our first Summer Internship Program for High Schoolers in ophthalmology. To our knowledge an ophthalmology internship program for preprofessional students has not been previously published in the literature.

Background and Purpose. The American Heart Association recommends community-based research on shared use of physical activity (PA) spaces. Pasadena, a community in southeast Houston, Texas with lower socioeconomic status and racial/ethnic diversity, was the setting for our study. Efforts to increase access to PA in Pasadena include building the evidence on PA resources. The purpose of this research was to utilize survey data in a community setting to inform and target efforts around sharing PA spaces. Method. An online survey was administered to K-12 school ( n = 25) and park ( n = 30) administrators, church leaders ( n = 10), community organizations ( n = 2), a health care center, and a local business. Results. Park facilities in Pasadena shared by agreement with two high schools and three baseball/softball leagues were ballfields, tennis courts, and jogging paths. No park facilities were shared with faith-based organizations. Four parks communicated daily, and five schools communicated with parks quarterly about providing opportunities for PA. Key facilitators to sharing facilities were building relationships and collaboration, service to the community, and improving health. Key barriers were cost, maintenance, staffing, and prioritizing use with limited time, facilities, and resources. Conclusions. This study is the first of its kind to address shared use at the community level and suggests opportunities to improve communication and partnerships between parks, schools, and churches. This research will inform ongoing efforts to promote access by identifying barriers and motivators among stakeholder groups to help facilitate shared use agreements.

In 1957, the Journal of Petroleum Technology published an article titled “Application of Large Computers to Reservoir Engineering Problems.” That was the first reference in JPT to what became known as supercomputers. The high-speed computers used in the 1957 article were capable of performing 60 million operations in about 3½ hours. They were proposed to analyze the thorny problem of multiphase flow. “It presently appears that the large computer will be required to investigate multiphase flow and to predict the flow behavior of oil and gas reservoirs considering two- and three-space dimensions.” Now, 67 years later, supercomputer speeds are measured in trillions of operations per second, and investigating multiphase flow is just one of the many uses. This extreme growth in speed has given rise to artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML), which has found its way into almost every corner of the petroleum industry. The Society of Petroleum Engineers and JPT has kept up with the digital advances in the industry, holding countless conferences, symposia, and other meetings centered on the digital aspects of the industry and recently creating the Data Science and Engineering Analytics (DSEA) technical discipline. In 2019, SPE launched the Data Science and Digital Engineering in Upstream Oil and Gas online publication. Four leaders in the oil and gas digital space shared their views on the current state of data science in the industry and the future of the discipline. Sushma Bhan, currently on the board of directors for Ikon Science, is SPE’s Technical Director for DSEA. Before joining Ikon, she worked for Shell for 32 years, eventually rising to the role of chief data officer for subsurface and wells. “My journey in the oil and gas industry began in 1988, when I joined Shell’s Production Computing Assisted Operations team as a programmer analyst,” Bhan said. “During my time there, I gained valuable exposure to field production operations and developed a deep understanding of real‑time data.” Jim Crompton, who claims he is mostly retired, is an associate professor of petroleum engineering at the Colorado School of Mines, a faculty fellow at the school’s Payne Institute for Public Policy, and director of Reflections Data Consulting. “My academic career started out in exploration geophysics, so my first introduction to engineering analytics came from processing seismic data at Chevron Geophysical Company in Houston,” Crompton said. “I studied earthquake seismology in graduate school, but, when I graduated, I learned the oil and gas industry paid a lot more than the USGS did, so my career goals changed.” Shahab D. Mohaghegh is a professor at West Virginia University and the president of Intelligent Solutions. “Since I started working for the petroleum industry throughout the world using artificial intelligence in 2000, I was able to work with actual data (field measurements) that has been saved by all the companies,” Mohaghegh said. “Working with actual data using AI provided several technologies that have been incredibly fantastic compared to what we have done in the past.” Pushpesh Sharma, the chair of the DSEA Technical Section, holds a PhD degree in chemical engineering from the University of Houston and is senior product manager for Aspen Technology. “Till a few years ago, the focus was on proving the efficacy of data science/machine learning methods for energy use cases,” Sharma said. “However, in recent years, the concerns are around large-scale deployment, maintenance, and the black‑box nature of ML models. Because of that, I started seeing increased focus on the deployment, explainability, and trust of ML models.”

Purpose To describe and assess the current utilization of complementary and alternative medicines (CAMs) in women with a diagnosis of either gynecologic or breast cancer and evaluate their reasons for use. Patients and Methods This study included 250 female patients from the Multidisciplinary Breast Center and 250 patients from the Gynecologic Oncology Center of The University of Texas M.D. Anderson Cancer Center (Houston, TX). Patients were selected by having an odd-numbered medical record number, and they were contacted before their clinic visit. The goals of the study were explained, and verbal consent was obtained. Patients who agreed to participate were asked to bring a written list and the medication bottles of all over-the-counter prescriptions and CAMs with them to clinic. In clinic, the investigator obtained a written informed consent and administered the survey. All patients and surveys were assessable. Results The most frequently used herbal products and megavitamins/minerals were identified from the patient medication histories. Overall, we found the proportion of patients using CAM to be 48% (95% CI, 44% to 53%; 241 of 500 patients). CAM use was related to patients' educational status: 62% had postgraduate degrees, 50% had college degrees, 56% had some college, and 33% had a high school education or less. Also, among patients using CAMs, only 53.5% had spoken to a healthcare provider regarding CAM therapy. Conclusion The use of CAM is common among women with cancer. Studies need to be conducted to establish if there are any potential drug interactions and/or therapeutic benefit of CAM products. Moreover, there is a need to educate patients and healthcare providers on appropriate and safe use of CAM products.

The radionuclide 117mSn (tin-117m) embedded in a homogeneous colloid is a novel radiosynoviorthesis (RSO) device for intra-articular (IA) administration to treat synovial inflammation and mitigate osteoarthritis (OA) in dogs. A study to evaluate tin-117m colloid treatment response in dogs with OA was conducted at two centers, the School of Veterinary Medicine at Louisiana State University, and at a referral practice in Houston, Texas. The tin-117m colloid was administered per-protocol to 14 client-owned dogs with radiographically confirmed, grade 3 OA in one or both elbow joints. Dog owners and attending clinicians assessed the level of pain at baseline (BL) and the post-treatment pain response at 90-day intervals for one year. Owners assessed treatment response according to a pain severity score (PSS) and a pain interference score (PIS) as defined by the Canine Brief Pain Inventory. Clinicians reported a lameness score using a 0–5 scale, from no lameness to continuous non-weight bearing lameness, when observing dogs at a walk and a trot. The rate of treatment success as determined by improved mean PSS and PIS scores reported by dog owners was >70% at all time points. Clinicians reported an improved mean pain score from BL at post-treatment Days 90 (p<0.05), 180, and 270. The dog owner and clinician assessments of treatment success were significantly correlated (p>0.05) at Day 90 and Day 180 time points. Results indicated that a single IA dose of tin-117m colloid provided a significant reduction in pain and lameness and improved functionality for up to a full year, with no adverse treatment related effects, in a high percentage of dogs with advanced, clinical OA of the elbow joint.

e18667 Background: Ovarian Cancer (OC) is ranked as one of the deadliest women’s cancers in the US. Due to non-specific symptoms, it is often misdiagnosed and detected late. The mortality rate is higher and increasing among Black women. In addition, Black women have poor participation in clinical trials. We conducted a survey study among Black and Latino US women to understand the factors influencing their understanding of genetic risks of OC, clinical trial awareness and ability to access a clinical trial. Methods: MiOra health educators administered an electronic survey to 226 women in their communities in Houston, TX, Atlanta, GA, and Los Angeles, CA. The data was analyzed using two-sided Fisher’s Exact Test. Results: Out of the 226 respondents 63.4% were 30 years of age or younger and 22.9% had high school education or less (low education). Out of 109 respondents, 93 (85.3%) self-identified as Black or Latino. Age did not influence self-reported awareness of genetic risk for OC, clinical trials or how to locate a clinical trial (Table 1). Low education women were significantly less likely to report being knowledgeable about genetic risk factors of OC, clinical trials or locating clinical trials. Thirty out of 48, 62.5% responding low education women and 118 out of 173, 68.2% high education women reported to have an annual provider visit (p > 0.05). The self-reported awareness on how to locate a trial was low in both the low (3 out of 48, 6.2%) and high education groups (34 out of 171, 19.9%, p < 0.05). Only 8 out of 44 (18.1%) respondents who knew someone with OC knew how to locate clinical trials. Conclusions: These results suggest that the level of education influences Black and Latino women’s awareness of OC genetic risk factors, clinical trials and clinical trial access. However, even among college educated Black and Latino women, only a small portion reported to know how to locate a clinical trial. Both high and low education Black and Latino women reported to comply with annual provider visits. These visits may be an opportunity to close the health-literacy disparities in OC and clinical trials for Black and Latino women. [Table: see text]

This paper presents the results of a study by the Center for Migration Studies (CMS) on potential beneficiaries of the DREAM Act of 2017 (the “DREAM Act” or “Act”). The study reveals a long-term, highly productive population, with deep ties to the United States. In particular, it finds that: • More than 2.2 million US residents would qualify for conditional residence under the DREAM Act. • An additional 929,000 — who are now age 18 and over — arrived when they were under 18, but have not graduated from high school and are not enrolled in school and, thus, would not currently qualify for status under the Act. • The DREAM Act-eligible can be found in large numbers (5,000 or more) in 41 states and more than 30 counties, metropolitan areas, and cities. • Potential DREAM Act recipients have lived in the United States for an average of 14 years. • Sixty-five percent (age 16 and above) participate in the labor force, with far higher rates in Wisconsin, Massachusetts, Utah, Arkansas, Illinois, Tennessee, and Oregon. • This population works heavily in sales and related occupations; food preparation and serving; construction and extracting; office and administrative support; production; transportation and material moving; and building/grounds cleaning and maintenance. • Many of the DREAM Act-eligible are highly skilled and credentialed. • 70,500 are self-employed. • Eighty-eight percent speaks English exclusively, very well, or well. • 392,500 have US-citizen children, and more than 100,000 are married to a US citizen or lawful permanent resident. • Twenty-nine percent has attended college or received a college degree. • The DREAM Act-eligible include 50,700 Temporary Protected Status (TPS) recipients from El Salvador, Haiti, and Honduras, 45 percent of whom live in the Miami metro area, Los Angeles County, the Washington, DC area, Houston, New York City, the San Francisco metro area, and the City of Dallas. The study also underscores the immense investment — $150 billion — that states and localities have already made in educating these young Americans. It argues that over time and with a path to citizenship the return on this investment will increase by virtually every indicia of integration — education levels, employment rates, self-employment numbers, US family members, and English language proficiency.

“Race,” Writing, and Difference first appeared in 1986. That Fall, I entered graduate school at Yale University; I still associate the book with those intellectually heady times. Henry Louis Gates, Jr., left the university before my arrival, but his influence was still felt, and we graduate students followed his every move. We also read and debated the essays of his volume with great excitement. The collection legitimated our intellectual concerns and delineated a set of questions that we would pursue throughout our graduate school careers. The volume set the bar high and helped prepare us for the task ahead. These were the days when we anticipated and greeted the appearance of works by Gates, Houston Baker, Jr., Hortense Spillers, Sylvia Wynter, and Cornel West with almost as much excitement that years earlier accompanied the release of recordings by Stevie Wonder and Earth, Wind, and Fire. Many of us came to Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Jacques Lacan, and Paul de Man through these brilliant theorists of African American literature and culture. Those were intellectually exciting times: the period also produced Black Literature and Literary Theory; the painful exchange between Gates, Baker, and Joyce Ann Joyce on the pages of New Literary History; Hazel Carby's Reconstructing Womanhood, and Spillers's “Mama's Baby, Papa's Maybe: An American Grammar Book.” Furthermore, through his books Black Literature and Literary Theory, Figures in Black, and The Signifying Monkey, Gates not only provided a theoretical framework for the study of African American literature, he also set forth an intellectual agenda that he would institutionalize in a number of projects, especially The Norton Anthology of African American Literature and the Department of African and African American Studies at Harvard. In fact, Gates's PBS series African American Lives might be seen as part of this larger project as well in that it demonstrates the fiction of race through scientific evidence without denying its power to determine the lived experience of those identified as black in the United States. Despite the appearance of texts such as Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray's The Bell Curve (and other arguments for the biological basis of race that rear their heads every so often), few people would disagree with the fundamental premise of “Race,” Writing, and Difference: that race was not fixed or naturalized but instead socially and historically constructed and institutionalized.

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has had a substantial adverse impact on the health and wellbeing of populations in the United States (US) and globally. Since the availability of COVID-19 vaccines in December 2020, efforts have been underway to vaccinate priority populations who are at increased risks of COVID-19 infections, morbidity, and mortality, but rigorous and analytical national data on vaccination rates are lacking. Using the latest nationally representative data, we examine disparities in COVID-19 vaccination among US adults aged 18 years and older by a wide range of social determinants. Methods: Using three consecutive rounds of the US Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey from January 6 to February 15, 2021 (N=224,458), disparities in vaccination rates by race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, health insurance, health status, and metropolitan area were modeled by multivariate logistic regression. Results: An estimated 33.6 million or 13.6% of US adults received COVID-19 vaccination. Vaccination rates varied 5-fold across the age range, from a low of 5.8% for adults aged 18-24 to 19.1% for those aged 65-74, and 29.0% for those aged ≥75 years. Males, non-Hispanic Blacks, Hispanics, divorced/separated and single individuals, those with lower education and household income levels, renters, not-employed individuals, the uninsured, and individuals with higher depression levels reported significantly lower rates of vaccination. Controlling for covariates, non-Hispanic Blacks had 11% lower odds and Asians had 50% higher odds of receiving vaccination than non-Hispanic Whites. Adults with less than a high school education had 64% lower adjusted odds of receiving vaccination than those with a Master’s degree. Adults with an annual income of <$25,000 had 33% lower adjusted odds of vaccination than those with a ≥$200,000. Vaccination rates ranged from 10.7% in Riverside-San Bernardino, California to 16.1% in Houston, Texas. Conclusion and Implications for Translation: Ethnic minorities, socioeconomically-disadvantaged individuals, uninsured adults, and those with serious depression reported significantly lower vaccination rates. Equitable vaccination coverage is critical to reducing inequities in COVID-19 health outcomes. Copyright © 2021 Singh. et al. Published by Global Health and Education Projects, Inc. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY 4.0) which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work, first published in this journal, is properly cited.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the contingency effects that contextual factors of a networked service environment have on the phased Lean Six Sigma (LSS) implementation frameworks. Design/methodology/approach This paper employs the critical realism (CR) case study research methodology to examine the contingent and causal relationships between contextual configurations of business networks, the DMAIC or PDCA phases in an LSS implementation agenda, and business management functions. The authors conducted a single case study on the basis of challenges they met in kicking off lean transportation in the Port of Houston. Findings The key finding from the study is a mid-range theory regarding the contingency effects of contextual factors of service business networks on the phased LSS implementation frameworks. The authors found that when there are complexity and dynamics of contextual factors at the field layer, management should focus more on tasks in early LSS phases to emphasize influencing. When there is no centralized authority in the network and the value-system is loosely coupled, management needs to execute more tasks as described in the define, measure and analyze phases with the purpose of both influencing and orchestrating. When individual actors have goals not aligned well with the goal of the business network and have unmatched operations capabilities, these factors should be considered as early as possible in these LSS phases. When a business network has complicated business processes with high unpredictability and uncertainty and individual actors’ value-creation systems are not well embedded in the entire value-creation system, PDCA will be the preferred core structure of an LSS implementation agenda. Research limitations/implications This study contributes to the LSS research stream by introducing a causal/contingency model that prescribes the contingency effects of three contextual configurations on LSS implementation. It also contributes to the emerging discipline, business network management, regarding how to use LSS frameworks in strategic planning. It also contributes to the CR school of problem-driven case study by using a strategic initiative framework as a platform and each phase in the framework as a unit. This conceptualization of the entity of interest helps explore the interactions among three theoretical constructs: contextual configurations, phased LSS implementation agenda and management functions. Practical implications Managerial implications of this study are twofold. One is the procedure of analyzing the impacts of contextual factors on the causal relationships between LSS implementation phases and network management functions. The entire procedure represents the agenda-setting process of LSS implementation, the most daunting and challenging managerial task in LSS projects. Another one is the guideline on how to determine whether DMAIC or PDCA is appropriate for the LSS agenda when used in a networked environment. Originality/value This paper would serve as an excellent resource for both academicians and LSS practitioners in initiating, orchestrating and managing an LSS project in a networked service environment. This study represents the first effort to explore the impact of contextual factors of business networks on lean transformation.

Abstract BACKGROUND Differences in perception, assessment, communication, and management of pain contribute to racial/ethnic pain disparities in breast cancer (BC). We previously found that Black women (BW) reported higher pain severity and interference with life after breast surgery compared to White women after adjusting for type of surgery and other potential confounders. Racial/ethnic inequities persist despite prior trials to improve disparate pain outcomes. This is likely because multiple factors contribute to pain expression, and structural factors affect the ability to control pain adequately. Perceived discrimination is associated with mistrust of medical providers. These factors are known to affect clinical outcomes, but their impact on pain has been understudied. In this preliminary analysis, we examine medical discrimination, trust in physician, and pain outcomes among BW with early-stage breast cancer after mastectomy. METHODS We surveyed BW with stage 0-III breast cancer who had mastectomy &lt; 2 years of study enrollment at Baylor St. Luke’s Medical Center or Harris Health Smith Clinic in Houston, TX. Participants completed a demographic survey as well as the Brief Pain Inventory (BPI), Discrimination in Medical Settings Scale (DMS), and Trust in Physician Scale (TPS). In the BPI, participants reported their pain severity (PS) on a 0-10 scale at its worst, least, and on average. They reported pain interference with life (PI) from 0-10, types of pain treatments, and % relief from pain treatments. DMS and TPS questions were assessed on 5-point Likert scale. We performed chart review to obtain baseline clinical data related to BC diagnosis and treatment and comorbidities. We summarized patients’ baseline demographic and clinical information using descriptive statistics. PI and DMS were scored as a mean of the total items of each survey. We created mean Trust and Mistrust scores using means of the TPS questions related to each category. RESULTS Of the 37 BW surveyed, 36 (97.3%) were non-Hispanic. 23 (62.2%) had HR+ BC, and 2 (6.7%) had HER2+ disease. 26 (70.3%) women received chemotherapy, 10 (27%) received radiation therapy, and 17 (45.9%) received endocrine therapy. 26 (70.3%) women had &gt; 1 comorbidity; the mean (SD) number reported was 1.3 (1.1). Mean BMI was 30.9 (6.6). 10 (29.4%) women completed high school, and 8 (23.5%) completed some college. 19 (55.9%) had a household income &lt; $25,000, and 11 (32.4%) had private health insurance. Mean worst PS was 4.2 (3.1), and mean average PS was 3.6 (2.9). Mean composite PI score was 2.7 (2.7). 11 (29.7%) women were taking opioids for pain, 17 (45.9%) were taking non-opioid analgesics, and 3 (8.1%) were receiving non-medication treatments. Mean % pain relief with treatment was 52.3% (38.3). Mean DMS score was 1.2 (0.6). Mean composite TPS Trust and Mistrust scores were 4.4 (0.7) and 1.8 (1.0), respectively. CONCLUSION BW may continue to experience pain requiring opioid and/or non-opioid analgesics up to 2 years following mastectomy. Study participants reported relatively low levels of discrimination and high levels of trust on average. We are currently enrolling additional participants in the Emory Healthcare System and Grady Memorial Hospital in Atlanta, GA. After enrolling at least 80 total patients, we will determine the association between DMS and pain outcomes among participants adjusting for demographic, socioeconomic, and clinical factors as well as assess TPS as a potential mediator in the causal pathway between DMS and PS. Citation Format: Demetria Smith-Graziani, Yichun Cao, Jeffrey Switchenko, Mothaffar Rimawi, Abenaa Brewster. Discrimination, Trust, and Pain Outcomes Among Black Women with Early-Stage Breast Cancer After Mastectomy [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2023 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2023 Dec 5-9; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2024;84(9 Suppl):Abstract nr PO2-10-01.

PEERS is a program at the University of Houston that offered a near-peer mentorship experience to high schoolers. Utilizing a project-based learning model, the program aimed to introduce under-served high school students to community health topics through a mentorship model with University of Houston undergraduates. PEERS is unique among other university mentorship programs by offering a community health learning experience through a competition format between teams of students. As part of the 2021-2022 PEERS program, students participated in reflective journaling as part of an internal program evaluation to explore the impact of PEERS on student fulfillment in three primary areas of interest including personal goals, views on community health projects, and mentorship experience. Through a manual thematic analysis approach, The PEERS leadership team analyzed 91 journal entries from over 20 high school students. Our findings indicate that the PEERS program had a positive impact on participating students, with students reporting that PEERS impacted their understanding of community health projects and empowered them to achieve their personal goals alongside the development of an enriching mentorship experience with their undergraduate mentors.

Background: Hypotension is a widely used but poorly defined clinical entity. Currently accepted definitions of hypotension are the Pediatric Advanced Life Support (PALS) definition, the Brain Trauma Foundation definition, and the International Pediatric Sepsis Consensus Conference. However, its prevalence has not been defined. Objective: To determine the prevalence of hypotension in school aged children. Study Design: This study is a retrospective analysis of data from a series of cross-sectional school-based blood pressure screenings completed by the Houston Pediatric and Adolescent Hypertension Program (HPAHP) at the UTHealth at Houston. Screenings were performed in 21 urban and suburban middle and high schools in the Houston area from 2001 to 2012. We restricted the data set to include subjects with three systolic blood pressure (SBP) measurements performed using a Spacelabs 90217 oscillometric monitor, who did not report taking hypertensive medication, and were not missing demographic information. We defined hypotension based on 2 criteria: average 1 st -3 rd SBP less than the 5 th percentile for height, age and gender. Within these definitions we also restricted the hypotension definition to subjects with average SBP below 90mm Hg. Stata 13 SE was used for all data analysis. Results: Of the total 22, 382 children enrolled, 15,114 children met inclusion criteria: 52% females, mean age 13.6 years (range 10.1-19.9). Racial distribution reflected that of Houston: 35% White, 32% Hispanic, 23% Black, 8% Asian, and 2% other/unknown. Seventy one (0.5%) children had an average SBP reading less than the 5 th percentile and 112 (0.7%) had an average SBP less than the 5 th percentile or 90 mm Hg. Compared to students without hypotension, students with hypotension defined by only the 5 th percentile were older (14.3 vs 13.6 years, t-test p=0.0001); they also tended to be more female, though not significantly (61% vs 39%, Chi 2 p-value=0.134). Conclusion: Although not as prevalent as hypertension in this age group (generally 2-5%), hypotension is a clinically significant entity that is seen in 0.5-0.7% of the general school-aged population.

Introduction: Adolescents, an age group that can reduce sun exposure early, may benefit from school-based skin cancer education programs. Literature regarding the demographics of melanoma knowledge is sparse. Objectives: This study sought to evaluate melanoma knowledge among students in Texas viewing John Wayne Cancer Foundation Block the Blaze (JWCFBTB) presentations and identify group differences with regard to sociodemographic factors. Methods: Before JWCFBTB presentations delivered in Houston and Dallas by health professions students, a pre-presentation melanoma knowledge quiz was distributed. This survey was adapted from a 2000 study evaluating melanoma knowledge in middle and high schoolers in Houston and Dallas. Respondents were also asked to provide their gender, age, grade, race, parent education level, and whether they are first-generation American. ANOVA and Tukey tests were used to evaluate demographic group differences in scores. Logistic regression models determined predictors of answering selected true/false questions correctly. Results: One-way ANOVA tests showed statistically significant group differences in pre-test scores for all demographic factors evaluated. Females, Whites/Caucasians, students whose parents hold graduate degrees, and older students had higher scores. Black students and non-first-generation Americans were more likely to answer selected commonly missed questions correctly. Conclusions: Results from 2000 and 2020-2021 indicate older students from higher grade levels know more about melanoma, suggesting adolescents may benefit from earlier skin cancer education. Racial minorities and individuals of low socioeconomic status, who suffer from disparities in melanoma treatment and mortality, showed poorer melanoma knowledge. Targeting skin cancer education to disadvantaged schools may help remedy such gaps.

Imagine a nation in which every student, from Boston to Houston, from Cleveland to Miami, fromChicago’s South side to Compton, from a New Mexico Indian reservation to the AppalachianMountains, characteristically graduates from high school prepared for postsecondary training (i.e.,college, university, trade school, or workforce training). Further, imagine being able to say to everychild "you will be provided with a high school that will educate you, challenge you, care for you, supportyou, and graduate you ready to compete and succeed in this world" (Balfanz & Letgers, 2004, p. 2).The current realities of the proposed outcomes of Brown vs. the Board of Education and subsequenteducation legislation create a vastly different view of the educational panorama. Rather than thebeautiful landscape, the bleak picture is that many students in the U.S. do not graduate and of thosestudents who do graduate, most students are not prepared to participate fully in academic endeavors,the workforce, or civic life. According to Bourdieu and Passeron (1977), the primary avenue out oflasting poverty and dependence on social services in America is a quality high school educationfollowed by some form of postsecondary schooling or training.

The factors that motivate some improvising musicians to teach include the music’s profound ethical dimensions, the ideal that egalitarianism should be a core principle in music-making, and the belief that this music enables the musician’s full self to flower. Using an ethnographic approach, this essay argues that pedagogies, as cultural systems, encompass ambiguity, so that improvisers’ ideals work irregularly in an educational setting. The MECA improvisation ensemble, a group for middle and high school students in Houston, Texas, was a voluntary organization that attracted members from a variety of backgrounds. Its leader, an improviser, utilized traditional teaching dynamics, but the alternative arts setting and the premises of free improvisation enabled the students to cross barriers within the city and between each other.

Abstract Background Fragmented state laws have impacted cannabis uptake and perceptions in the USA. Little research has explored the attitudes, beliefs, and social network influences of young Black men who have sex with men (BMSM) who have experienced incarceration and use cannabis. While problematic cannabis use is not well defined and understudied, scholars have found that a person’s social network can mediate problematic substance use and reduce recidivism rates by providing both tangible and emotional support. This analysis examines how social networks contribute to cannabis perceptions and use among BMSM with criminal legal system involvement in Chicago, IL, and Houston TX. Methods Researchers conducted interviews with 25 cis gender Black men informed by life course theory, with a focus on the role of social networks, incarceration, and other life experiences in substance use. All interviews were audio-recorded, de-identified, and transcribed; participants were compensated $50. A deductive-inductive thematic analysis was used to analyze all qualitative data collected. Results Twelve BMSM in Chicago and 13 BMSM in Houston (M = 26.6 years old, SD = 3.7) were interviewed. A majority identified as gay (56%), with 12 participants (48%) reporting having a high school diploma or equivalent; their average age of first substance use was 15.2 (SD = 2.9). Participants perceived cannabis usage to be categorically distinct from other intoxicating substance usage, with many describing it as not harmful and potentially beneficial. Three themes shaped their choices and attitudes regarding cannabis and “hard” drugs—social networks, need fulfillment, and knowledge of risk. Conclusion Participant descriptions of cannabis use emphasize their drug-use behavior as being produced by agent decision-making and risk assessment. Future work should expand on how these decisions are made, and how social networks can be leveraged to encourage non-harmful drug consumption behaviors.

Abstract Objective: This study examined the differential impact of Hurricane Harvey on adolescent standardized Body Mass Index (zBMI), physical activity, diet, and perceived stress. Methods: Prior to Hurricane Harvey, 175 ethnic minority adolescents were recruited from an independent school district in Houston. Height and weight were directly measured. The School Physical Activity and Nutrition Questionnaire assessed diet and physical activity. Stress was assessed with the Perceived Stress Scale. High hurricane impact was classified as at least 1 affirmative response to house damage, rescue, displacement, or going without food, water, or medicine. Repeated measures such as ANCOVA models were developed to assess differences in zBMI, physical activity, diet, and stress between the hurricane impact groups. Regression models were used to assess stress as a mediator of the hurricane impact and zBMI change relationship. Results: Students who were highly impacted by the hurricane had a greater decrease in zBMI than those less impacted from pre-hurricane to 15 weeks post-hurricane (95% CI 0.02 to 0.25, p<0.05). Physical activity and diet did not differ by impact. Perceived stress at 3 weeks post-hurricane mediated the impact and zBMI change relationship (β=-0.04 95% CI -0.12 to -0.002). Conclusion: The decrease in zBMI among highly impacted students warrants further monitoring. Perceived stress, immediately following the hurricane, impacted student growth months later.

Background: Integrating public health into science courses helps students grasp the links between health recommendations and scientific principles. During COVID-19, a team of 19 educators, scientists and clinicians designed 25 science inquiry lessons to enhance disease knowledge and prevention strategies among school-aged children. The efficacy of two lessons was evaluated. Design: Pre-/post-evaluation; both quantitative and qualitative data were collected. Setting: Teachers (24 elementary and 26 high school) and their students (562 elementary, 8–9 years old; 1,271 high school, 14–15 years old) participated from schools in Houston, TX, USA. Method: Lessons were delivered in Spring 2021. Teachers completed evaluation surveys using Likert-type and open-ended items. Students completed pre- and post-assessments of COVID-19 knowledge, attitudes towards science and confidence in their knowledge of COVID-19 and vaccine science. Results: Over 80% of teachers agreed that they would use the lessons again and felt more confident in their abilities to teach about COVID-19 after using the lessons. Teachers reported students’ heightened interest in health professions and discussing the presented topics. High school students gained basic recall knowledge, but there was little change on items related to in-depth science concepts or attitudes. Elementary students demonstrated gains on items related to the scientific rationale underlying public health recommendations and confidence in their abilities to protect themselves from COVID-19. Conclusion: The integration of health information into science teaching helps learners understand the science behind public health recommendations and increases teachers’ preparedness and comfort levels with these topics. Even short-term supplementary lessons can have a positive impact on knowledge and attitudes. Effects were particularly positive with elementary students, who should be included in future public health education efforts. Partnerships between schools and health organisations are vital for the rapid development and integration of lessons that are accurate and informative. The lessons evaluated in this paper are freely available online.

Youth can transmit COVID-19 to adults, but few communication materials exist for engaging youth in COVID-19 prevention behaviors. We describe the process of leveraging a community–academic partnership in a rapid response initiative to engage youth in a contest (i.e., Youth-Led Creative Expression Contest to Prevent COVID-19 across Texas) to develop creative public health messaging centered on the prevention of COVID-19 transmission and infection for their peers. Core activities included developing a request for applications that solicited submission of creative expression materials promoting the use of COVID-19 prevention behaviors (mask-wearing, social distancing, handwashing, not touching the face) from Texas youth in elementary, middle, and/or high school; sending the request for applications to 48 organizations in Austin, Brownsville, Dallas, El Paso, Houston, and San Antonio in summer 2020; and recruiting a youth advisory board to score submissions and award prizes. We report on youth engagement in the COVID communication contest across Texas and use statistics (chi-square and t-tests) to characterize and compare youth participants and their creative expression artwork. The contest resulted in 3,003 website views and 34 submissions eligible for scoring. Each submission averaged >2 prevention behaviors. On average, winning submissions included a higher number of prevention behaviors than nonwinning submissions. The prevention behavior “not touching the face” was included more often in winning submissions than nonwinning submissions. Elementary school children were less likely to include a mask in their submission compared with older youth. Existing community–academic networks can engage youth in the development of geographically and age-tailored communication materials.

Abstract Background Texas is the second largest state in the country and has significant geographic and demographic diversity placing it at the forefront for identifying and responding to emerging infectious diseases. Therefore, it is critical to establish pathogen surveillance programs with statewide reach and local impact to meet public health needs. The Texas Department of State Health Services (DSHS) partnered with the University of Texas Houston School of Public Health (UTSPH) to create a statewide SARS-CoV-2 variant surveillance monitoring network project (the Network). This Network can be a model for monitoring other emerging pathogens in Texas. Methods A network was formed among DSHS, six academic centers, two commercial laboratories, and one public health laboratory for high throughput SARS-CoV-2 sample procurement, sequencing, and analysis for Texas. The program developed sample procurement and sequencing capacity across the state and electronic genomic data reporting to DSHS. Partners were selected based on expertise and area of geographic need. Protocols were established to meet high data quality and reporting standards. Working committees and shared data visualization tools were established to ensure collaboration among partners. The steering committee and workgroups were established to support network activities and enable DSHS to monitor epidemiological dynamics and transmissibility and respond to SARS-CoV-2 variants across each public health region. Results The Network has successfully established a state-wide system for sample collection, whole genome sequencing, reporting and analysis of data. At a regular cadence, the six academic centers acquire SARS-CoV-2 samples, sequence them in their respective labs and report the corresponding sequence or test data to DSHS and UTSPH. As of April 21, 2023, a total of 17,257 samples have been collected (Figure 1) and a total of 14,080 samples have been sequenced (Figure 2). Conclusion The network of public, academic and private partners has effectively met the need for SARS-CoV-2 sequence surveillance in this large and diverse state. With this established infrastructure in place, expanding to study other emerging pathogens in Texas is feasible. Disclosures Saroj Rai, PhD, MPH, Novartis: retirement in form of stock|Novartis: Stocks/Bonds

Introduction: Low cardiorespiratory fitness (fitness) and high levels of adiposity are independently associated with higher levels of blood pressure in adolescents. However, it remains uncertain whether the associations between fitness and blood pressure are due to fitness itself or results from lower levels of adiposity. Moreover, there are no studies that have determined the extent to which adiposity, including central adiposity, moderates the association between fitness and 24-hour ambulatory blood pressure (ABP). Hypotheses: 1. Higher levels of fitness will be associated with lower levels of ambulatory systolic (SBP) and diastolic (DBP) blood pressure after adjusting for adiposity and covariates. 2. With adjustments for covariates, adiposity (body mass index [BMI], waist circumference [WC]) will modify the association between fitness and 24-hour SBP and DBP. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted in Houston, TX with a sample of 370 adolescents aged 11-16 years. Demographically, the sample was 54% female, 37% African American, 31% Hispanic, 29% non-Hispanic white, and 3% other ethnic/racial groups. Fitness was assessed by a height-adjusted step test and estimated by heart rate recovery, defined as the difference between peak heart rate during exercise and heart rate two minutes post-exercise. Adiposity was measured using dichotomized values for percentiles of BMI (≥ 85 th ) and WC (≥ 50 th ). Ambulatory SBP and DBP (Spacelabs model 90207) were measured every 30-60 minutes over 24 hours on a school day. Mixed-effects regression analysis was used to test the hypotheses with the following covariates: activity, location, and position at the time of each ABP measurement, height, age, sex, ethnicity, sexual maturation level, and mother’s education level. Results: Hypothesis 1: Each unit increase in fitness was associated with a decrease of SBP (-0.058 mmHg, p = 0.001) and DBP (-0.043 mmHg, p < 0.0001) after adjustment for WC and covariates. Each unit increase in fitness was associated with a decrease in SBP (-0.058 mmHg, p = 0.001) and DBP (-0.045 mmHg, p < 0.0001) after adjustment for BMI and covariates. Hypothesis 2: Fitness and BMI ≥ 85 th percentile (or WC ≥ 50 th percentile) interactions were not significantly associated with ambulatory SBP or DBP after adjustment for covariates. Conclusions: Our findings indicate a small but statistically significant inverse effect of fitness on 24-hour ABP in adolescents, and no evidence of a modifying effect of adiposity on this association. Further research is needed to better understand the protective role of fitness on cardiovascular health in adolescents.

Abstract Background The immunological interplay between SARS-CoV-2 immunization, SARS-CoV-2 infection, and exposure to other human coronaviruses is poorly understood. Therefore, we evaluated the relationship of the humoral immune responses to SARS-CoV-2 and selected other human coronaviruses (HCoVs). Methods We enrolled 42 healthcare workers (HCWs) in a Pediatric Department at a medical school in Houston, Texas, during a Delta variant dominance period (2021) of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. All had two immunizations with mRNA SARS-CoV-2 vaccines at a median of 7.4 months before sample collection. Using multiplex assays, we tested binding antibodies (Ab) and neutralizing antibodies (NAb) to SARS-CoV-2 and Ab responses to selected non-SARS-CoV-2 HCoVs. Results 100% had Ab to all components of a SARS-CoV-2 screening panel that comprised receptor-binding protein (RBD), spike 1 (S1), and spike 2 (S2). 13 out of 42 (31%) had Ab to nucleocapsid antigen (N) suggesting previous coronavirus infection of whom 7 (53%) reported a previous PCR-confirmed SARS-CoV-2 infection and had significantly higher Ab response to each of the four screening antigens. (Table 1) Although all volunteers had notable levels of SARS-CoV-2 specific Abs, only 42% had NAb to SARS-CoV-2. Notable findings for volunteers with NAb included a high frequency of NAb to Wild Type (100%), Alpha (72%) and Delta variants (72%). More mRNA-1273 (Moderna) recipients (61%) had NAb than BTN162b2 (Pfizer) (25%) (p-value: 0.041). 83% of volunteers had detectable Ab to at least one of HCoVs. Ab to SARS-CoV-1 is strongly associated with a positive NAb response to SARS-CoV-2 (44% versus 0, p-value 0.001). Table 1 Demographic and serological profile Table 2 Comparison between participants with Neutralizing Ab response and those without Conclusion Generation of SARS-CoV-2 NAb following mRNA vaccination of HCWs is strongly associated with the presence of Ab to SARS-CoV-1. The source of SARS-CoV-1 Ab in our population is unknown. The nearly 20% prevalence of SARS-CoV-1 Ab exceeds the known prevalence of SARS-CoV-1 infection. There is may be a neutralization relevant shared immunogen between SARS-CoV-1 and SARS-CoV-2. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures

ObjectiveDuring this session, participants will be able to understand how Harris County Public Health utilized data to make informed decisions on how to combat the influenza season.IntroductionThe 2017 – 2018 influenza season was classified by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) as ‘high severity’ across all age groups. Furthermore, CDC noted that this was the first year to be categorized as such, with the highest peak percentage of influenza-like-illnesses (ILI), since 2009. In Harris County alone, there were 2,665 positive flu tests reported in comparison to the previous season at 1,395 positive tests. In response to the severity of this year’s flu season, Harris County Public Health (HCPH) collaborated across the department to deploy five pop up influenza vaccination events utilizing our Mobile Fleets open to the general public.HCPH epidemiologists are able to collect influenza data from multiple systems and compile it into useful reports/tools. These data include latitudinal and longitudinal data, allowing us to create highly localized maps of where influenza has had impacted communities the hardest. This granular data allowed HCPH to target 5 areas with our Mobile Fleet that had a) high levels of influenza and b) generally limited healthcare/public health infrastructure.Our Mobile Fleet is made up of 8 different Recreational Vehicles that have been retrofitted to offer various public health services including: immunizations, medical visits, dental visits, pet adoptions, mosquito and vector control education, and a fresh food market. The Fleet allows HCPH to offer a full menu of public health services anywhere within the County. While our efforts for this abstract were focused on controlling the influenza outbreak, we leveraged the opportunity to engage with the public on multiple issues such as environmental, veterinary, mosquito control, dental health, and accessible healthy food options.MethodsAs positive flu reports mounted, our epidemiology program provided surveillance data of influenza and ILI in Harris County. Data was obtained through multiple sources including: National Electronic Disease Surveillance System (NEDSS), which includes electronic laboratory reporting; National Respiratory Enteric Virus Surveillance System (NREVSS), which includes all flu tests done in laboratories in Houston; and last, the Flu Portal, which school nurses in Harris County upload school absenteeism rates due to ILI. Once collected and compiled, our Geographic Information System (GIS) team used the data to generate spatial maps of Harris County illustrating the disproportionally high rates. Specifically, our GIS team was able to utilize ArcGIS, and cross layer them with the flu data provided from the epidemiologists. Utilizing these maps, HCPH leadership mobilized the preparedness team to lead a data driven response in five different zip codes throughout the county to hold the influenza vaccination events.ResultsThe Mobile Fleet was operational on five separate dates in five separate zip codes during February and March of 2018. Overall, 477 individuals were provided the influenza vaccine. Of those 477, 304 were 18 years or older, with 173 being under 18 years of age.ConclusionsHaving timely and actionable data is an essential first step to understand and stop an outbreak of any size. However, surveillance data alone won't prevent an outbreak from spreading. That data must be married to effective public health action. Our Mobile Fleet is able to deliver precision public health services by targeting communities most affected and vulnerable to the spread of disease. As surveillance geospatial data becomes more granular so too must our public health service delivery modes become more precise and targeted.

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Graffiti remains a particularly resilient aspect of the contemporary urban landscape and as a pillar of Hip-Hop culture enjoys an enduring popularity as a subject of academic inquiry.1 As the practice of graffiti is so historically broad it is within the context of Hip-Hop culture that I will limit my observations. In this tradition, graffiti is often rationalised as either a rebellious attempt at territorial reclamation by an alienated subculture or reduced to a practice of elaborate attention seeking. This type of account is offered in titles such as Nelson George's Hip-Hop America (George 1998, 14-15) and David Toop's Rap Attack series (Toop 2000, 11-14). Whilst I am in accord with their respective analyses of graffiti's role as a territorial practice, these discussions concentrate on graffiti's social significance and neglect the immanent logistical processes that precede artistic practice. A Deleuze-Guattarian approach would emphasise the process over the final product, as they believe, '[w]riting has nothing to do with signifying. It has to do with surveying, mapping, even realms that are yet to come' (Deleuze and Guattari 1987, 4-5).2 This undermines the self-contained approach to graffiti as artistic signification and offers a more encompassing approach to investigating the graffiti writers' desire to physically connect with the architecture of the city. It was William Upski Wimsatt's 'underground bestseller' Bomb the Suburbs that inspired my Deleuze-Guattarian perspective on the processes behind graffiti. After reading the testimonies of the author and his peers about the niceties of underground graffiti writing, I was struck by the profound affective relations to technology they described. Many discussions of graffiti, academic or otherwise, relegate the artists' exploration of the urban environment and its technologies to be of secondary importance to the production of the artwork itself. Wimsatt's affectionate account of a city discovered via graffiti writing appeared to have resonance with the Deleuze-Guattarian concept of 'becoming'. For Deleuze (both alone and in conjunction with Felix Guattari), the concept of 'becoming' was a complex redefinition, or perhaps destruction, of the traditional dichotomy between 'subject' and 'object'. Baring in mind that this concept was developed across the breadth of his work, here I offer a concise, and perhaps more readily accessible definition of 'becoming' from Claire Colebrook's Gilles Deleuze: 'The human becomes more than itself - by becoming-hybrid with what is not itself. This creates 'lines of flight'; from life itself we imagine all the becomings of life, using the human power of imagination to overcome the human' (Colebrook 2001, 129). Using 'becoming' as a conceptual approach provides a rather more productive consideration of the graffiti writers' endeavours rather than simply reducing their status to simple archetypes such as 'criminal', 'rebel' or even 'visual artist'. In this way we could look at their ongoing and active engagement with the city's architecture as an ongoing 'becoming' with urban technologies. This is manifest in the graffiti writers' willingness to break the law and even risk physical danger in order to find new ways of moving about the city. Bomb the Suburbs outlines the trials and tribulations of Chicago based, 'old school' graffiti artist Wimsatt who writes about his first-hand observations on the decaying urban environment within major US cities. Bomb the Suburbs is both a handbook of Hip-Hop culture, as well as an astute piece of social analysis. Wimsatt's approach is self-consciously provocative, and shining through all the revolutionary rhetoric is essentially a love affair with the city and its technologies. 'As a writer, there is nothing I love better, nowhere in the city I love more, than the CTA (Chicago Transit Authority). Whether it's climbing on the tracks, playing in the tunnels, or just chillin' in between cars, I think of the CTA as my personal jungle gym. The fact is, we graffiti writers have a very close relationship with the train lines. Yet it is our goal to fuck them up' (Wimsatt 1994, 143). Such an extraordinary physical relationship with the city's technology obviously surpasses the general public's more mundane interactions. The amount of dedication required by the graffiti writers to scale buildings, trains and bridges, obviously goes beyond a mere desire of exposure for their art. Hence I regard the writers as having perhaps the strongest affective bond with the city of any resident, as their pioneering of unorthodox navigational feats requires a level of commitment that far exceeds the rest of the population. Thus the artistry justifies the means of the exploratory process and the graffiti merely serves as a premise to interact with the city's architecture. Wimsatt's enthusiastic account of the CTA infers the desire to realise new interactions that surpass the rather more average ambition of getting on and off at the right stops. An inordinate amount of attention to potential vehicles of exposure, such as the city's rail system becomes a requirement of any self-respecting graffiti writer. Hence they acquire an intricate knowledge of the logistical processes that keep the city's transportation system ticking over. Detailed knowledge of platforms, schedules, right up to employee shift changes are necessary and each of these aspects in turn open out into a variety of assemblages that offer insight into the inner workings of the city. Unfortunately for these urban explorers, their unorthodox interactions with the city architecture are invariably considered 'illegal', and reminiscent of the Foucauldian assertion, the transgression of law only adds to affective investment. This transgression of 'the law', also offers potential for new becomings, and the graffiti writers, in turn, acquire a 'virtual' nature as 'becoming-criminal' or 'becoming-hero', even perhaps perpetuating the struggle for an alternative 'becoming-law'. Hence the dour reflection at the end of Wimsatt's quote which highlights his exasperation over the underlying political tensions that conspire toward his beloved rail system's destruction. It is perhaps the barriers, both physical and legal that are placed between the writers and their beloved lines, which fosters the type of emotional displacement that incites such revenge. To prove that the law can't contain their desire, the writers ironically destroy the city's property so that the technology will forever bear the mark of their challenge. Wimsatt doesn't advocate this destruction, but rather he is trying to implore other writers to see the error of their ways, 'If we love trains, then bombing the CTA is biting the hand that feeds us' (Wimsatt 1994, 143). His idealistic alternative is to 'bomb the suburbs' (for the uninitiated the bombing they refer to is of the acrylic as opposed to the explosive kind) to symbolically deflect attention from the rail yards and into the homes of the indifferent. 'Bomb The Suburbs means let's celebrate the city. Let's celebrate the ghetto and the few people who aren't running away from it. Let's stop fucking up the city. Let's stop fucking up the ghetto. Let's start defending it and making it work for us' (11). Emphasising the division between the urban and suburban way of life, Wimsatt beckons graffiti writers to 'bomb the suburbs' in what I perceive, as an unorthodox means of inclusion. This call to violate suburban property is purely a scare tactic, an avenue that Wimsatt admits he is not keen to explore (143). This contempt for the suburbs is directed at what is perceived as its residents' collective escape from an inclusive dialogue. The graffiti artists are frustrated over the suburban residents' economic control of their inner city space and they have no accessible political vehicle to voice this complaint. In the minds of the graffiti writers, the suburban population is ungrateful, as the technology such as the CTA is taken for granted, or not even used at all. Wimsatt hates the insular culture of the car owning commuters that symbolise the suburban condition. They are deemed to pollute the city and will subsequently be the first to retreat from any adversity as their collective goal has been to acquire the means to take an out of sight, out of mind approach to urban life. Thus, Wimsatt blames the suburban population for the continuing malaise suffered by inner city residents. Their collective exodus to the suburbs has negatively impacted on city funding and continues to erode the quality of life of its inhabitants. Wimsatt's admonition of the suburban condition begins in the introduction on the front cover of the book stating, 'The suburbs is more than just an unfortunate geographical location, it is an unfortunate state-of-mind. It's the American state-of-mind, founded on fear, conformity, shallowness of character, and dullness of imagination.' Yet Wimsatt would have difficulty convincing his posse of writers to 'bomb the suburbs' for a solely political purpose as the attributes of the city that make it so accessible conversely makes the suburbs logistically difficult to conquer. By his own admission the pleasure of graffiti writing lies in the thrill of exploring the city's architecture as this process in its entirety forms an affective assemblage. For Deleuze and Guattari these 'affects are becomings' (Deleuze and Guattari 1987, 256), perhaps simply understood as the affective intensities that influence our movement through the world, and this is how the graffiti writers integrate themselves into the matrix of the city assemblage. Furthermore, Deleuze and Guattari offer that art consists of blocs of affects and percepts and that its role is to draw attention to these processes (Deleuze and Guattari 1994, 163-199), '[a]ffects are sensible experiences in their singularity, liberated from organising systems of representation' (Colebrook 2001, 22). Thus graffiti operates on a purely affective level and the works of its anonymous authors, whose collective texts are often indecipherable, appear to have little cultural relevance to the general public. This is demonstrative of a Deleuze-Guattarian reading where graffiti's significance as 'writing' is actually negligible. The pragmatic significance of graffiti in terms of territorial marking is its role as a refrain, providing infinite transference of signification. The refrains create relations of corresponding affective assemblages and in this way the graffiti is able to generate a range of audience positions. Whilst it may indicate signify a hostile environment for some, it similarly provides information to others or is perhaps merely treated with indifference. To this extent the recollections of Wimsatt and his peers recall Deleuzean empiricism and its 'commitment to experience,' as '[o]ne way of thinking empiricism is to see all life as a flow and connection of interacting bodies, or 'desiring machines'. These connections form regularities, which can then be organised through 'social machines' (Colebrook 2001, 89). Graffiti consciously draws attention to its procedure thus creating corresponding affective assemblages, and the ensuing relations inform audience opinions. Many would contend that graffiti is inherently destructive and would necessarily disagree with my claim that it derives from a love of the city. Dissenting opinion is invariably based on relative aesthetic merits and as a result will always be inconclusive. The only thing that can be tangibly measured is the ownership of capital and in this context graffiti will always remain the visual sign of a losing battle. Graffiti is the evidence of its writers' respective status as 'ghosts in the machine'. Presented in terms of information theory, we could view graffiti as feedback, either signal or noise depending on how you are positioned. As a permanent fixture of the urban environment it is indicative of a city that is all but running smoothly. The nature of this underlying antagonism is elaborated in Houston A Baker jr's Black Studies, Rap and the Academy where graffiti is 'perceived as the ethnic pollution of public space' by the 'other' (Baker 1993, 43). Baker then proceeds to the heart of the matter, questioning the values inherent in the regulation of public space, 'the contest was urbanely proprietorial: Who owns the public spaces? What constitutes information and what constitutes noise? Just what is visually and audibly pure and what precisely is noise pollution or graffiti?'. He contends that community opinion over such aesthetic maintenance of the public space will continue to be dominated by corporate capital. 'Urban public spaces of the late twentieth century are spaces of audiovisual contest. It's something like this: My billboards and neon and handbills and high-decibel-level television advertising are purely for the public good. Your boom boxes and graffiti are evil pollutants. Erase them, shut them down! (43)' Graffiti writers are fully aware that any attempt for consensus over aesthetics is futile as the urban subcultures have little political clout. Their ongoing battle is a vain attempt at seeking alternate ways to access this public space and will continue to sustain casualties both architectural and human. Thus the visibility of graffiti on a train line provides an affective assemblage that is as intrinsic to the network as the tracks themselves. As public property3 the railway is installed to serve the collective population and graffiti writers, it can be argued, just seek to use it in an unorthodox manner. Their work is undoubtedly just as creative and perhaps less objectionable than most billboard ads. Advertising on the other hand, represents the collusion of private property ownership that informs public opinion. This view perpetuates the 'reasonable' assumption that advertisements are an acceptable use of the public space based on the 'logic' that they are spatially contained and regulated by capital. Alienated from that sphere of capital ownership, graffiti impinges on this private stranglehold of public aesthetics. In this capacity graffiti artists invite a momentary existential awakening, drawing attention to our internalised self-regulation. It is such conditioning that in turn may provoke us to mouth an obligatory 'tut tut'. Yet, running into this visual 'other' requires self-reflection, caught up in our daily routine we are oblivious to our physical surroundings and only realise what we are missing when it has been tampered with. The writers' unorthodox interaction with city architecture questions our fetishizing of blank walls, and our instilled lack of practical interaction with our surrounds. Nevertheless, the reality is that graffiti signifies to a large percentage of the population a sense of danger, a side effect that Wimsatt is indeed aware and is trying to discourage. Bomb the Suburbs is concerned with mapping out relations within the city's delicate ecosystem and how the mere act of graffiti affects a feedback loop that ends up in the pockets of the corporates: 'Every time we fat cap an outside, or even scratch-bomb a window, we've got guys with last names like Ford, Toyota, and Isuzu with us all the way, cheering us on - we're helping them fuck up public transportation for free' (Wimsatt 1994, 142). So the more graffiti, the fewer people ride the subway and will instead continue to buy cars and perpetuate the urban/suburban divide. Wimsatt and his peers are embittered that those who actually own most of the city care so little about it that they leave for the suburbs every night, to retreat from the 'urban noise' epitomised by graffiti culture to one of secluded suburban silence. Hence Wimsatt's enthusiasm for a communal project of graffiti led urban renewal believing it will liven up neglected and plain forgotten parts of the city (104). He goes out of his way to visit the more ravaged and neglected cities in the US, dreaming of how graffiti could help promote reinvestment, both emotional and financial, back into the heart of the city. Wimsatt also realises this can only be achieved with the grass roots support of the graffiti writing community themselves. 'I'm not even going to talk about the train yards. Yes, they're easy, but you're not allowed to bomb them as a personal favor to me. Cleveland is struggling not to become another Detroit and scare all its capital off to the suburbs. If you're going to do graffiti in Cleveland, do it to help Cleveland back up, not to kick it while it's down' (43). Yet his vision of urban renewal is one that scorns permission for legal designs (113) as the impetus for this project must derive organically from the graffiti writers' collective process of observation via urban exploration. For them, legal design defeats the purpose of this empirical process, and for this reason the artists believe there is no challenge in doing 'pieces' in the easy spots as a necessary part of the process requires the 'becoming' with the urban environment. The graffiti writers' lifestyle is itself an experimental project intended as a direct challenge on the 'conventional' epitomised by suburban existence. The graffiti markings operate as Deleuze-Guattarian 'lines of flight' that indicate that there are alternate ways of moving about the city, replete with a set of refrains to indicate the existence of a suitably alternative culture. We are aware that the smooth running of the urban capitalist machine requires the striations that demarcate no-go areas and territories forbidden to pubic access. To paraphrase Deleuze and Guattari, that in order to run smoothly, you have to striate, and there is a lot of wasted space created in the process. The graffiti writers merely seek to claw back these neglected territories. Notes 1. The following list is provided as a guide, and is by no means considered exhaustive, of some of the key texts employed in my research: Castleman, Craig. Getting Up: Subway Graffiti in New York. New York: MIT Press, 1984; Chalfant, Henry, and James Prigoff. Spraycan Art. New York, N.Y.: Thames and Hudson, 1987; Baker, Houston A. Black Studies, Rap, and the Academy. Black Literature and Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993; Wimsatt, William 'Upski'. Bomb the Suburbs. New York: Soft Skull Press, 1994; George, Nelson. Hip Hop America. London: Penguin, 1998; Poschardt, Ulf. DJ Culture. Trans. Shaun Whiteside. London: Quartet Books, 1998; Light, Alan. The Vibe History of Hip Hop. Three Rivers Press, New York, 1999; Ogg, Alex, and David Upshal. The Hip-Hop Years: A History of Rap. London: Channel 4 Books, 1999; Toop, David. Rap Attack # 3: African Rap to Global Hip Hop. London: Serpent's Tail, 2000; Gonzales, Michael A. 'Hip-Hop Nation: From Rockin' the House to Planet Rock' in Crossroads. Seattle, Marquand Books, 2000. 2. Note: The relation of this quote to the practice of graffiti writing was previously outlined in Richard Higgins article 'Machines, Big and Little' available at http://www.arts.monash.edu.au/gsandss/sl... My discovery of this essay occurred during my research and whilst my own analysis takes a different approach I am obviously compelled to acknowledge my familiarity with this excellent piece of work. 3. Although this situation is rapidly changing as railway's status as public property is being slowly compromised as its running is increasingly handled by the private sector. References Baker, Houston A. jr. (1993) Black Studies, Rap, and the Academy. Black Literature and Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Castleman, Craig. (1984) Getting Up: Subway Graffiti in New York. New York: MIT Press. Chalfant, Henry, and James Prigoff. (1987) Spraycan Art. New York, N.Y.: Thames and Hudson. Colebrook, Claire. (2001) Gilles Deleuze. London: Routledge. Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. (1987) A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Brian Massumi. London: Athlone Press. Deleuze, Gilles and Félix Guattari. (1994) What Is Philosophy? Trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Graham Burchill. New York: Columbia University Press. George, Nelson. (1998) Hip Hop America. London: Penguin. Gonzales, Michael A. (2000) 'Hip-Hop Nation: From Rockin' the House to Planet Rock.' Crossroads. Seattle: Marquand Books. Light, Alan. (1999) The Vibe History of Hip Hop. Three Rivers Press, New York. Ogg, Alex, and David Upshal. (1999) The Hip-Hop Years: A History of Rap. London: Channel 4 Books. Poschardt, Ulf. (1998) DJ Culture. Trans. Shaun Whiteside. London: Quartet Books. Toop, David. (2000) Rap Attack # 3: African Rap to Global Hip Hop. London: Serpent's Tail. Wimsatt, William. (1994) 'Upski'. Bomb the Suburbs. New York: Soft Skull Press. Links http://www.arts.monash.edu.au/gsandss/slavic/papers/rhizome.html. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Scannell, John. "Becoming-City" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/becoming.php>. Chicago Style Scannell, John, "Becoming-City" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/becoming.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Bennett, Simon A.. (2002) A City Divided. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/divided.php> ([your date of access]).

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By the time you read this, it will be wrong. Things seemed to be moving so fast in these first days after airplanes crashed into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and the Pennsylvania earth. Each certainty is as carelessly dropped as it was once carelessly assumed. The sounds of lower Manhattan that used to serve as white noise for residents—sirens, screeches, screams—are no longer signs without a referent. Instead, they make folks stare and stop, hurry and hustle, wondering whether the noises we know so well are in fact, this time, coefficients of a new reality. At the time of writing, the events themselves are also signs without referents—there has been no direct claim of responsibility, and little proof offered by accusers since the 11th. But it has been assumed that there is a link to US foreign policy, its military and economic presence in the Arab world, and opposition to it that seeks revenge. In the intervening weeks the US media and the war planners have supplied their own narrow frameworks, making New York’s “ground zero” into the starting point for a new escalation of global violence. We want to write here about the combination of sources and sensations that came that day, and the jumble of knowledges and emotions that filled our minds. Working late the night before, Toby was awoken in the morning by one of the planes right overhead. That happens sometimes. I have long expected a crash when I’ve heard the roar of jet engines so close—but I didn’t this time. Often when that sound hits me, I get up and go for a run down by the water, just near Wall Street. Something kept me back that day. Instead, I headed for my laptop. Because I cannot rely on local media to tell me very much about the role of the US in world affairs, I was reading the British newspaper The Guardian on-line when it flashed a two-line report about the planes. I looked up at the calendar above my desk to see whether it was April 1st. Truly. Then I got off-line and turned on the TV to watch CNN. That second, the phone rang. My quasi-ex-girlfriend I’m still in love with called from the mid-West. She was due to leave that day for the Bay Area. Was I alright? We spoke for a bit. She said my cell phone was out, and indeed it was for the remainder of the day. As I hung up from her, my friend Ana rang, tearful and concerned. Her husband, Patrick, had left an hour before for work in New Jersey, and it seemed like a dangerous separation. All separations were potentially fatal that day. You wanted to know where everyone was, every minute. She told me she had been trying to contact Palestinian friends who worked and attended school near the event—their ethnic, religious, and national backgrounds made for real poignancy, as we both thought of the prejudice they would (probably) face, regardless of the eventual who/what/when/where/how of these events. We agreed to meet at Bruno’s, a bakery on La Guardia Place. For some reason I really took my time, though, before getting to Ana. I shampooed and shaved under the shower. This was a horror, and I needed to look my best, even as men and women were losing and risking their lives. I can only interpret what I did as an attempt to impose normalcy and control on the situation, on my environment. When I finally made it down there, she’d located our friends. They were safe. We stood in the street and watched the Towers. Horrified by the sight of human beings tumbling to their deaths, we turned to buy a tea/coffee—again some ludicrous normalization—but were drawn back by chilling screams from the street. Racing outside, we saw the second Tower collapse, and clutched at each other. People were streaming towards us from further downtown. We decided to be with our Palestinian friends in their apartment. When we arrived, we learnt that Mark had been four minutes away from the WTC when the first plane hit. I tried to call my daughter in London and my father in Canberra, but to no avail. I rang the mid-West, and asked my maybe-former novia to call England and Australia to report in on me. Our friend Jenine got through to relatives on the West Bank. Israeli tanks had commenced a bombardment there, right after the planes had struck New York. Family members spoke to her from under the kitchen table, where they were taking refuge from the shelling of their house. Then we gave ourselves over to television, like so many others around the world, even though these events were happening only a mile away. We wanted to hear official word, but there was just a huge absence—Bush was busy learning to read in Florida, then leading from the front in Louisiana and Nebraska. As the day wore on, we split up and regrouped, meeting folks. One guy was in the subway when smoke filled the car. Noone could breathe properly, people were screaming, and his only thought was for his dog DeNiro back in Brooklyn. From the panic of the train, he managed to call his mom on a cell to ask her to feed “DeNiro” that night, because it looked like he wouldn’t get home. A pregnant woman feared for her unborn as she fled the blasts, pushing the stroller with her baby in it as she did so. Away from these heart-rending tales from strangers, there was the fear: good grief, what horrible price would the US Government extract for this, and who would be the overt and covert agents and targets of that suffering? What blood-lust would this generate? What would be the pattern of retaliation and counter-retaliation? What would become of civil rights and cultural inclusiveness? So a jumble of emotions came forward, I assume in all of us. Anger was not there for me, just intense sorrow, shock, and fear, and the desire for intimacy. Network television appeared to offer me that, but in an ultimately unsatisfactory way. For I think I saw the end-result of reality TV that day. I have since decided to call this ‘emotionalization’—network TV’s tendency to substitute analysis of US politics and economics with a stress on feelings. Of course, powerful emotions have been engaged by this horror, and there is value in addressing that fact and letting out the pain. I certainly needed to do so. But on that day and subsequent ones, I looked to the networks, traditional sources of current-affairs knowledge, for just that—informed, multi-perspectival journalism that would allow me to make sense of my feelings, and come to a just and reasoned decision about how the US should respond. I waited in vain. No such commentary came forward. Just a lot of asinine inquiries from reporters that were identical to those they pose to basketballers after a game: Question—‘How do you feel now?’ Answer—‘God was with me today.’ For the networks were insistent on asking everyone in sight how they felt about the end of las torres gemelas. In this case, we heard the feelings of survivors, firefighters, viewers, media mavens, Republican and Democrat hacks, and vacuous Beltway state-of-the-nation pundits. But learning of the military-political economy, global inequality, and ideologies and organizations that made for our grief and loss—for that, there was no space. TV had forgotten how to do it. My principal feeling soon became one of frustration. So I headed back to where I began the day—The Guardian web site, where I was given insightful analysis of the messy factors of history, religion, economics, and politics that had created this situation. As I dealt with the tragedy of folks whose lives had been so cruelly lost, I pondered what it would take for this to stop. Or whether this was just the beginning. I knew one thing—the answers wouldn’t come from mainstream US television, no matter how full of feelings it was. And that made Toby anxious. And afraid. He still is. And so the dreams come. In one, I am suddenly furloughed from my job with an orchestra, as audience numbers tumble. I make my evening-wear way to my locker along with the other players, emptying it of bubble gum and instrument. The next night, I see a gigantic, fifty-feet high wave heading for the city beach where I’ve come to swim. Somehow I am sheltered behind a huge wall, as all the people around me die. Dripping, I turn to find myself in a media-stereotype “crack house” of the early ’90s—desperate-looking black men, endless doorways, sudden police arrival, and my earnest search for a passport that will explain away my presence. I awake in horror, to the realization that the passport was already open and stamped—racialization at work for Toby, every day and in every way, as a white man in New York City. Ana’s husband, Patrick, was at work ten miles from Manhattan when “it” happened. In the hallway, I overheard some talk about two planes crashing, but went to teach anyway in my usual morning stupor. This was just the usual chatter of disaster junkies. I didn’t hear the words, “World Trade Center” until ten thirty, at the end of the class at the college I teach at in New Jersey, across the Hudson river. A friend and colleague walked in and told me the news of the attack, to which I replied “You must be fucking joking.” He was a little offended. Students were milling haphazardly on the campus in the late summer weather, some looking panicked like me. My first thought was of some general failure of the air-traffic control system. There must be planes falling out of the sky all over the country. Then the height of the towers: how far towards our apartment in Greenwich Village would the towers fall? Neither of us worked in the financial district a mile downtown, but was Ana safe? Where on the college campus could I see what was happening? I recognized the same physical sensation I had felt the morning after Hurricane Andrew in Miami seeing at a distance the wreckage of our shattered apartment across a suburban golf course strewn with debris and flattened power lines. Now I was trapped in the suburbs again at an unbridgeable distance from my wife and friends who were witnessing the attacks first hand. Were they safe? What on earth was going on? This feeling of being cut off, my path to the familiar places of home blocked, remained for weeks my dominant experience of the disaster. In my office, phone calls to the city didn’t work. There were six voice-mail messages from my teenaged brother Alex in small-town England giving a running commentary on the attack and its aftermath that he was witnessing live on television while I dutifully taught my writing class. “Hello, Patrick, where are you? Oh my god, another plane just hit the towers. Where are you?” The web was choked: no access to newspapers online. Email worked, but no one was wasting time writing. My office window looked out over a soccer field to the still woodlands of western New Jersey: behind me to the east the disaster must be unfolding. Finally I found a website with a live stream from ABC television, which I watched flickering and stilted on the tiny screen. It had all already happened: both towers already collapsed, the Pentagon attacked, another plane shot down over Pennsylvania, unconfirmed reports said, there were other hijacked aircraft still out there unaccounted for. Manhattan was sealed off. George Washington Bridge, Lincoln and Holland tunnels, all the bridges and tunnels from New Jersey I used to mock shut down. Police actions sealed off the highways into “the city.” The city I liked to think of as the capital of the world was cut off completely from the outside, suddenly vulnerable and under siege. There was no way to get home. The phone rang abruptly and Alex, three thousand miles away, told me he had spoken to Ana earlier and she was safe. After a dozen tries, I managed to get through and spoke to her, learning that she and Toby had seen people jumping and then the second tower fall. Other friends had been even closer. Everyone was safe, we thought. I sat for another couple of hours in my office uselessly. The news was incoherent, stories contradictory, loops of the planes hitting the towers only just ready for recycling. The attacks were already being transformed into “the World Trade Center Disaster,” not yet the ahistorical singularity of the emergency “nine one one.” Stranded, I had to spend the night in New Jersey at my boss’s house, reminded again of the boundless generosity of Americans to relative strangers. In an effort to protect his young son from the as yet unfiltered images saturating cable and Internet, my friend’s TV set was turned off and we did our best to reassure. We listened surreptitiously to news bulletins on AM radio, hoping that the roads would open. Walking the dog with my friend’s wife and son we crossed a park on the ridge on which Upper Montclair sits. Ten miles away a huge column of smoke was rising from lower Manhattan, where the stunning absence of the towers was clearly visible. The summer evening was unnervingly still. We kicked a soccer ball around on the front lawn and a woman walked distracted by, shocked and pale up the tree-lined suburban street, suffering her own wordless trauma. I remembered that though most of my students were ordinary working people, Montclair is a well-off dormitory for the financial sector and high rises of Wall Street and Midtown. For the time being, this was a white-collar disaster. I slept a short night in my friend’s house, waking to hope I had dreamed it all, and took the commuter train in with shell-shocked bankers and corporate types. All men, all looking nervously across the river toward glimpses of the Manhattan skyline as the train neared Hoboken. “I can’t believe they’re making us go in,” one guy had repeated on the station platform. He had watched the attacks from his office in Midtown, “The whole thing.” Inside the train we all sat in silence. Up from the PATH train station on 9th street I came onto a carless 6th Avenue. At 14th street barricades now sealed off downtown from the rest of the world. I walked down the middle of the avenue to a newspaper stand; the Indian proprietor shrugged “No deliveries below 14th.” I had not realized that the closer to the disaster you came, the less information would be available. Except, I assumed, for the evidence of my senses. But at 8 am the Village was eerily still, few people about, nothing in the sky, including the twin towers. I walked to Houston Street, which was full of trucks and police vehicles. Tractor trailers sat carrying concrete barriers. Below Houston, each street into Soho was barricaded and manned by huddles of cops. I had walked effortlessly up into the “lockdown,” but this was the “frozen zone.” There was no going further south towards the towers. I walked the few blocks home, found my wife sleeping, and climbed into bed, still in my clothes from the day before. “Your heart is racing,” she said. I realized that I hadn’t known if I would get back, and now I never wanted to leave again; it was still only eight thirty am. Lying there, I felt the terrible wonder of a distant bystander for the first-hand witness. Ana’s face couldn’t tell me what she had seen. I felt I needed to know more, to see and understand. Even though I knew the effort was useless: I could never bridge that gap that had trapped me ten miles away, my back turned to the unfolding disaster. The television was useless: we don’t have cable, and the mast on top of the North Tower, which Ana had watched fall, had relayed all the network channels. I knew I had to go down and see the wreckage. Later I would realize how lucky I had been not to suffer from “disaster envy.” Unbelievably, in retrospect, I commuted into work the second day after the attack, dogged by the same unnerving sensation that I would not get back—to the wounded, humbled former center of the world. My students were uneasy, all talked out. I was a novelty, a New Yorker living in the Village a mile from the towers, but I was forty-eight hours late. Out of place in both places. I felt torn up, but not angry. Back in the city at night, people were eating and drinking with a vengeance, the air filled with acrid sicklysweet smoke from the burning wreckage. Eyes stang and nose ran with a bitter acrid taste. Who knows what we’re breathing in, we joked nervously. A friend’s wife had fallen out with him for refusing to wear a protective mask in the house. He shrugged a wordlessly reassuring smile. What could any of us do? I walked with Ana down to the top of West Broadway from where the towers had commanded the skyline over SoHo; downtown dense smoke blocked the view to the disaster. A crowd of onlookers pushed up against the barricades all day, some weeping, others gawping. A tall guy was filming the grieving faces with a video camera, which was somehow the worst thing of all, the first sign of the disaster tourism that was already mushrooming downtown. Across the street an Asian artist sat painting the street scene in streaky black and white; he had scrubbed out two white columns where the towers would have been. “That’s the first thing I’ve seen that’s made me feel any better,” Ana said. We thanked him, but he shrugged blankly, still in shock I supposed. On the Friday, the clampdown. I watched the Mayor and Police Chief hold a press conference in which they angrily told the stream of volunteers to “ground zero” that they weren’t needed. “We can handle this ourselves. We thank you. But we don’t need your help,” Commissioner Kerik said. After the free-for-all of the first couple of days, with its amazing spontaneities and common gestures of goodwill, the clampdown was going into effect. I decided to go down to Canal Street and see if it was true that no one was welcome anymore. So many paths through the city were blocked now. “Lock down, frozen zone, war zone, the site, combat zone, ground zero, state troopers, secured perimeter, national guard, humvees, family center”: a disturbing new vocabulary that seemed to stamp the logic of Giuliani’s sanitized and over-policed Manhattan onto the wounded hulk of the city. The Mayor had been magnificent in the heat of the crisis; Churchillian, many were saying—and indeed, Giuliani quickly appeared on the cover of Cigar Afficionado, complete with wing collar and the misquotation from Kipling, “Captain Courageous.” Churchill had not believed in peacetime politics either, and he never got over losing his empire. Now the regime of command and control over New York’s citizens and its economy was being stabilized and reimposed. The sealed-off, disfigured, and newly militarized spaces of the New York through which I have always loved to wander at all hours seemed to have been put beyond reach for the duration. And, in the new post-“9/11” post-history, the duration could last forever. The violence of the attacks seemed to have elicited a heavy-handed official reaction that sought to contain and constrict the best qualities of New York. I felt more anger at the clampdown than I did at the demolition of the towers. I knew this was unreasonable, but I feared the reaction, the spread of the racial harassment and racial profiling that I had already heard of from my students in New Jersey. This militarizing of the urban landscape seemed to negate the sprawling, freewheeling, boundless largesse and tolerance on which New York had complacently claimed a monopoly. For many the towers stood for that as well, not just as the monumental outposts of global finance that had been attacked. Could the American flag mean something different? For a few days, perhaps—on the helmets of firemen and construction workers. But not for long. On the Saturday, I found an unmanned barricade way east along Canal Street and rode my bike past throngs of Chinatown residents, by the Federal jail block where prisoners from the first World Trade Center bombing were still being held. I headed south and west towards Tribeca; below the barricades in the frozen zone, you could roam freely, the cops and soldiers assuming you belonged there. I felt uneasy, doubting my own motives for being there, feeling the blood drain from my head in the same numbing shock I’d felt every time I headed downtown towards the site. I looped towards Greenwich Avenue, passing an abandoned bank full of emergency supplies and boxes of protective masks. Crushed cars still smeared with pulverized concrete and encrusted with paperwork strewn by the blast sat on the street near the disabled telephone exchange. On one side of the avenue stood a horde of onlookers, on the other television crews, all looking two blocks south towards a colossal pile of twisted and smoking steel, seven stories high. We were told to stay off the street by long-suffering national guardsmen and women with southern accents, kids. Nothing happening, just the aftermath. The TV crews were interviewing worn-out, dust-covered volunteers and firemen who sat quietly leaning against the railings of a park filled with scraps of paper. Out on the West Side highway, a high-tech truck was offering free cellular phone calls. The six lanes by the river were full of construction machinery and military vehicles. Ambulances rolled slowly uptown, bodies inside? I locked my bike redundantly to a lamppost and crossed under the hostile gaze of plainclothes police to another media encampment. On the path by the river, two camera crews were complaining bitterly in the heat. “After five days of this I’ve had enough.” They weren’t talking about the trauma, bodies, or the wreckage, but censorship. “Any blue light special gets to roll right down there, but they see your press pass and it’s get outta here. I’ve had enough.” I fronted out the surly cops and ducked under the tape onto the path, walking onto a Pier on which we’d spent many lazy afternoons watching the river at sunset. Dust everywhere, police boats docked and waiting, a crane ominously dredging mud into a barge. I walked back past the camera operators onto the highway and walked up to an interview in process. Perfectly composed, a fire chief and his crew from some small town in upstate New York were politely declining to give details about what they’d seen at “ground zero.” The men’s faces were dust streaked, their eyes slightly dazed with the shock of a horror previously unimaginable to most Americans. They were here to help the best they could, now they’d done as much as anyone could. “It’s time for us to go home.” The chief was eloquent, almost rehearsed in his precision. It was like a Magnum press photo. But he was refusing to cooperate with the media’s obsessive emotionalism. I walked down the highway, joining construction workers, volunteers, police, and firemen in their hundreds at Chambers Street. No one paid me any attention; it was absurd. I joined several other watchers on the stairs by Stuyvesant High School, which was now the headquarters for the recovery crews. Just two or three blocks away, the huge jagged teeth of the towers’ beautiful tracery lurched out onto the highway above huge mounds of debris. The TV images of the shattered scene made sense as I placed them into what was left of a familiar Sunday afternoon geography of bike rides and walks by the river, picnics in the park lying on the grass and gazing up at the infinite solidity of the towers. Demolished. It was breathtaking. If “they” could do that, they could do anything. Across the street at tables military policeman were checking credentials of the milling volunteers and issuing the pink and orange tags that gave access to ground zero. Without warning, there was a sudden stampede running full pelt up from the disaster site, men and women in fatigues, burly construction workers, firemen in bunker gear. I ran a few yards then stopped. Other people milled around idly, ignoring the panic, smoking and talking in low voices. It was a mainly white, blue-collar scene. All these men wearing flags and carrying crowbars and flashlights. In their company, the intolerance and rage I associated with flags and construction sites was nowhere to be seen. They were dealing with a torn and twisted otherness that dwarfed machismo or bigotry. I talked to a moustachioed, pony-tailed construction worker who’d hitched a ride from the mid-west to “come and help out.” He was staying at the Y, he said, it was kind of rough. “Have you been down there?” he asked, pointing towards the wreckage. “You’re British, you weren’t in World War Two were you?” I replied in the negative. “It’s worse ’n that. I went down last night and you can’t imagine it. You don’t want to see it if you don’t have to.” Did I know any welcoming ladies? he asked. The Y was kind of tough. When I saw TV images of President Bush speaking to the recovery crews and steelworkers at “ground zero” a couple of days later, shouting through a bullhorn to chants of “USA, USA” I knew nothing had changed. New York’s suffering was subject to a second hijacking by the brokers of national unity. New York had never been America, and now its terrible human loss and its great humanity were redesignated in the name of the nation, of the coming war. The signs without a referent were being forcibly appropriated, locked into an impoverished patriotic framework, interpreted for “us” by a compliant media and an opportunistic regime eager to reign in civil liberties, to unloose its war machine and tighten its grip on the Muslim world. That day, drawn to the river again, I had watched F18 fighter jets flying patterns over Manhattan as Bush’s helicopters came in across the river. Otherwise empty of air traffic, “our” skies were being torn up by the military jets: it was somehow the worst sight yet, worse than the wreckage or the bands of disaster tourists on Canal Street, a sign of further violence yet to come. There was a carrier out there beyond New York harbor, there to protect us: the bruising, blustering city once open to all comers. That felt worst of all. In the intervening weeks, we have seen other, more unstable ways of interpreting the signs of September 11 and its aftermath. Many have circulated on the Internet, past the blockages and blockades placed on urban spaces and intellectual life. Karl-Heinz Stockhausen’s work was banished (at least temporarily) from the canon of avant-garde electronic music when he described the attack on las torres gemelas as akin to a work of art. If Jacques Derrida had described it as an act of deconstruction (turning technological modernity literally in on itself), or Jean Baudrillard had announced that the event was so thick with mediation it had not truly taken place, something similar would have happened to them (and still may). This is because, as Don DeLillo so eloquently put it in implicit reaction to the plaintive cry “Why do they hate us?”: “it is the power of American culture to penetrate every wall, home, life and mind”—whether via military action or cultural iconography. All these positions are correct, however grisly and annoying they may be. What GK Chesterton called the “flints and tiles” of nineteenth-century European urban existence were rent asunder like so many victims of high-altitude US bombing raids. As a First-World disaster, it became knowable as the first-ever US “ground zero” such precisely through the high premium immediately set on the lives of Manhattan residents and the rarefied discussion of how to commemorate the high-altitude towers. When, a few weeks later, an American Airlines plane crashed on take-off from Queens, that borough was left open to all comers. Manhattan was locked down, flown over by “friendly” bombers. In stark contrast to the open if desperate faces on the street of 11 September, people went about their business with heads bowed even lower than is customary. Contradictory deconstructions and valuations of Manhattan lives mean that September 11 will live in infamy and hyper-knowability. The vengeful United States government and population continue on their way. Local residents must ponder insurance claims, real-estate values, children’s terrors, and their own roles in something beyond their ken. New York had been forced beyond being the center of the financial world. It had become a military target, a place that was receiving as well as dispatching the slings and arrows of global fortune. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Deer, Patrick and Miller, Toby. "A Day That Will Live In … ?" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.1 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/adaythat.php>. Chicago Style Deer, Patrick and Miller, Toby, "A Day That Will Live In … ?" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 1 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/adaythat.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Deer, Patrick and Miller, Toby. (2002) A Day That Will Live In … ?. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(1). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/adaythat.php> ([your date of access]).

This article aims to analyse an intercultural telephone invitation given by a Chinese tutor to an Australian student, and highlight general principles of intercultural invitations. This anecdote is based on a true story that took place in a university in Australia, but the persons' names used here are fictitious for the sake of confidentiality. Below is the transcript of the actual conversation between the Chinese tutor Dr Lin Liang (L) and his student Catherine Jones (C): C: Catherine speaking. L: Hi, Catherine, this is Lin. C: Hi, Teacher Lin. L: I would like to invite you to our New Year's party to be held in my house this Saturday evening. C: This Saturday? I am afraid I won't be able to make it because I am going to my best friend's birthday party. L: You know this is the end of our school year. It would be so nice for all of our classmates to gather together. C: But I have already promised my friend. L: En... It is a pity... C: Sorry about that, but -- L: Never mind. Enjoy your party then. C: Thanks. L: That's OK, bye. C: Bye. However, the story does not end here. About two hours later, Dr Lin rang Catherine a second time, asking if it was still possible for her to consider attending the Saturday party. Late in the evening around 9.00 pm, Dr Lin rang her yet again to invite her to the party, saying it would be OK even if she stayed just for a short while. The next day, Catherine lodged a complaint with the Dean, alleging that Dr. Lin's repeated calls constituted sexual harassment. Dr. Lin was highly distressed to learn of the complaint, and explained that he just wanted to indicate sincerity and warmth as required by an invitation, and had no other intentions. This communication breakdown invites a number of questions: What are the factors underlying Catherine's interpretation that Dr. Lin's repeated calls constituted sexual harassment? What are the factors underlying Dr. Lin's contention that his actions were intended to emphasise his sincerity? What factors would need to be recognised in order to facilitate culturally competent performances on both their parts? In order to answer these questions, this article will adopt a holistic approach based on an analytic framework encompassing three theoretical dimensions. This framework is comprised as follows: Differences in intercultural exchange and politeness behaviour; Aristotle's distinction between the three orientations of persuasive/rhetorical appeal; ethos, pathos, and logos; Austin and Searle's theory of speech acts, as applied to politeness behaviour and felicity conditions in communicative interaction as applied to the act of inviting. These approaches are conceptualised as three overlapping spheres, and their relatedness can be further illustrated: Figure 1 First and foremost, the case study in question is related to an intercultural interaction between the Australian and Chinese culture, and some research findings in relevant areas may help highlight the differences in politeness behaviour between high-context and low-context cultures (Hall). According to Hall, high-context cultures such as Chinese tend to stress the use of internalised or implicit message while low-context cultures tend to emphasise the use of explicit messages. In other words, in Chinese culture, the message may have some shared implied meanings that may go beyond the linguistic forms used in the message. Kaplan's model on oriental circularity and western linearity seemed to in accordance with Hall's model. Young's exploration of the directness and indirectness of American and Chinese requests further substantiated this point. In a similar way, differences may arise in determining the criteria for appropriate behaviour relating to the use of other directives across cultures. As Gao and Ting-Toomey suggest, Chinese culture seems to pay attention to qing (reciprocity and feelings of obligation) and guanxi (relationship building), while in low-context cultures such a stress tends to be missing. This difference may also help explain the differences in communicative patterns as discussed by Kaplan and Young. Zhu found that in making a sales offer, Chinese companies often try to establish a long-term relationship with their clients ("Structural Moves"). In contrast, Australian companies seem to mainly focus on promoting products. The stress on qing in Chinese culture may also be a crucial factor that contributes to the different criteria for a polite invitation as compared to the Australian culture. The following discussion will further explore the other two parameters (see Figure 1) the two cultures differ in when making an invitation, which may have finally led to the breakdown in communication between Dr. Lin and Catherine. As shown in Figure 1, the argument underpinning this approach is that a given illocutionary act reflects culture-specific preferences for certain persuasive/rhetorical orientations, thereby affecting the socio-linguistic performance, i.e. parole as opposed to langue (Cullen) related to politeness principles. In short, the persuasive/rhetorical orientation varies between cultures, which means that the nature of ostensibly equivalent illocutionary acts also varies. Consequently, cross-cultural competence will be limited unless one is aware of the rhetorical and politeness codes implicit in the performance of certain communicative actions. Note that rhetorical orientation may also influence the politeness behaviour directly as a specification of that orientation. This in turn requires an awareness of cultural preferences toward certain persuasive/rhetorical orientations. The interconnections between them and the theoretical utility of this approach will be made explicit in the course of this discussion. Austin and Searle conceptualise the speech acts as comprising of locution (langue) and illocution (parole). What is of vital importance is the illocutionary force of an utterance which is the performance of a speech act, such as an invitation. According to Searle, an invitation is a directive used to get the addressee to do something. Invitation can be understood as a particular form of persuasive speech act. It is generally intended to produce a particular response (i.e. acceptance). As an illocutionary action, an invitation seeks to establish a relationship of social expectations between the host and invitee. This requires certain felicity conditions to be met. In other words, for the speech act to be socially significant, it must create a shared sense of meaning in regard to some perceived change or modification to existing social relations. These are often so obvious that they require little explanation. However, felicity conditions in speech-acts are culture-specific and may include rhetorical and politeness devices that are not obvious to other cultures. Politeness behaviour in invitations, related to using appropriate language forms, is an important element in competent illocutionary performance. Leech contends that polite illocutions are likely to be seen as minimising the addressee's cost and maximising his/her benefits, and the opposite is true for the addresser. Politeness behaviour can also be further explained in the light of Brown and Levinson's face-saving theory. Many actions we perform with words are potential face-threatening acts, such as requests and invitations (Brown and Levinson). The addresser is thus often confronted with negative face wants and has to address them by applying Leech's principles, in which maximising the addressee's benefits is the dominant strategy to gain politeness. However, strategies to maximise the addressee's benefits can be culture-specific. This is further connected to the persuasive/rhetorical orientation. Based on Aristotle, the appeal from ethos emphasises the persuader's (host's) character and status or other social conventions which might oblige compliance. The appeal from pathos emphasises emotion/feelings (either positive or negative) in inducing the desired response. The appeal from logos emphasises reason and the logical consistency of the proposal with the ideas and motives of the persuadee (invitee). Moran and Stripp found that western cultures tend to have a logical orientation, while others such as Japanese and Chinese tend to be characterised by emotional or dogmatic orientations. In a similar manner, Chinese scholars seem to address ethos, logos and pathos at the same time, in particular the logos and pathos. These principles remain a well-accepted principle in Chinese writing theories. Li, for example, clearly explicates the persuasive principle in writing as qing li (the combination of the emotional and logical approaches). The explicitly preferred qing (feelings/emotions) can be seen as part of the Confucian values relating to harmony, consensus and relationship building as noted by Hofstede and Bond. The different rhetorical orientations are also further explored by Campbell. This difference may suggest that the preferred rhetorical orientations are also a key aspect underpinning competent illocutionary performance. For example in Chinese invitations, a stress on the emotional approach may validate behaviours such as repeating the invitation even after initial refusal. However, a stress on the logical orientation, such as in western cultures, may negate the validity of these politeness conditions. This clearly points out the necessity of understanding the criteria for competent performance across cultures. The felicity conditions of invitation in Euro-Australian culture require, first, that the potential host be in a legitimate position to offer hospitality, and second, that the potential guest be -- at least theoretically -- able and willing to accept. Thirdly, the locutionary form of politeness requires use of conventionally appropriate terms of address and wording. The illocutionary form requires that the host symbolically offer hospitality to the invitee without the imposition of charges or other demands. Furthermore, the implied benefit to the invitee would ideally be achieved though implied cost to the host (even if the invitee is addressed as if their presence constitutes the bestowal of a favour). Fourthly, depending on the nature of the relationship between the host and invitee, certain persuasive/rhetorical orientations are preferred over others (eg. an appeal to emotion may seem out of place in formal invitation). The initial invitation meets these criteria. Dr. Lin offers and Catherine declines, citing a plausible and legitimate reason for being unavailable. From Catherine's perspective, the felicity conditions for invitation are now redundant. She has already declined in a manner which makes it clear that she is socially obliged to be elsewhere. From a persuasive/rhetorical perspective, the first invitation was primarily based on an appeal from logos/reason. i.e. Dr. Lin did not know that Catherine had already committed herself to other plans and it would be reasonable to suppose that she might appreciate being invited to a social occasion. This was backed up by a secondary appeal from pathos/emotion, whereby Dr. Lin pointed out that it would be nice for the whole class to get together. However, the priority of attending a best friend's birthday-party over-rides both these appeals. In Euro-Australian culture, close personal friends enjoy greater social priority than classmates or more distant associates. For Dr. Lin, however, the politeness criteria for invitation were still applicable. From a Chinese cultural perspective, the illocutionary performance of invitation may require repetition of the offer, even if the initial approach has been declined. According to Zhu (Business Communication), in Chinese culture repeating invitations is an accepted ritual to indicate sincerity and hospitality. Thus in Dr. Lin's view the second approach is required to perform the illocutionary act competently. The persuasive appeal, however, has become oriented toward ethos, reflecting Chinese conventions pertaining to politeness behaviour. For Dr. Lin not to repeat the invitation might suggest that Catherine's presence was of merely casual concern. Therefore the sincerity of the invitation demanded the gesture of repetition, regardless of the logical grounds cited for the initial refusal. Unfortunately, Dr. Lin and Catherine perceive the second invitation in very different ways based on the illocutionary performance criteria of their respective cultures. For Catherine, the logical basis for her initial refusal renders Dr. Lin's performance incompetent, and creates uncertainty about his apparent motives. In Euro-Australian culture, the repeated invitation makes no logical sense, since a perfectly legitimate reason for declining has already been provided. Therefore the communicative action cannot be interpreted as an invitation. If it is, then it is performed in a culturally incompetent fashion which could legitimately be construed as pestering. Repeating an invitation which has already been declined may appear to be an emotional appeal. While an illocutionary invitation based on pathos conceivably may be competent in Euro-Australian culture, the only circumstances that it would occur in is between relatively close friends. The power-relations between Catherine, as student, and Dr. Lin, as tutor, precludes felicity in this case. Thus the same locutionary action is interpreted as two quite different illocutionary actions. This depends on the interpreter's culturally specific understanding of the social significance of the locution. Since Catherine's cultural conventions would implicitly deny the validity of a repeated invitation, the communicative action must be construed as something else. Catherine may have classified the repeated invitation as a minor issue of little consequence. However, when Dr. Lin called her up to invite her a third time, she interpreted the illocutionary act as harassment. From a contemporary Euro-Australian perspective, pestering may be irritating, but harassment is political in nature. Three factors lead Catherine to this conclusion. First, after two previous declinations, the third invitation could not fulfil the illocutionary performance criteria of a legitimate invitation. In particular, the persuasive/rhetorical orientation of the repeated appeals were not oriented toward logos, as befits the formality of the lecturer-student relation. Indeed, it was Dr. Lin's apparent attempt to approach Catherine in a non-formal manner (apparently oriented toward pathos rather than logos) which led her to this interpretation. Second, the fact that Dr. Lin' social status is higher than Catherine's introduced the problem of the implicit power-relations in the discourse. For Catherine, the third invitation was intrusive and pushy, and it seemed that her explanations had been ignored. The evening call demanded that she re-engage in the discourse of day-time student-tutor power-relations. Since she is subordinate to Dr. Lin, other strategies through which she might have asserted her rights may have carried the risk of subsequent disfavour. However, she obviously resented what she perceived as an attempt to inappropriately use status to interfere with her personal affairs and sought out higher authority to rectify the situation, hence the complaint of harassment made to the Dean. Ironically, Dr. Lin's third invitation in the evening may well have been intended to reduce the social distance between himself and Catherine created by workplace space-time power-relations. For Dr. Lin, the first invitation expressed the illocutionary intent. The second call made sure that the invitee was made to feel assured of the sincerity of the invitation, and the third ring expressed the would-be host's appreciation. Establishing a host-guest relationship is a key illocutionary function in Chinese invitation. Note though, that there may also be a 'face' consideration here. Dr. Lin attempts to facilitate Catherine's attendance by pointing out that it would be acceptable to attend for a brief period. This suggests a re-emphasis on the orientation to logos, since it points out a compromise which allows Catherine to attend both parties. It also allowed Dr. Lin to save 'face' by not having his invitation totally disregarded. However, it failed as an illocutionary performance because the felicity conditions for polite invitation had already been violated as far as Catherine was concerned, even though they remained intact throughout for Dr. Lin. In conclusion, it can be seen from the above analysis of the communication breakdown that persuasive orientations and politeness principles are interrelated and culturally sensitive. Euro-Australian culture stresses the logical orientation in illocutionary performance whereas Chinese culture seems to emphasise both the logical and emotional approaches. Without a recognition of this difference, specific politeness behaviours in intercultural invitations can lead to illocutionary incompetence. This has been exemplified by Catherine's misconstrual of Dr. Lin's intended invitation-performance as harassment. Therefore in intercultural communication, one ought not to judge a speech act such as an invitation based on one's own culture's felicity conditions. First and foremost, a basic understanding of persuasive orientations between cultures is essential. With appropriate understanding of these principles one can avoid misinterpreting the intent of the addresser, thus overcoming barriers in intercultural communication. Specifically, further appreciation of the interplay between rhetorical orientation, politeness codes and felicity conditions in illocutionary performances in different cultures is required for a fuller comprehension of potential cross-cultural incompetence. With this in mind, greater tolerance can be achieved, and intercultural competence enhanced. References Aristotle. Aristotle on Rhetoric: A Theory of Civic Discourse. Trans. George A. Kennedy. New York: Oxford UP, 1991. Austin, John. L. How to Do Things with Words. New York: Oxford UP, 1962. Brown, Penelope, and Stephen C. Levinson. Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1987. Campbell, Charles. P. "Rhetorical Ethos: A Bridge between High-Context and Low-Context Cultures? The Cultural Context in Business Communication. Eds. Susanne Niemeier, Charles P. Campbell and René Dirven. Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1998. 31-47. Cullen, Johnathan. Saussure. 2nd ed. London: Fontana, 1985. Ge Gao, and S. Ting-Toomey. Communicating Effectively with the Chinese. Thousand Oaks: Sage, 1998. Hall, E. T. Beyond Culture. Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1977. Hofstede, G., and M. H. Bond. "The Confucius Connection: From Cultural Roots to Economic Growth." Organisational Dynamics 16.4 (1988): 4-21. Kaplan, R. B. "Cultural Thought Patterns in Inter-Cultural Education." Language Learning 16 (1966): 1-20. Leech, Geoffery. Principles of Pragmatics. New York: Longman, 1983. Li Xiaoming. "Good Writing" in Cross-Cultural Context. Albany, NY: State U of New York P, 1996. Moran, R. T., and W. G. Stripp. Successful International Business Negotiations. Houston: Gulf, 1991. Searle, John R. Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1969. Young, Linda Wai Ling, ed. Crosstalk and Culture in Sino-American Communication. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1994. Zhu Yunxia. Business Communication in China. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 1999. ---. Structural Moves Reflected in English and Chinese Sales Letters. Discourse Studies (In Press). Citation reference for this article MLA style: Zhu Yunxia, Peter Thompson. "Invitation or Sexual Harassment? An Analysis of an Intercultural Communication Breakdown." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.4 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/invitation.php>. Chicago style: Zhu Yunxia, Peter Thompson, "Invitation or Sexual Harassment? An Analysis of an Intercultural Communication Breakdown," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 4 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/invitation.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Zhu Yunxia, Peter Thompson. (2000) Invitation or sexual harassment? An analysis of an intercultural communication breakdown. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(4). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/invitation.php> ([your date of access]).

augmentvb [ɔːgˈmɛnt]1. to make or become greater in number, amount, strength, etc.; increase2. Music: to increase (a major or perfect interval) by a semitone (Collins English Dictionary 107) Almost everything associated with Robert Johnson has been subject to some form of augmentation. His talent as a musician and songwriter has been embroidered by myth-making. Johnson’s few remaining artefacts—his photographic images, his grave site, other physical records of his existence—have attained the status of reliquary. Even the integrity of his forty-two surviving recordings is now challenged by audiophiles who posit they were musically and sonically augmented by speeding up—increasing the tempo and pitch. This article documents the promulgation of myth in the life and music of Robert Johnson. His disputed photographic images are cited as archetypal contested artefacts, augmented both by false claims and genuine new discoveries—some of which suggest Johnson’s cultural magnetism is so compelling that even items only tenuously connected to his work draw significant attention. Current challenges to the musical integrity of Johnson’s original recordings, that they were “augmented” in order to raise the tempo, are presented as exemplars of our on-going fascination with his life and work. Part literature review, part investigative history, it uses the phenomenon of augmentation as a prism to shed new light on this enigmatic figure. Johnson’s obscurity during his lifetime, and for twenty-three years after his demise in 1938, offered little indication of his future status as a musical legend: “As far as the evolution of black music goes, Robert Johnson was an extremely minor figure, and very little that happened in the decades following his death would have been affected if he had never played a note” (Wald, Escaping xv). Such anonymity allowed those who first wrote about his music to embrace and propagate the myths that grew around this troubled character and his apparently “supernatural” genius. Johnson’s first press notice, from a pseudonymous John Hammond writing in The New Masses in 1937, spoke of a mysterious character from “deepest Mississippi” who “makes Leadbelly sound like an accomplished poseur” (Prial 111). The following year Hammond eulogised the singer in profoundly romantic terms: “It still knocks me over when I think of how lucky it is that a talent like his ever found its way to phonograph records […] Johnson died last week at precisely the moment when Vocalion scouts finally reached him and told him that he was booked to appear at Carnegie Hall” (19). The visceral awe experienced by subsequent generations of Johnson aficionados seems inspired by the remarkable capacity of his recordings to transcend space and time, reaching far beyond their immediate intended audience. “Johnson’s music changed the way the world looked to me,” wrote Greil Marcus, “I could listen to nothing else for months.” The music’s impact originates, at least in part, from the ambiguity of its origins: “I have the feeling, at times, that the reason Johnson has remained so elusive is that no one has been willing to take him at his word” (27-8). Three decades later Bob Dylan expressed similar sentiments over seven detailed pages of Chronicles: From the first note the vibrations from the loudspeaker made my hair stand up … it felt like a ghost had come into the room, a fearsome apparition …When he sings about icicles hanging on a tree it gives me the chills, or about milk turning blue … it made me nauseous and I wondered how he did that … It’s hard to imagine sharecroppers or plantation field hands at hop joints, relating to songs like these. You have to wonder if Johnson was playing for an audience that only he could see, one off in the future. (282-4) Such ready invocation of the supernatural bears witness to the profundity and resilience of the “lost bluesman” as a romantic trope. Barry Lee Pearson and Bill McCulloch have produced a painstaking genealogy of such a-historical misrepresentation. Early contributors include Rudi Blesch, Samuel B Charters, Frank Driggs’ liner notes for Johnson’s King of the Delta Blues Singers collection, and critic Pete Welding’s prolific 1960s output. Even comparatively recent researchers who ostensibly sought to demystify the legend couldn’t help but embellish the narrative. “It is undeniable that Johnson was fascinated with and probably obsessed by supernatural imagery,” asserted Robert Palmer (127). For Peter Guralnick his best songs articulate “the debt that must be paid for art and the Faustian bargain that Johnson sees at its core” (43). Contemporary scholarship from Pearson and McCulloch, James Banninghof, Charles Ford, and Elijah Wald has scrutinised Johnson’s life and work on a more evidential basis. This process has been likened to assembling a complicated jigsaw where half the pieces are missing: The Mississippi Delta has been practically turned upside down in the search for records of Robert Johnson. So far only marriage application signatures, two photos, a death certificate, a disputed death note, a few scattered school documents and conflicting oral histories of the man exist. Nothing more. (Graves 47) Such material is scrappy and unreliable. Johnson’s marriage licenses and his school records suggest contradictory dates of birth (Freeland 49). His death certificate mistakes his age—we now know that Johnson inadvertently founded another rock myth, the “27 Club” which includes fellow guitarists Brian Jones, Jimi Hendrix and Kurt Cobain (Wolkewitz et al., Segalstad and Hunter)—and incorrectly states he was single when he was twice widowed. A second contemporary research strand focuses on the mythmaking process itself. For Eric Rothenbuhler the appeal of Johnson’s recordings lies in his unique “for-the-record” aesthetic, that foreshadowed playing and song writing standards not widely realised until the 1960s. For Patricia Schroeder Johnson’s legend reveals far more about the story-tellers than it does the source—which over time has become “an empty center around which multiple interpretations, assorted viewpoints, and a variety of discourses swirl” (3). Some accounts of Johnson’s life seem entirely coloured by their authors’ cultural preconceptions. The most enduring myth, Johnson’s “crossroads” encounter with the Devil, is commonly redrawn according to the predilections of those telling the tale. That this story really belongs to bluesman Tommy Johnson has been known for over four decades (Evans 22), yet it was mistakenly attributed to Robert as recently as 1999 in French blues magazine Soul Bag (Pearson and McCulloch 92-3). Such errors are, thankfully, becoming less common. While the movie Crossroads (1986) brazenly appropriated Tommy’s story, the young walking bluesman in Oh, Brother, Where Art Thou? (2000) faithfully proclaims his authentic identity: “Thanks for the lift, sir. My name's Tommy. Tommy Johnson […] I had to be at that crossroads last midnight. Sell my soul to the devil.” Nevertheless the “supernatural” constituent of Johnson’s legend remains an irresistible framing device. It inspired evocative footage in Peter Meyer’s Can’t You Hear the Wind Howl? The Life and Music of Robert Johnson (1998). Even the liner notes to the definitive Sony Music Robert Johnson: The Centennial Edition celebrate and reclaim his myth: nothing about this musician is more famous than the word-of-mouth accounts of him selling his soul to the devil at a midnight crossroads in exchange for his singular mastery of blues guitar. It has become fashionable to downplay or dismiss this account nowadays, but the most likely source of the tale is Johnson himself, and the best efforts of scholars to present this artist in ordinary, human terms have done little to cut through the mystique and mystery that surround him. Repackaged versions of Johnson’s recordings became available via Amazon.co.uk and Spotify when they fell out of copyright in the United Kingdom. Predictable titles such as Contracted to the Devil, Hellbound, Me and the Devil Blues, and Up Jumped the Devil along with their distinctive “crossroads” artwork continue to demonstrate the durability of this myth [1]. Ironically, Johnson’s recordings were made during an era when one-off exhibited artworks (such as his individual performances of music) first became reproducible products. Walter Benjamin famously described the impact of this development: that which withers in the age of mechanical reproduction is the aura of the work of art […] the technique of reproduction detaches the reproduced object from the domain of tradition. By making many reproductions it substitutes a plurality of copies for a unique existence. (7) Marybeth Hamilton drew on Benjamin in her exploration of white folklorists’ efforts to document authentic pre-modern blues culture. Such individuals sought to preserve the intensity of the uncorrupted and untutored black voice before its authenticity and uniqueness could be tarnished by widespread mechanical reproduction. Two artefacts central to Johnson’s myth, his photographs and his recorded output, will now be considered in that context. In 1973 researcher Stephen LaVere located two pictures in the possession of his half–sister Carrie Thompson. The first, a cheap “dime store” self portrait taken in the equivalent of a modern photo booth, shows Johnson around a year into his life as a walking bluesman. The second, taken in the Hooks Bros. studio in Beale Street, Memphis, portrays a dapper and smiling musician on the eve of his short career as a Vocalion recording artist [2]. Neither was published for over a decade after their “discovery” due to fears of litigation from a competing researcher. A third photograph remains unpublished, still owned by Johnson’s family: The man has short nappy hair; he is slight, one foot is raised, and he is up on his toes as though stretching for height. There is a sharp crease in his pants, and a handkerchief protrudes from his breast pocket […] His eyes are deep-set, reserved, and his expression forms a half-smile, there seems to be a gentleness about him, his fingers are extraordinarily long and delicate, his head is tilted to one side. (Guralnick 67) Recently a fourth portrait appeared, seemingly out of nowhere, in Vanity Fair. Vintage guitar seller Steven Schein discovered a sepia photograph labelled “Old Snapshot Blues Guitar B. B. King???” [sic] while browsing Ebay and purchased it for $2,200. Johnson’s son positively identified the image, and a Houston Police Department forensic artist employed face recognition technology to confirm that “all the features are consistent if not identical” (DiGiacomo 2008). The provenance of this photograph remains disputed, however. Johnson’s guitar appears overly distressed for what would at the time be a new model, while his clothes reflect an inappropriate style for the period (Graves). Another contested “Johnson” image found on four seconds of silent film showed a walking bluesman playing outside a small town cinema in Ruleville, Mississippi. It inspired Bob Dylan to wax lyrical in Chronicles: “You can see that really is Robert Johnson, has to be – couldn’t be anyone else. He’s playing with huge, spiderlike hands and they magically move over the strings of his guitar” (287). However it had already been proved that this figure couldn’t be Johnson, because the background movie poster shows a film released three years after the musician’s death. The temptation to wish such items genuine is clearly a difficult one to overcome: “even things that might have been Robert Johnson now leave an afterglow” (Schroeder 154, my italics). Johnson’s recordings, so carefully preserved by Hammond and other researchers, might offer tangible and inviolate primary source material. Yet these also now face a serious challenge: they run too rapidly by a factor of up to 15 per cent (Gibbens; Wilde). Speeding up music allowed early producers to increase a song’s vibrancy and fit longer takes on to their restricted media. By slowing the recording tempo, master discs provided a “mother” print that would cause all subsequent pressings to play unnaturally quickly when reproduced. Robert Johnson worked for half a decade as a walking blues musician without restrictions on the length of his songs before recording with producer Don Law and engineer Vincent Liebler in San Antonio (1936) and Dallas (1937). Longer compositions were reworked for these sessions, re-arranging and edited out verses (Wald, Escaping). It is also conceivable that they were purposefully, or even accidentally, sped up. (The tempo consistency of machines used in early field recordings across the South has often been questioned, as many played too fast or slow (Morris).) Slowed-down versions of Johnson’s songs from contributors such as Angus Blackthorne and Ron Talley now proliferate on YouTube. The debate has fuelled detailed discussion in online blogs, where some contributors to specialist audio technology forums have attempted to decode a faintly detectable background hum using spectrum analysers. If the frequency of the alternating current that powered Law and Liebler’s machine could be established at 50 or 60 Hz it might provide evidence of possible tempo variation. A peak at 51.4 Hz, one contributor argues, suggests “the recordings are 2.8 per cent fast, about half a semitone” (Blischke). Such “augmentation” has yet to be fully explored in academic literature. Graves describes the discussion as “compelling and intriguing” in his endnotes, concluding “there are many pros and cons to the argument and, indeed, many recordings over the years have been speeded up to make them seem livelier” (124). Wald ("Robert Johnson") provides a compelling and detailed counter-thesis on his website, although he does acknowledge inconsistencies in pitch among alternate master takes of some recordings. No-one who actually saw Robert Johnson perform ever called attention to potential discrepancies between the pitch of his natural and recorded voice. David “Honeyboy” Edwards, Robert Lockwood Jr. and Johnny Shines were all interviewed repeatedly by documentarians and researchers, but none ever raised the issue. Conversely Johnson’s former girlfriend Willie Mae Powell was visibly affected by the familiarity in his voice on hearing his recording of the tune Johnson wrote for her, “Love in Vain”, in Chris Hunt’s The Search for Robert Johnson (1991). Clues might also lie in the natural tonality of Johnson’s instrument. Delta bluesmen who shared Johnson’s repertoire and played slide guitar in his style commonly used a tuning of open G (D-G-D-G-B-G). Colloquially known as “Spanish” (Gordon 2002, 38-42) it offers a natural home key of G major for slide guitar. We might therefore expect Johnson’s recordings to revolve around the tonic (G) or its dominant (D) -however almost all of his songs are a full tone higher, in the key of A or its dominant E. (The only exceptions are “They’re Red Hot” and “From Four Till Late” in C, and “Love in Vain” in G.) A pitch increase such as this might be consistent with an increase in the speed of these recordings. Although an alternative explanation might be that Johnson tuned his strings particularly tightly, which would benefit his slide playing but also make fingering notes and chords less comfortable. Yet another is that he used a capo to raise the key of his instrument and was capable of performing difficult lead parts in relatively high fret positions on the neck of an acoustic guitar. This is accepted by Scott Ainslie and Dave Whitehill in their authoritative volume of transcriptions At the Crossroads (11). The photo booth self portrait of Johnson also clearly shows a capo at the second fret—which would indeed raise open G to open A (in concert pitch). The most persuasive reasoning against speed tampering runs parallel to the argument laid out earlier in this piece, previous iterations of the Johnson myth have superimposed their own circumstances and ignored the context and reality of the protagonist’s lived experience. As Wald argues, our assumptions of what we think Johnson ought to sound like have little bearing on what he actually sounded like. It is a compelling point. When Son House, Skip James, Bukka White, and other surviving bluesmen were “rediscovered” during the 1960s urban folk revival of North America and Europe they were old men with deep and resonant voices. Johnson’s falsetto vocalisations do not, therefore, accord with the commonly accepted sound of an authentic blues artist. Yet Johnson was in his mid-twenties in 1936 and 1937; a young man heavily influenced by the success of other high pitched male blues singers of his era. people argue that what is better about the sound is that the slower, lower Johnson sounds more like Son House. Now, House was a major influence on Johnson, but by the time Johnson recorded he was not trying to sound like House—an older player who had been unsuccessful on records—but rather like Leroy Carr, Casey Bill Weldon, Kokomo Arnold, Lonnie Johnson, and Peetie Wheatstraw, who were the big blues recording stars in the mid–1930s, and whose vocal styles he imitated on most of his records. (For example, the ooh-well-well falsetto yodel he often used was imitated from Wheatstraw and Weldon.) These singers tended to have higher, smoother voices than House—exactly the sound that Johnson seems to have been going for, and that the House fans dislike. So their whole argument is based on the fact that they prefer the older Delta sound to the mainstream popular blues sound of the 1930s—or, to put it differently, that their tastes are different from Johnson’s own tastes at the moment he was recording. (Wald, "Robert Johnson") Few media can capture an audible moment entirely accurately, and the idea of engineering a faithful reproduction of an original performance is also only one element of the rationale for any recording. Commercial engineers often aim to represent the emotion of a musical moment, rather than its totality. John and Alan Lomax may have worked as documentarians, preserving sound as faithfully as possible for the benefit of future generations on behalf of the Library of Congress. Law and Liebler, however, were producing exciting and profitable commercial products for a financial gain. Paradoxically, then, whatever the “real” Robert Johnson sounded like (deeper voice, no mesmeric falsetto, not such an extraordinarily adept guitar player, never met the Devil … and so on) the mythical figure who “sold his soul at the crossroads” and shipped millions of albums after his death may, on that basis, be equally as authentic as the original. Schroeder draws on Mikhail Bakhtin to comment on such vacant yet hotly contested spaces around the Johnson myth. For Bakhtin, literary texts are ascribed new meanings by consecutive generations as they absorb and respond to them. Every age re–accentuates in its own way the works of its most immediate past. The historical life of classic works is in fact the uninterrupted process of their social and ideological re–accentuation [of] ever newer aspects of meaning; their semantic content literally continues to grow, to further create out of itself. (421) In this respect Johnson’s legend is a “classic work”, entirely removed from its historical life, a free floating form re-contextualised and reinterpreted by successive generations in order to make sense of their own cultural predilections (Schroeder 57). As Graves observes, “since Robert Johnson’s death there has seemed to be a mathematical equation of sorts at play: the less truth we have, the more myth we get” (113). The threads connecting his real and mythical identity seem so comprehensively intertwined that only the most assiduous scholars are capable of disentanglement. Johnson’s life and work seem destined to remain augmented and contested for as long as people want to play guitar, and others want to listen to them. Notes[1] Actually the dominant theme of Johnson’s songs is not “the supernatural” it is his inveterate womanising. Almost all Johnson’s lyrics employ creative metaphors to depict troubled relationships. Some even include vivid images of domestic abuse. In “Stop Breakin’ Down Blues” a woman threatens him with a gun. In “32–20 Blues” he discusses the most effective calibre of weapon to shoot his partner and “cut her half in two.” In “Me and the Devil Blues” Johnson promises “to beat my woman until I get satisfied”. However in The Lady and Mrs Johnson five-time W. C. Handy award winner Rory Block re-wrote these words to befit her own cultural agenda, inverting the original sentiment as: “I got to love my baby ‘til I get satisfied”.[2] The Gibson L-1 guitar featured in Johnson’s Hooks Bros. portrait briefly became another contested artefact when it appeared in the catalogue of a New York State memorabilia dealership in 2006 with an asking price of $6,000,000. The Australian owner had apparently purchased the instrument forty years earlier under the impression it was bona fide, although photographic comparison technology showed that it couldn’t be genuine and the item was withdrawn. “Had it been real, I would have been able to sell it several times over,” Gary Zimet from MIT Memorabilia told me in an interview for Guitarist Magazine at the time, “a unique item like that will only ever increase in value” (Stewart 2010). References Ainslie, Scott, and Dave Whitehall. Robert Johnson: At the Crossroads – The Authoritative Guitar Transcriptions. Milwaukee: Hal Leonard Publishing, 1992. Bakhtin, Mikhail M. The Dialogic Imagination. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982. Banks, Russell. “The Devil and Robert Johnson – Robert Johnson: The Complete Recordings.” The New Republic 204.17 (1991): 27-30. Banninghof, James. “Some Ramblings on Robert Johnson’s Mind: Critical Analysis and Aesthetic in Delta Blues.” American Music 15/2 (1997): 137-158. Benjamin, Walter. The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction. London: Penguin, 2008. Blackthorne, Angus. “Robert Johnson Slowed Down.” YouTube.com 2011. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.youtube.com/user/ANGUSBLACKTHORN?feature=watch›. Blesh, Rudi. Shining Trumpets: A History of Jazz. New York: Knopf, 1946. Blischke, Michael. “Slowing Down Robert Johnson.” The Straight Dope 2008. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://boards.straightdope.com/sdmb/showthread.php?t=461601›. Block, Rory. The Lady and Mrs Johnson. Rykodisc 10872, 2006. Charters, Samuel. The Country Blues. New York: De Capo Press, 1959. Collins UK. Collins English Dictionary. Glasgow: Harper Collins Publishers, 2010. DiGiacomo, Frank. “A Disputed Robert Johnson Photo Gets the C.S.I. Treatment.” Vanity Fair 2008. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/online/daily/2008/10/a-disputed-robert-johnson-photo-gets-the-csi-treatment›. DiGiacomo, Frank. “Portrait of a Phantom: Searching for Robert Johnson.” Vanity Fair 2008. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/culture/features/2008/11/johnson200811›. Dylan, Bob. Chronicles Vol 1. London: Simon & Schuster, 2005. Evans, David. Tommy Johnson. London: November Books, 1971. Ford, Charles. “Robert Johnson’s Rhythms.” Popular Music 17.1 (1998): 71-93. Freeland, Tom. “Robert Johnson: Some Witnesses to a Short Life.” Living Blues 150 (2000): 43-49. Gibbens, John. “Steady Rollin’ Man: A Revolutionary Critique of Robert Johnson.” Touched 2004. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.touched.co.uk/press/rjnote.html›. Gioia, Ted. Delta Blues: The Life and Times of the Mississippi Masters Who Revolutionised American Music. London: W. W. Norton & Co, 2008. Gioia, Ted. "Robert Johnson: A Century, and Beyond." Robert Johnson: The Centennial Collection. Sony Music 88697859072, 2011. Gordon, Robert. Can’t Be Satisfied: The Life and Times of Muddy Waters. London: Pimlico Books, 2002. Graves, Tom. Crossroads: The Life and Afterlife of Blues Legend Robert Johnson. Spokane: Demers Books, 2008. Guralnick, Peter. Searching for Robert Johnson: The Life and Legend of the "King of the Delta Blues Singers". London: Plume, 1998. Hamilton, Marybeth. In Search of the Blues: Black Voices, White Visions. London: Jonathan Cape, 2007. Hammond, John. From Spirituals to Swing (Dedicated to Bessie Smith). New York: The New Masses, 1938. Johnson, Robert. “Hellbound.” Amazon.co.uk 2011. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/Hellbound/dp/B0063S8Y4C/ref=sr_1_cc_2?s=aps&ie=UTF8&qid=1376605065&sr=1-2-catcorr&keywords=robert+johnson+hellbound›. ———. “Contracted to the Devil.” Amazon.co.uk 2002. 1 Aug. 2013. ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/Contracted-The-Devil-Robert-Johnson/dp/B00006F1L4/ref=sr_1_cc_1?s=aps&ie=UTF8&qid=1376830351&sr=1-1-catcorr&keywords=Contracted+to+The+Devil›. ———. King of the Delta Blues Singers. Columbia Records CL1654, 1961. ———. “Me and the Devil Blues.” Amazon.co.uk 2003. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/Me-Devil-Blues-Robert-Johnson/dp/B00008SH7O/ref=sr_1_16?s=music&ie=UTF8&qid=1376604807&sr=1-16&keywords=robert+johnson›. ———. “The High Price of Soul.” Amazon.co.uk 2007. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/High-Price-Soul-Robert-Johnson/dp/B000LC582C/ref=sr_1_39?s=music&ie=UTF8&qid=1376604863&sr=1-39&keywords=robert+johnson›. ———. “Up Jumped the Devil.” Amazon.co.uk 2005. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/Up-Jumped-Devil-Robert-Johnson/dp/B000B57SL8/ref=sr_1_2?s=music&ie=UTF8&qid=1376829917&sr=1-2&keywords=Up+Jumped+The+Devil›. Marcus, Greil. Mystery Train: Images of America in Rock ‘n’ Roll Music. London: Plume, 1997. Morris, Christopher. “Phonograph Blues: Robert Johnson Mastered at Wrong Speed?” Variety 2010. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.varietysoundcheck.com/2010/05/phonograph-blues-robert-johnson-mastered-at-wrong-speed.html›. Oh, Brother, Where Art Thou? DVD. Universal Pictures, 2000. Palmer, Robert. Deep Blues: A Musical and Cultural History from the Mississippi Delta to Chicago’s South Side to the World. London: Penguin Books, 1981. Pearson, Barry Lee, and Bill McCulloch. Robert Johnson: Lost and Found. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2003. Prial, Dunstan. The Producer: John Hammond and the Soul of American Music. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2006. Rothenbuhler, Eric W. “For–the–Record Aesthetics and Robert Johnson’s Blues Style as a Product of Recorded Culture.” Popular Music 26.1 (2007): 65-81. Rothenbuhler, Eric W. “Myth and Collective Memory in the Case of Robert Johnson.” Critical Studies in Media Communication 24.3 (2007): 189-205. Schroeder, Patricia. Robert Johnson, Mythmaking and Contemporary American Culture (Music in American Life). Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2004. Segalstad, Eric, and Josh Hunter. The 27s: The Greatest Myth of Rock and Roll. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books, 2009. Stewart, Jon. “Rock Climbing: Jon Stewart Concludes His Investigation of the Myths behind Robert Johnson.” Guitarist Magazine 327 (2010): 34. The Search for Robert Johnson. DVD. Sony Pictures, 1991. Talley, Ron. “Robert Johnson, 'Sweet Home Chicago', as It REALLY Sounded...” YouTube.com 2012. 1 Aug. 2013. ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LCHod3_yEWQ›. Wald, Elijah. Escaping the Delta: Robert Johnson and the Invention of the Blues. London: HarperCollins, 2005. ———. The Robert Johnson Speed Recording Controversy. Elijah Wald — Writer, Musician 2012. 1 Aug. 2013. ‹http://www.elijahwald.com/johnsonspeed.html›. Wilde, John . “Robert Johnson Revelation Tells Us to Put the Brakes on the Blues: We've Been Listening to the Immortal 'King of the Delta Blues' at the Wrong Speed, But Now We Can Hear Him as He Intended.” The Guardian 2010. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.theguardian.com/music/musicblog/2010/may/27/robert-johnson-blues›. Wolkewitz, M., A. Allignol, N. Graves, and A.G. 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