Academic literature on the topic 'Housing – Ontario – Toronto metropolitan area'

Purpose This paper aims to present a panel data econometric model of the main determinants of house prices in the ten largest census metropolitan areas (CMA) in Ontario, Canada, for the years 2001, 2006 and 2011. The impact of immigration on the housing market in Canada is little researched; however, immigration plays an important role into the economy of Canada. According to Statistics Canada, not only is immigration key to Canada’s population growth but also without immigration, in the next 20 years, Canada’s population growth will be zero. The motivation for this study is the bursting of housing bubbles in some developed countries (e.g. USA). The authors analyze variables that are related to the immigration policy in Canada, accounting also for the impact of the interest rate, income, unemployment, household size and housing supply to analyze housing price determinants. The study investigates the magnitude of the impact of the top three leading categories of immigrants to Canada, namely, Chinese, Indian and Filipino, on the housing prices in Ontario’s largest cities. The results show the main factors that explain home prices over time that are interest rate, immigration, unemployment rate, household size and income. Over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, immigration grew by 400 per cent in Toronto CMA, the largest receiving area in Ontario, while the nonimmigrant population grew by 14 per cent. For Toronto CMA, immigrants, income, unemployment rate and interest rate explain the CA$158,875 average home price increase over the 2001-2011 time period. Out of this, the three categories of immigrants’ share of total home price increase is 54.57 per cent, with the corresponding interest rate share 58.60 per cent and income share 11.32 per cent of the total price growth. Unemployment rate contributes negatively to the housing price and its share of the total price increase is 24.49 per cent. Design/methodology/approach The framework for the empirical analysis applies the hedonic pricing model theory to housing sales prices for the ten largest CMAs in Ontario over the years 2001-2011. Following Akbari and Aydede (2012) and O’Meara (2015), market clearing in the housing market results in the housing price as a function of several housing attributes. The authors selected the housing attributes based on data availability for the Canadian Census years of 2001, 2006 and 2011 and the variables that have been most used in the literature. The model has the average housing prices as the dependent variable, and the independent variables are: immigrants per dwelling (Chinese, Indian, and Filipino), unemployment rate, average employment income, household size, housing supply and the interest rate. To capture the relative scarcity of dwellings, the independent variable immigrants per dwelling was used. Findings This study seems to suggest that one cause of high prices in Ontario is large inflows of immigrants together with low mortgage interest rate. The authors focused their attention on Toronto CMA, as it is the main destination of immigrants and comprises the largest cities, including Toronto, Mississauga, Brampton and Oakville. Looking over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, the authors can see the factors that impact the home prices in Toronto CMA: immigration, unemployment rate, household size, interest rate and income. Over the period of 10 years from 2001 to 2011, immigrants’ group from China, India and the Philippines account for CA$86,701 increase in the home price (54.57 per cent share of the total increase). Income accounts for CA$17,986 increase in the home price (11.32 per cent share); interest rate accounts for CA$93,103 of the average home price increase in Toronto CMA (58.60 per cent share); and unemployment rate accounts for CA$38,916 decrease in the Toronto average home prices (24.49 per cent share). Household size remain stable over time in Toronto (2.8 average household size) and does not have a contribution to home price change. All these four factors, interest rate, immigrants, unemployment rate and income, together explain CA$158,875 increase in home prices in Toronto CMA between 2001 and 2011. Practical implications The housing market price analysis may be more complex, and there may be factors impacting the housing prices extending beyond immigration, interest rate, income and household size. Finally, the results of this paper can be extended to include the most recent census data for the year 2016 to reflect more accurately the price situation in the housing market for Ontario cities. Social implications The fact that currently, in 2017, the young working population cannot afford buying a property in the Toronto CMA area means there is a problem with this market and a corresponding decrease in the quality of life. According to The Globe and Mail (July 2017), a new pool in 2017 suggested that two in five Canadians believe housing in this country is not affordable for them. Further, 38 per cent of respondents who consider themselves middle or upper class believe in no affordability of housing. The Trudeau Government promised Canadians a national housing strategy for affordable housing. Designing a national housing strategy may be challenging because it has to account for the differential income ranges across regions. Municipal leaders are asking the government to prioritize repair and construct new affordable housing. Another reason discussed in the media of the unaffordability of housing in Toronto and Vancouver is foreign buyers. The Canadian Government recently implemented a tax measure on what it may seem the housing bubble problem: foreign buyers. Following Vancouver, in April 2017, Ontario Government imposed a 15 per cent tax on foreign buyers who are not Canadian citizens or permanent residents. This tax is levied on houses purchased in the area stretching from Niagara Region and Greater Toronto to Peterborough. Originality/value Few studies use Canadian data to explain house prices and analyze the effect of immigration on housing prices. There is not much research on the effect of the immigrants and immigrants’ ethnicity (e.g., Chinese, Indian and Filipino immigrants), on the housing prices in Canada cities. This study investigates the impact of the most prevalent immigrant races (e.g., from China, India and the Philippines) on housing prices, using data for Canadian major cities in Ontario within a panel data econometric framework. This paper fills this gap and contributes to the literature, which analyzes the determinants of housing prices based on a panel of cities in the Canadian province of Ontario.

During the first great burst of urban growth in Canada from the beginning of the 20th century and on into the 1920s it was generally the municipalities, either singly or collectively, which fostered policy innovation and new services. Provinces generally did little at that time, either to foster new policies or rein in local autonomy. It was only after the economic setbacks of the depression and a renewed spirit of urban development after 1945 that provincial direction over municipalities became much more significant. This paper is a case study of two major policy crises which threatened the viability of the whole municipal system in Ontario. In the 1930s the Border Cities (Metropolitan Windsor) faced bankruptcy and economic collapse and placed in jeopardy the credit of the province. In the early 1950s the inability of Metropolitan Toronto to create area-wide solutions to severe servicing problems threatened to stall the main engine of provincial growth. The case study demonstrates how a reluctant provincial government intervened to create new metropolitan arrangements for the two areas and accompanied this with a greatly expanded structure of provincial oversight including a strengthened Ontario Municipal Board and a specific department to handle municipal affairs. The objective of the policy was to bolster local government rather than to narrow municipal autonomy.

The municipality of Metropolitan Toronto (area 480 km2, population 2.15 million) is centrally located on the Late Pleistocene sedimentary infill of the Laurentian Channel, a broad bedrock low up to 115 km wide connecting the Huron and Ontario basins. This channel forms part of a relict (late Tertiary?) drainage network (the Laurentian River) modified by Pleistocene glacial erosion and infilled by over 100 m of glacial and interglacial sediments. The subsurface stratigraphy of the channel fill below Metropolitan Toronto has been established from many different data sources and is depicted, in this paper, as a series of cross sections with a total length of nearly 105 km.The subsurface stratigraphy has been divided, provisionally, into five depositional complexes, which have been mapped in the subsurface along several transects. These are (1) a glacial complex of Illinoian (?) age, (2) a lacustrine complex of Sangamon Interglacial and earliest Wisconsinan sediments (120 000 – 75 000 BP?), (3) a glaciolacustrine – lacustrine complex spanning the Early and Mid-Wisconsinan (75 000 – 30 000 BP?), (4) a Late Wisconsinan (> 30 000 BP) glacial complex, and (5) a postglacial lacustrine complex (ca. 12 000 BP).The data presented in this paper are significant for applied geological investigations in the heavily urbanized Toronto area and provide new insights into the glacial history of the Ontario Basin, in particular the regional extent of the Laurentide Ice Sheet margin prior to the Late Wisconsinan.

Participation in the small business sector by immigrants in Ontario is examined, using a theoretical model that views immigrant enterprise as a product of class and ethnic resources in combination with a favorable opportunity structure. Hong Kong Chinese predominate among recent immigrant entrepreneurs and are concentrated in the Toronto metropolitan area. These patterns are attributed to strong push factors in the sending society and the existence of an institutionally complete Chinese community in the receiving society, supporting a well-developed ethnic subeconomy that has taken on many of the features of an ethnic enclave.

Objective: The objective of this article was to conduct a cost analysis comparing the costs of a supportive housing intervention to inpatient care for clients with severe mental illness who were designated alternative-level care while inpatient at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health in Toronto. The intervention, called the High Support Housing Initiative, was implemented in 2013 through a collaboration between 15 agencies in the Toronto area. Method: The perspective of this cost analysis was that of the Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care. We compared the cost of inpatient mental health care to high-support housing. Cost data were derived from a variety of sources, including health administrative data, expenditures reported by housing providers, and document analysis. Results: The High Support Housing Initiative was cost saving relative to inpatient care. The average cost savings per diem were between $140 and $160. This amounts to an annual cost savings of approximately $51,000 to $58,000. When tested through sensitivity analysis, the intervention remained cost saving in most scenarios; however, the result was highly sensitive to health system costs for clients of the High Support Housing Initiative program. Conclusions: This study suggests the High Support Housing Initiative is potentially cost saving relative to inpatient hospitalization at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health.

Events that disable parts of the highway transportation network, ranging from weather conditions to construction closures, may affect freight travel times and ultimately degrade economic productivity. Although previous studies of criticality typically focused on the impacts of natural disasters or terrorist attacks on systemwide travel times, these studies did not quantify the costs associated with disruptions to the economy because of disruptions to the freight transportation system. This paper quantifies the economic criticality of the highway infrastructure in Ontario, Canada, with the use of a new measure of criticality that determines the cost of highway closures (in dollars) on the basis of the value of goods, the time delayed, and the associated value of time. When criticality is measured in this way, it has some correlation with truck volumes, but the correlation differs when the values of shipments and the physical redundancy in the network are considered, and results in new insights into critical freight infrastructure. For example, the highway network within the greater Toronto, Ontario, Canada, area has a high degree of redundancy, but highways farther away from this metropolitan area have less redundancy and are thus more critical. Moreover, sections of Highway 401 located west of the greater Toronto area were found to be more critical—even though it carries lower truck volumes—than those located east of the greater Toronto area because of the lower redundancy in the western portion of the network. This measure has many potential applications in freight transportation planning, operations, and maintenance. Finally, with the cost of these disruptions quantified in dollars, one can then calculate the monetary benefits of potential transportation improvements for comparison (i.e., perform a cost–benefit analysis).

Although the fact is not widely acknowledged by urban scholars, because of the way that it is administered the property tax helps to shape the social geography of metropolitan areas. Research by public finance specialists has shown that cheap housing is often overassessed, and that variations in assessment ratios (the ratio of assessed to market values) usually favour the suburbs. Sales prices and assessment data from the Hamilton, Ontario, metropolitan area for 1976, 1996, and 1999 confirm these patterns and show that they are persistent. In addition, cross-tabulations by market value and location show that geographical variations in assessment ratios are caused by the inequitable treatment of inexpensive property, not vice versa. A 1998 reassessment made the situation worse. The main difficulty in reducing tax inequities is political, not technical.

The article attempts to present dilemmas related to shaping metropolitan policy in Canada, and then relate them to problems occurring in Poland. It is a part of the debate on seeking the right governance configurations and discourses in response to the communities’ needs. Particular attention is paid to the characteristics of the scales of governance and socio-spatial relations in the Toronto metropolitan area. The article has been divided into four main parts. Part one outlines the theoretical framework and the context of the conducted analyses. Part two describes the structures and processes of regional and metropolitan governance in Southern Ontario, with the earlier reference to the institutional conditions and directions of reforms characteristic of the whole of Canada. Part three of the study concerns the governance arrangements that may constitute important reference points for the scientific and political discourse taking place in Poland. Part four is an attempt to capture the similarities and universal premises that have a decisive influence on the processes of forming metropolitan structures and policies, both in Canada and in Poland. The assumption was made that, despite different historical and socio-cultural conditions, comparing Canadian and Polish experiences is justified, necessary and possible. Firstly, due to the reason that socio-spatial relations in various territorial systems are subject to the same development processes and the accompanying processes of transformation and adaptation. Secondly, residents (members of local, metropolitan, regional, national and supranational communities) have similar needs and expect a high quality of life. Decision-makers and actors of political scenes in different geographical spaces have (or may have) the same technologies, ways of information processing, access to knowledge and knowledge of socio-economic processes. They also face challenges related to the inclusion of citizens in decision-making processes. The analysis of metropolitan processes in both countries emphasizes the differences resulting from various historical and economic contexts of development and also makes it possible to identify universal mechanisms and regularities independent of these contexts. The practice of metropolitan policy proves that the process of re-territorialization of power structures and governance is shaped as a resultant of the impact of forces and interests at all levels of territorial authorities: central, regional and local. Based on the analysis of the processes of the formation of metropolitan structures in Canada and Poland, it can be stated that the rank and position of regional authorities play a key role in it. In Canada, strong regional authorities initiate actions for the shaping of metropolitan structures and formulate the scope of their competence and organization. The importance of central authorities for the dynamics of metropolitan processes is secondary in this case. The weakness of regional authorities in Poland leads to the inability to give metropolitan processes the dynamics of development and the legislative rank adequate for the role played by urban regions in the socio-economic development of the country. As evidenced by the example of Toronto, the evolution of the governance system in practice initiates the process of self-learning the system which goes from one to another phase of development, improving the quality of its operation. In Poland, however, the process of creation of governance structures adequate for realistically existing functional metropolitan areas has been stopped, notably, due to the unfavourable political decisions at the central level.

An outbreak of typeemm59invasive group AStreptococcus(iGAS) disease was declared in 2008 in Thunder Bay District, Northwestern Ontario, 2 years after a countrywideemm59epidemic was recognized in Canada. Despite a declining number ofemm59infections since 2010, numerous cases of iGAS disease continue to be reported in the area. We collected clinical information on all iGAS cases recorded in Thunder Bay District from 2008 to 2013. We alsoemmtyped and sequenced the genomes of all available strains isolated from 2011 to 2013 from iGAS infections and from severe cases of soft tissue infections. We used whole-genome sequencing data to investigate the population structure of GAS strains of the most frequently isolatedemmtypes. We report an increased incidence of iGAS in Thunder Bay compared to the metropolitan area of Toronto/Peel and the province of Ontario. Illicit drug use, alcohol abuse, homelessness, and hepatitis C infection were underlying diseases or conditions that might have predisposed patients to iGAS disease. Most cases were caused by clonal strains of skin or generalistemmtypes (i.e.,emm82,emm87,emm101,emm4,emm83, andemm114) uncommonly seen in other areas of the province. We observed rapid waxing and waning ofemmtypes causing disease and their replacement by otheremmtypes associated with the same tissue tropisms. Thus, iGAS disease in Thunder Bay District predominantly affects a select population of disadvantaged persons and is caused by clonally related strains of a few skin and generalistemmtypes less commonly associated with iGAS in other areas of Ontario.

The 1971 and 1981 census journey-to-work data are used to examine the temporal and spatial stabilities of home-based work trip travel demands in the Toronto census metropolitan area (CMA). Regression analysis is used to establish consistent trip generation equations at the census tract level using population, household, and dwelling unit data; the stabilities of alternative equations over time are examined. All of the partial regression coefficients shifted over time, reflecting the substantial changes that have occurred in household structure, female labour force participation, and the characteristics of the housing market. The spatial distributions of the residuals are examined in terms of the spatial differentiation that exists in the household sector in the Toronto CMA in terms of variables such as household size, population age, and occupation status. The use of traditional trip generation techniques is difficult to sustain given the temporal and spatial variations in the trip generation rate. It is concluded that travel demands can only be estimated from a careful consideration of the residential dynamics of the major subareas in a region.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Education.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 192-211). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url%5Fver=Z39.88-2004&res%5Fdat=xri:pqdiss &rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR11922