Journal articles on the topic 'Housing – Ontario – Toronto metropolitan area'

Purpose This paper aims to present a panel data econometric model of the main determinants of house prices in the ten largest census metropolitan areas (CMA) in Ontario, Canada, for the years 2001, 2006 and 2011. The impact of immigration on the housing market in Canada is little researched; however, immigration plays an important role into the economy of Canada. According to Statistics Canada, not only is immigration key to Canada’s population growth but also without immigration, in the next 20 years, Canada’s population growth will be zero. The motivation for this study is the bursting of housing bubbles in some developed countries (e.g. USA). The authors analyze variables that are related to the immigration policy in Canada, accounting also for the impact of the interest rate, income, unemployment, household size and housing supply to analyze housing price determinants. The study investigates the magnitude of the impact of the top three leading categories of immigrants to Canada, namely, Chinese, Indian and Filipino, on the housing prices in Ontario’s largest cities. The results show the main factors that explain home prices over time that are interest rate, immigration, unemployment rate, household size and income. Over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, immigration grew by 400 per cent in Toronto CMA, the largest receiving area in Ontario, while the nonimmigrant population grew by 14 per cent. For Toronto CMA, immigrants, income, unemployment rate and interest rate explain the CA$158,875 average home price increase over the 2001-2011 time period. Out of this, the three categories of immigrants’ share of total home price increase is 54.57 per cent, with the corresponding interest rate share 58.60 per cent and income share 11.32 per cent of the total price growth. Unemployment rate contributes negatively to the housing price and its share of the total price increase is 24.49 per cent. Design/methodology/approach The framework for the empirical analysis applies the hedonic pricing model theory to housing sales prices for the ten largest CMAs in Ontario over the years 2001-2011. Following Akbari and Aydede (2012) and O’Meara (2015), market clearing in the housing market results in the housing price as a function of several housing attributes. The authors selected the housing attributes based on data availability for the Canadian Census years of 2001, 2006 and 2011 and the variables that have been most used in the literature. The model has the average housing prices as the dependent variable, and the independent variables are: immigrants per dwelling (Chinese, Indian, and Filipino), unemployment rate, average employment income, household size, housing supply and the interest rate. To capture the relative scarcity of dwellings, the independent variable immigrants per dwelling was used. Findings This study seems to suggest that one cause of high prices in Ontario is large inflows of immigrants together with low mortgage interest rate. The authors focused their attention on Toronto CMA, as it is the main destination of immigrants and comprises the largest cities, including Toronto, Mississauga, Brampton and Oakville. Looking over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, the authors can see the factors that impact the home prices in Toronto CMA: immigration, unemployment rate, household size, interest rate and income. Over the period of 10 years from 2001 to 2011, immigrants’ group from China, India and the Philippines account for CA$86,701 increase in the home price (54.57 per cent share of the total increase). Income accounts for CA$17,986 increase in the home price (11.32 per cent share); interest rate accounts for CA$93,103 of the average home price increase in Toronto CMA (58.60 per cent share); and unemployment rate accounts for CA$38,916 decrease in the Toronto average home prices (24.49 per cent share). Household size remain stable over time in Toronto (2.8 average household size) and does not have a contribution to home price change. All these four factors, interest rate, immigrants, unemployment rate and income, together explain CA$158,875 increase in home prices in Toronto CMA between 2001 and 2011. Practical implications The housing market price analysis may be more complex, and there may be factors impacting the housing prices extending beyond immigration, interest rate, income and household size. Finally, the results of this paper can be extended to include the most recent census data for the year 2016 to reflect more accurately the price situation in the housing market for Ontario cities. Social implications The fact that currently, in 2017, the young working population cannot afford buying a property in the Toronto CMA area means there is a problem with this market and a corresponding decrease in the quality of life. According to The Globe and Mail (July 2017), a new pool in 2017 suggested that two in five Canadians believe housing in this country is not affordable for them. Further, 38 per cent of respondents who consider themselves middle or upper class believe in no affordability of housing. The Trudeau Government promised Canadians a national housing strategy for affordable housing. Designing a national housing strategy may be challenging because it has to account for the differential income ranges across regions. Municipal leaders are asking the government to prioritize repair and construct new affordable housing. Another reason discussed in the media of the unaffordability of housing in Toronto and Vancouver is foreign buyers. The Canadian Government recently implemented a tax measure on what it may seem the housing bubble problem: foreign buyers. Following Vancouver, in April 2017, Ontario Government imposed a 15 per cent tax on foreign buyers who are not Canadian citizens or permanent residents. This tax is levied on houses purchased in the area stretching from Niagara Region and Greater Toronto to Peterborough. Originality/value Few studies use Canadian data to explain house prices and analyze the effect of immigration on housing prices. There is not much research on the effect of the immigrants and immigrants’ ethnicity (e.g., Chinese, Indian and Filipino immigrants), on the housing prices in Canada cities. This study investigates the impact of the most prevalent immigrant races (e.g., from China, India and the Philippines) on housing prices, using data for Canadian major cities in Ontario within a panel data econometric framework. This paper fills this gap and contributes to the literature, which analyzes the determinants of housing prices based on a panel of cities in the Canadian province of Ontario.

During the first great burst of urban growth in Canada from the beginning of the 20th century and on into the 1920s it was generally the municipalities, either singly or collectively, which fostered policy innovation and new services. Provinces generally did little at that time, either to foster new policies or rein in local autonomy. It was only after the economic setbacks of the depression and a renewed spirit of urban development after 1945 that provincial direction over municipalities became much more significant. This paper is a case study of two major policy crises which threatened the viability of the whole municipal system in Ontario. In the 1930s the Border Cities (Metropolitan Windsor) faced bankruptcy and economic collapse and placed in jeopardy the credit of the province. In the early 1950s the inability of Metropolitan Toronto to create area-wide solutions to severe servicing problems threatened to stall the main engine of provincial growth. The case study demonstrates how a reluctant provincial government intervened to create new metropolitan arrangements for the two areas and accompanied this with a greatly expanded structure of provincial oversight including a strengthened Ontario Municipal Board and a specific department to handle municipal affairs. The objective of the policy was to bolster local government rather than to narrow municipal autonomy.

The municipality of Metropolitan Toronto (area 480 km2, population 2.15 million) is centrally located on the Late Pleistocene sedimentary infill of the Laurentian Channel, a broad bedrock low up to 115 km wide connecting the Huron and Ontario basins. This channel forms part of a relict (late Tertiary?) drainage network (the Laurentian River) modified by Pleistocene glacial erosion and infilled by over 100 m of glacial and interglacial sediments. The subsurface stratigraphy of the channel fill below Metropolitan Toronto has been established from many different data sources and is depicted, in this paper, as a series of cross sections with a total length of nearly 105 km.The subsurface stratigraphy has been divided, provisionally, into five depositional complexes, which have been mapped in the subsurface along several transects. These are (1) a glacial complex of Illinoian (?) age, (2) a lacustrine complex of Sangamon Interglacial and earliest Wisconsinan sediments (120 000 – 75 000 BP?), (3) a glaciolacustrine – lacustrine complex spanning the Early and Mid-Wisconsinan (75 000 – 30 000 BP?), (4) a Late Wisconsinan (> 30 000 BP) glacial complex, and (5) a postglacial lacustrine complex (ca. 12 000 BP).The data presented in this paper are significant for applied geological investigations in the heavily urbanized Toronto area and provide new insights into the glacial history of the Ontario Basin, in particular the regional extent of the Laurentide Ice Sheet margin prior to the Late Wisconsinan.

Participation in the small business sector by immigrants in Ontario is examined, using a theoretical model that views immigrant enterprise as a product of class and ethnic resources in combination with a favorable opportunity structure. Hong Kong Chinese predominate among recent immigrant entrepreneurs and are concentrated in the Toronto metropolitan area. These patterns are attributed to strong push factors in the sending society and the existence of an institutionally complete Chinese community in the receiving society, supporting a well-developed ethnic subeconomy that has taken on many of the features of an ethnic enclave.

Objective: The objective of this article was to conduct a cost analysis comparing the costs of a supportive housing intervention to inpatient care for clients with severe mental illness who were designated alternative-level care while inpatient at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health in Toronto. The intervention, called the High Support Housing Initiative, was implemented in 2013 through a collaboration between 15 agencies in the Toronto area. Method: The perspective of this cost analysis was that of the Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care. We compared the cost of inpatient mental health care to high-support housing. Cost data were derived from a variety of sources, including health administrative data, expenditures reported by housing providers, and document analysis. Results: The High Support Housing Initiative was cost saving relative to inpatient care. The average cost savings per diem were between $140 and $160. This amounts to an annual cost savings of approximately $51,000 to $58,000. When tested through sensitivity analysis, the intervention remained cost saving in most scenarios; however, the result was highly sensitive to health system costs for clients of the High Support Housing Initiative program. Conclusions: This study suggests the High Support Housing Initiative is potentially cost saving relative to inpatient hospitalization at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health.

Events that disable parts of the highway transportation network, ranging from weather conditions to construction closures, may affect freight travel times and ultimately degrade economic productivity. Although previous studies of criticality typically focused on the impacts of natural disasters or terrorist attacks on systemwide travel times, these studies did not quantify the costs associated with disruptions to the economy because of disruptions to the freight transportation system. This paper quantifies the economic criticality of the highway infrastructure in Ontario, Canada, with the use of a new measure of criticality that determines the cost of highway closures (in dollars) on the basis of the value of goods, the time delayed, and the associated value of time. When criticality is measured in this way, it has some correlation with truck volumes, but the correlation differs when the values of shipments and the physical redundancy in the network are considered, and results in new insights into critical freight infrastructure. For example, the highway network within the greater Toronto, Ontario, Canada, area has a high degree of redundancy, but highways farther away from this metropolitan area have less redundancy and are thus more critical. Moreover, sections of Highway 401 located west of the greater Toronto area were found to be more critical—even though it carries lower truck volumes—than those located east of the greater Toronto area because of the lower redundancy in the western portion of the network. This measure has many potential applications in freight transportation planning, operations, and maintenance. Finally, with the cost of these disruptions quantified in dollars, one can then calculate the monetary benefits of potential transportation improvements for comparison (i.e., perform a cost–benefit analysis).

Although the fact is not widely acknowledged by urban scholars, because of the way that it is administered the property tax helps to shape the social geography of metropolitan areas. Research by public finance specialists has shown that cheap housing is often overassessed, and that variations in assessment ratios (the ratio of assessed to market values) usually favour the suburbs. Sales prices and assessment data from the Hamilton, Ontario, metropolitan area for 1976, 1996, and 1999 confirm these patterns and show that they are persistent. In addition, cross-tabulations by market value and location show that geographical variations in assessment ratios are caused by the inequitable treatment of inexpensive property, not vice versa. A 1998 reassessment made the situation worse. The main difficulty in reducing tax inequities is political, not technical.

The article attempts to present dilemmas related to shaping metropolitan policy in Canada, and then relate them to problems occurring in Poland. It is a part of the debate on seeking the right governance configurations and discourses in response to the communities’ needs. Particular attention is paid to the characteristics of the scales of governance and socio-spatial relations in the Toronto metropolitan area. The article has been divided into four main parts. Part one outlines the theoretical framework and the context of the conducted analyses. Part two describes the structures and processes of regional and metropolitan governance in Southern Ontario, with the earlier reference to the institutional conditions and directions of reforms characteristic of the whole of Canada. Part three of the study concerns the governance arrangements that may constitute important reference points for the scientific and political discourse taking place in Poland. Part four is an attempt to capture the similarities and universal premises that have a decisive influence on the processes of forming metropolitan structures and policies, both in Canada and in Poland. The assumption was made that, despite different historical and socio-cultural conditions, comparing Canadian and Polish experiences is justified, necessary and possible. Firstly, due to the reason that socio-spatial relations in various territorial systems are subject to the same development processes and the accompanying processes of transformation and adaptation. Secondly, residents (members of local, metropolitan, regional, national and supranational communities) have similar needs and expect a high quality of life. Decision-makers and actors of political scenes in different geographical spaces have (or may have) the same technologies, ways of information processing, access to knowledge and knowledge of socio-economic processes. They also face challenges related to the inclusion of citizens in decision-making processes. The analysis of metropolitan processes in both countries emphasizes the differences resulting from various historical and economic contexts of development and also makes it possible to identify universal mechanisms and regularities independent of these contexts. The practice of metropolitan policy proves that the process of re-territorialization of power structures and governance is shaped as a resultant of the impact of forces and interests at all levels of territorial authorities: central, regional and local. Based on the analysis of the processes of the formation of metropolitan structures in Canada and Poland, it can be stated that the rank and position of regional authorities play a key role in it. In Canada, strong regional authorities initiate actions for the shaping of metropolitan structures and formulate the scope of their competence and organization. The importance of central authorities for the dynamics of metropolitan processes is secondary in this case. The weakness of regional authorities in Poland leads to the inability to give metropolitan processes the dynamics of development and the legislative rank adequate for the role played by urban regions in the socio-economic development of the country. As evidenced by the example of Toronto, the evolution of the governance system in practice initiates the process of self-learning the system which goes from one to another phase of development, improving the quality of its operation. In Poland, however, the process of creation of governance structures adequate for realistically existing functional metropolitan areas has been stopped, notably, due to the unfavourable political decisions at the central level.

An outbreak of typeemm59invasive group AStreptococcus(iGAS) disease was declared in 2008 in Thunder Bay District, Northwestern Ontario, 2 years after a countrywideemm59epidemic was recognized in Canada. Despite a declining number ofemm59infections since 2010, numerous cases of iGAS disease continue to be reported in the area. We collected clinical information on all iGAS cases recorded in Thunder Bay District from 2008 to 2013. We alsoemmtyped and sequenced the genomes of all available strains isolated from 2011 to 2013 from iGAS infections and from severe cases of soft tissue infections. We used whole-genome sequencing data to investigate the population structure of GAS strains of the most frequently isolatedemmtypes. We report an increased incidence of iGAS in Thunder Bay compared to the metropolitan area of Toronto/Peel and the province of Ontario. Illicit drug use, alcohol abuse, homelessness, and hepatitis C infection were underlying diseases or conditions that might have predisposed patients to iGAS disease. Most cases were caused by clonal strains of skin or generalistemmtypes (i.e.,emm82,emm87,emm101,emm4,emm83, andemm114) uncommonly seen in other areas of the province. We observed rapid waxing and waning ofemmtypes causing disease and their replacement by otheremmtypes associated with the same tissue tropisms. Thus, iGAS disease in Thunder Bay District predominantly affects a select population of disadvantaged persons and is caused by clonally related strains of a few skin and generalistemmtypes less commonly associated with iGAS in other areas of Ontario.

The 1971 and 1981 census journey-to-work data are used to examine the temporal and spatial stabilities of home-based work trip travel demands in the Toronto census metropolitan area (CMA). Regression analysis is used to establish consistent trip generation equations at the census tract level using population, household, and dwelling unit data; the stabilities of alternative equations over time are examined. All of the partial regression coefficients shifted over time, reflecting the substantial changes that have occurred in household structure, female labour force participation, and the characteristics of the housing market. The spatial distributions of the residuals are examined in terms of the spatial differentiation that exists in the household sector in the Toronto CMA in terms of variables such as household size, population age, and occupation status. The use of traditional trip generation techniques is difficult to sustain given the temporal and spatial variations in the trip generation rate. It is concluded that travel demands can only be estimated from a careful consideration of the residential dynamics of the major subareas in a region.

Administrative databases in the Canadian health sector do not contain socio-economic information. To facilitate the monitoring of social inequalities for health planning, this study proposes a material and social deprivation index for Canada. After explaining the concept of deprivation, we describe the methodological aspects of the index and apply it to the example of premature mortality (i.e. death before the age of 75). We illustrate variations in deprivation and the links between deprivation and mortality nationwide and in different geographic areas including the census metropolitan areas (CMAs) of Toronto, Montréal and Vancouver; other CMAs; average-size cities, referred to as census agglomerations (CAs); small towns and rural communities; and five regions of Canada, namely Atlantic, Quebec, Ontario, the Prairies and British Columbia. Material and social deprivation and their links to mortality vary considerably by geographic area. We comment on the results as well as the limitations of the index and its advantages for health planning.

The research focuses on Canadian CMAs with populations of 500 000 or greater over the period 1971-1996. It uses population density gradients and enumeration of population and household shift to assess changing patterns of residential centrality over the twenty-five year period. Results indicate that all of the CMAs examined have experienced continued outward dispersion, some more so than others. When population change in core and inner-city zones is examined in conjunction with reduced density gradients, only one Canadian metropolitan area, Vancouver, shows indisputable signs of strong recentralization. Three other CMAs, Toronto, Victoria and Calgary, also experience some re-population of their central parts, while Montréal and Québec City are shown to maintain what we call "residual" centrality. However, when recentralization is gauged using household enumeration instead of population counts, all of the places studied show evidence of new housing production in the central city. The answer to the central question regarding residential centrality is thus a mixed one, yes and no. Overall, we conclude that there is a direct link between evolutionary patterns within the national urban System and changes observed in residential centrality. Whatever the measure used, highest rates of recentralization accompany strong metropolitan-wide growth over the 25-year period.

“Growth should pay for growth.” This slogan — the common justification for development charges — is rarely challenged in municipal circles. Development charges evolved from post-1945 subdivision agreements and were initially accepted by most developers as a mechanism for enhancing the likelihood that current residents in a municipality would agree to new development. They now add as much as $135,000 to the cost of a new house in some parts of the Greater Toronto Area. If we wish to lower the cost of housing in our prosperous cities, we must consider reverting to the past practice of having municipalities pay for new infrastructure associated with development. Such a policy — still largely in place in metropolitan Montreal — would lead to increased levels of municipal borrowing and modest increases in property taxes. This report explores the origins of development charges in the United States and Canada, and examines how they have been assessed in the academic literature.

AbstractA bacteriological study was completed on pools and whirlpools operated by hotels and private health clubs in the metropolitan area of Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Coliform bacteria, fecal coliform bacteria, and fecal streptococci were found only when other indices showed a drastic deterioration in water quality. Aerobic plate counts were higher, and staphylococci and Pseudomonas aeruginosa occurred more often in whirlpools than in swimming pools. There was a correlation between aerobic plate counts and the presence of staphylococci and P. aeruginosa. P. aeruginosa was rare in swimming pools in the absence of staphylococci; however, in whirlpools the organism was often found in the absence of staphylococci, and when aerobic plate counts were low. P. aeruginosa and plate counts in excess of 3,000 per ml occurred more frequently in whirlpools when the free chlorine residual was less than one part per million. The surface film showed concentrations of staphylococci far greater than the pool water. Whirlpools appear to present a different ecosystem that favors the establishment of P. aeruginosa. Staphylococci, but not Staphylococcus aureus, are useful in indicators of pool water quality but better laboratory methodology is required. Additional attention should be directed to the bacteriology of the water surface film, which presents a more direct hazard to bathers.

Malvern, a neighbourhood in Toronto, Ontario, was turned into a designated area for affordable housing during its transformation into a modern community in the late 20thcentury. Any positive connotation that was once attached to ‘affordable housing’ as an idyllic space for hard-working residents quickly disappeared, however, and Malvern has repeatedly been labeled one of Toronto’s most dangerous neighbourhoods, in dire need of improvement. In this essay, I borrow from Omi and Winant (2015) to argue that the neighbourhood of Malvern is a racial project – that is, Malvern’s representations assign meaning to race, created not only through racist and classist planning, but also through the ways that Malvern is shared in the larger public, through media representations of Malvern, and the complex experiences and realities of its residents. Populated almost entirely by visible minorities, the mapping of criminal deviance alongside racialized individuals has ensured that Malvern and its residents continue to be marred by stigma and stereotypes, leaving residents feeling conflicted with internalized and arguably perverse understandings of themselves, and without the necessary support that disadvantaged neighbourhoods should receive. Today, Malvern is the product of purposeful, structural violence, with the people of Malvern perceived as lacking the civility to maintain the ideal space that was created for them. Using the work of Henri Lefebvre, this paper provides a detailed analysis of the way that Malvern was conceived and perceived to exist and the way that it continues to be lived as a racial project. Malvern, like other inner-city neighbourhoods in North America, has remained at a disadvantage since its inception. In this essay, I explore how the perception of Malvern came to be and how first-hand experiences within Malvern’s borders differ from those which are negatively portrayed in the media.

INTRODUCTION Winter snow and ice can have a significant impact on our mobility, whether on foot or by car. Alongside plowing, arguably the greatest tool in combating snow and ice is salt. The most commonly used salt for winter maintenance is Sodium Chloride (NaCl), the same salt used in food and water softeners, is applied to roads, sidewalks, and parking lots as it is an effective deicer when temperatures are between 0°C and −12°C. Studies have shown that deicing with salt reduces accidents by 88% and injuries by 85% (Salt Institute 2017). The effectiveness of road salt, as well as its relative affordability, means that as much as four million tonnes may be applied annually in Canada for deicing (Environment Canada 2012). However, while salt is relatively inexpensive to purchase, there are a number of external costs that are becoming increasingly apparent. These include corrosion of vehicles and infrastructure like concrete, bridges, and water mains; damage and staining to the interior and exterior of buildings; impacts to roadside vegetation and soils; and the contamination of fresh water. In fact, the environmental impacts are such that it prompted Environment Canada to propose that winter salt be considered a toxic substance primarily due to the quantity that is applied annually (Environment Canada 2001). The Lake Simcoe watershed, approximately 3,400km2 in size, is situated just 20km north of Toronto, Ontario, with the southern portion of the watershed being considered part of the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), the most populous metropolitan area in Canada. As part of the GTA, the Lake Simcoe watershed has experienced and continues to experience considerable growth, and with this growth comes an increase in the amount of impervious surfaces requiring winter salting. Indeed, chloride has been showing a strong increasing trend in the urban creeks and in Lake Simcoe itself over the last 30 years. Even rural creeks are showing an increasing trend, albeit not as severe, nor are the concentrations of chloride reaching the same levels (LSRCA 2015). The highest chloride level recorded in a Lake Simcoe tributary was 6,120mg/l in the winter of 2013. Chloride guidelines for the protection of aquatic ecosystems utilize a guideline of 120mg/L for chronic exposure and 640mg/L for acute exposure (CCME 2011). While the high value recorded in the Lake Simcoe tributary greatly exceeds these guidelines, it is still drastically lower than values being recorded in larger, intensively urbanized catchments such as Cooksville Creek in Mississauga, Ontario, which sees concentrations in excess of 20,000 mg/L, the concentration of sea water, nearly every winter (Credit Valley Conservation personal comm). Similarly, in July of 2011 a small population of Atlantic blue crabs, a marine species, was found surviving in Mimico Creek in Toronto (Toronto Star: May 26, 2012). That a marine species was able to survive in this fresh water creek in summer demonstrates that the impacts of winter salt are not just limited to winter but are impacting shallow groundwater and thus summer baseflow, maintaining high chloride concentrations year round. The same is being seen in some urban creeks in the Lake Simcoe watershed, with summer baseflow concentrations exceeding the chronic guideline and trending upwards (LSRCA unpublished). While not yet as extreme as rivers in the more densely urbanized parts of the GTA, these examples foreshadow what is in store for Lake Simcoe rivers if current winter salt practices continue along with the projected urban growth. During the winter of 2012 an estimated 99,300 tonnes of salt was applied in the Lake Simcoe watershed, an amount that equals nearly 250kg of salt per capita, or ~3 times the average person's body weight in salt. This estimate was generated through a survey of local road agencies along with the total area of commercial/institutional parking lots within the watershed. The exercise served to highlight a knowledge gap around application practices and rates in commercial/institutional parking lots. The majority of road agencies were found to record annual volumes, application dates and rates whereas literature values range from 10–40% of the salt applied in a catchment come from commercial/institutional parking lots (Perera et al, 2009; Trowbridge et al, 2010; Lake Simcoe Region Conservation Authority, 2015), and a survey of winter maintenance contractors cite an average value of approximately 58g/m2/application (Fu et al, 2013) ( Figure 1 ). [Figure: see text] While these values were used in the estimation as they were the best available, observational data suggested these may be on the conservative side ( Figure 2 ). [Figure: see text] Therefore, monitoring of a 14 ha commercial lot was undertaken for the winters of 2014/15, 2015/16, and 2016/17 to better quantify the amount of salt coming from this type of land use. The winters of 2014/15 and 2016/17 saw similar applications of 1,067 and 1,010 tonnes applied respectively, while the mild winter of 2015/16 saw 556 tonnes applied. While the amounts varied somewhat each winter, the impacts downstream were consistent. Maximum concentrations recorded in the melt water reached 3.5 to 4 times the salt concentration of sea water every winter, equating to chloride concentrations of 70,000mg/L to 85,000mg/L; two orders of magnitude above the water quality guideline. As with most parking lots constructed in the last two decades, the runoff from this parking lot is captured in a stormwater pond prior to entering the receiving watercourse. Interestingly, the winter salt also caused persistent chemical stratification in the permanent pool of the pond. The pond was monitored with continuous monitors for the ice free period of 2015 and 2016 (April to December) during which the bottom water chloride concentration remained distinct from the surface chloride concentration, indicating stratification ( Figure 3 ). This has two significant implications; first of which is that this pond, and therefore many other ponds like it, may not be functioning as designed which is leading to diminished performance (McEnroe 2012, Marsalek 2003). Second is that ponds are acting as salt reservoirs, slowly releasing salt year round and contributing to river chloride concentrations that continually exceed the chronic exposure guideline and thereby exposing aquatic life to harmful concentrations during sensitive life cycle stages. [Figure: see text] To determine the extent to which the catchment land use type impacts stormwater ponds, chemical profiles were measured on three ponds in February 2017. The catchments included the 24.6 ha commercial catchment with 14 ha of salt application surface, an institutional catchment (14.3 ha) with 6 ha of salt application area that includes parking lots and roads, and a 16.4 ha residential catchment with 3 ha of salt application area comprised of tertiary municipal roads. Interestingly, all three ponds showed chemical stratification, with the severity of the stratification and highest chloride concentrations relating to the amount of salt application area in the catchment. The residential pond yielded a maximum chloride concentration of 3,115mg/L in the bottom waters, the institutional yielded 16,144mg/L, and the commercial yielded 25,530 mg/L with chloride concentrations in the bottom 0.5m of the pond exceeding that of sea water. The maximum chloride concentration recorded in the receiving watercourse downstream of the commercial lot was measured at 5,406 mg/L, well in excess of the acute guideline of 640 mg/L. These results highlight that commercial parking lots are not only receiving a significant volume of salt but are also having the most dramatic impacts on receiving stormwater infrastructure and watercourses.

Abstract Background Invasive group A Streptococcus (iGAS) disease caused by type emm89 strains has been increasing worldwide, driven by the emergence of an epidemic clonal variant (clade 3 emm89). The clinical characteristics of patients with emm89 iGAS disease, and in particular with clade 3 emm89 iGAS disease, are poorly described. Methods We used population-based iGAS surveillance data collected in metropolitan Toronto, Ontario, Canada during the period 2000–2014. We sequenced the genomes of 105 emm89 isolates representing all emm89 iGAS disease cases in the area during the period and 138 temporally matched emm89 iGAS isolates collected elsewhere in Ontario. Results Clades 1 and 2 and clade O, a newly discovered emm89 genetic variant, caused most cases of emm89 iGAS disease in metropolitan Toronto before 2008. After rapid emergence of new clade 3, previously circulating clades were purged from the population and the incidence of emm89 iGAS disease significantly increased from 0.14 per 100000 in 2000–2007 to 0.22 per 100000 in 2008–2014. Overall, emm89 organisms caused significantly more arthritis but less necrotizing fasciitis than strains of the more common type emm1. Other clinical presentations were soft tissue and severe respiratory tract infections. Clinical outcomes did not differ significantly between emm89 clades overall. However, clade 3 emm89 iGAS disease was more common in youth and middle-aged individuals. Conclusions The rapid shift in emm89 iGAS strain genetics in metropolitan Toronto has resulted in a significant increase in the incidence of emm89 iGAS disease, with noticeably higher rates of clade 3 disease in younger patients.

Background The Greater Toronto Area (GTA) is home to 39% of Canada’s population living with HIV. To identify gaps in access and engagement in care and treatment, we assessed the care cascade of women living with HIV (WLWH) in the GTA versus the rest of Ontario and Canada (in this case: Quebec and British Columbia). Methods We analyzed 2013–2015 self-reported baseline data from the Canadian HIV Women’s Sexual and Reproductive Health Cohort Study for six care cascade stages: linked to care, retained in care, initiated antiretroviral therapy (ART), currently on ART, ART adherence (≥90%), and undetectable (<50 copies/mL). Multivariable logistic regression was used to reveal associations with being undetectable. Results Comparing the GTA to the rest of Ontario and Canada, respectively: 96%, 98%, 100% were linked to care; 92%, 94%, 98% retained in care; 72%, 89%, 96% initiated ART; 67%, 81%, 90% were currently using ART; 53%, 66%, 77% were adherent; 59%, 69%, 81% were undetectable. Factors associated with viral suppression in the multivariable model included: living outside of the GTA (Ontario: aOR = 1.72, 95% CI: 1.09–2.72; Canada: aOR = 2.42, 95% CI: 1.62–3.62), non-Canadian citizenship (landed immigrant/permanent resident: aOR = 3.23, 95% CI: 1.66–6.26; refugee/protected person/other status: aOR = 4.77, 95% CI: 1.96–11.64), completed high school (aOR = 1.77, 95% CI: 1.15–2.73), stable housing (aOR = 2.13, 95% CI: 1.33–3.39), income of ≥$20,000 (aOR = 1.52, 95% CI: 1.00–2.31), HIV diagnosis <6 years (6–14 years: aOR = 1.75, 95% CI: 1.16–2.63; >14 years: aOR = 1.87, 95% CI: 1.19–2.96), and higher resilience (aOR = 1.02, 95% CI: 1.00–1.04). Conclusion WLWH living in the GTA had lower rates of viral suppression compared to the rest of Ontario and Canada even after adjustment of age, ethnicity, and HIV diagnosis duration. High-impact programming for WLWH in the GTA to improve HIV outcomes are greatly needed.

This research examines the stigmas that have been given to the Jane and Finch area in Toronto, Ontario and the effects of re-branding the neighbourhood as “University Heights”. The re-branding initiative started in 2006 and has rapidly changed the face of the Jane and Finch community with the development of new housing complexes and a subway expansion. Using a genealogical approach I trace the steps that were taken to develop “University Heights” to determine if a democratic process was used throughout the decision-making phases. I outline the key social, political and economic stakeholders that played a role in the re-branding project. In the context of neoliberal praxis, I use the public statements made by the stakeholders to unpack what the re-branding initiative entails and highlight whose interests it is likely to serve. This research calls attention to the ways in which residents of the Jane and Finch area will be affected by the gentrification of their neighbourhood. A critical race framework is used to uncover the neoliberal ideologies that have been fundamental to the creation of “University Heights”. The crux of my project is to highlight the social injustices along the axis of race, class and gender, that are embedded in applying a neoliberal agenda in the Jane and Finch area.

Introduction The Canadian government has committed to a national action plan (NAP) to address violence against women (VAW). However, a formalized plan for implementation has not been published. Building on existing recommendations and consultations, we conducted the first formal and peer-reviewed qualitative analysis of the perspectives of leaders, service providers and survivors on what should be considered in Canada’s NAP on VAW. Methods We applied thematic analysis to qualitative data from 18 staff working on VAW services (11 direct support, 7 in leadership roles) and 10 VAW survivor participants of a community-based study on VAW programming during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Greater Toronto Area (Ontario, Canada). Results We generated 12 recommendations for Canada’s NAP on VAW, which we organized into four thematic areas: (1) invest into VAW services and crisis supports (e.g. strengthen referral mechanisms to VAW programming); (2) enhance structural supports (e.g. invest in the full housing continuum for VAW survivors); (3) develop coordinated systems (e.g. strengthen collaboration between health and VAW systems); and (4) implement and evaluate primary prevention strategies (e.g. conduct a gender-based and intersectional analysis of existing social and public policies). Conclusion In this study, we developed, prioritized and nuanced recommendations for Canada’s proposed NAP on VAW based on a rigorous analysis of the perspectives of VAW survivors and staff in Canada’s largest city during the COVID-19 pandemic. An effective NAP will require investment in direct support organizations; equitable housing and other structural supports; strategic coordination of health, justice and social care systems; and primary prevention strategies, including gender transformative policy reform.