Academic literature on the topic 'Household employees – France – History'

Formation of a new model of agrarian system was the result of mass collectivization in the USSR. Collective farms were its organizational and production basis. The second largest sector of agriculture in terms of production potential consisted of personal household plots. They were main producers of potatoes, vegetables and milk, and a significant part of meat products. Soviet and Russian historiography has paid main attention to the study of the personal plots of collective farmers, overlooking the dynamics of personal plots of workers and employees. The author of the article reconstructs factors and trends of development of personal household plots of workers and employees in Siberia in the 1930s. It was found that in the early 1930s the size of personal plots of this category of population was minimal. State farm workers were prohibited from personal farming, and personal household plots of other categories of workers and employees were taxed at the rates of individual farmers. After the 1932–1933 mass famine, several restrictions on the development of personal household plots were canceled. Level of its taxation was decreased. Liberalization of state policy and an increasing part of workers and employees in population of the region led to a rapid growth in production potential of their personal plots. Development rate of workers and employees’ personal plots was higher than that of collective farmers. In the late 1930s a campaign took place to limit the size of personal household plots. Taxation was increased. This led to decline in the personal sector of agricultural economy.

Simon Langham, archbishop of Canterbury and former abbot of Westminster, was made cardinal priest of St Sixtus by Urban v on 22 September 1368. Resigning Canterbury, he joined the pope in Italy, formally entering on his duties at Montefiascone on 24 May 1369. He returned with the pope to Avignon in late 1370. In early 1371 he was employed by Pope Gregory XI as a legate in France, England and the Low Countries but by April 1373 was rejoining the curia. After that he lived continuously in Avignon until his death on 22 July 1376, though little is known about his activities. At the curia like all cardinals he maintained a household. The aim of this study is to discuss who were its members, to consider their recruitment and careers and to ask a few questions about Langham's patronage.

Abstract The fractured nature of emergent domesticity in its first phase in the 1760s was inextricably tied to the perils as well as promises of commerce for individual households in an unpredictable global economy, although historians have focused on the metropolitan roots of domesticity. A microhistorical exploration of the world of a single household in the French city of Lyon brings the fault lines of a globalizing economy, consumption, and domesticity into sharp focus as lived experience. It suggests the uneven terrain of domesticity, in terms of gender, household, and family, as well as for producers and consumers. In the experiences of household members and in the classified advertisements in the local newspaper, fractured domesticity was manifest, the conjugal labor—reproductive and productive—that made global domesticity local was evident, and the centrality of commercial risk as a fault line in domesticity was clarified. The power and limits of “domesticity” as an emotional, cultural, and economic as well as political project were located in familial practice. The potency and limits of domesticity functioned as a system of power that was contingent, layered, and fragmented and that highlighted and elided emotional, reproductive, and productive costs in particular ways at particular times.

<p>The Added Worker Effect (AWE) refers to an increase in the labor supply of secondary earners in a household in response to a decrease in the income of the primary earner. Most empirical research on the AWE has focused on increases in the labor force participation of married women when their husbands experience unemployment spells, but recent government-mandated decreases in standard hours in several European countries provide an alternative source of exogenous decreases in the work hours of married men. Empirical research in evaluating the effectiveness of such policy, mostly investigated the impact on the workers who were directly affected by the policy. A model of household decision making suggests that work hour restrictions without full wage compensation should have spillover effects on the labor supply of other household members, but little is known about this possible spillover effect. This is the first attempt which empirically investigates the existence of AWE using mandatory reduction in standard working hours in France (<em>Aubry’s Law 1998</em>) as a natural experiment. The results show that the exogenous reduction in standard work hours for husbands does not lead to any unemployment to employment transition of wives but increases the number of hours worked by wives who are already in the market and are not affected by the law themselves. It is also found that in terms of hours worked, AWE is more prominent in low income families and for families with more members as family size is positively correlated with the degree of credit constraint.</p>

Debates about the Global Financial Crisis of 2007 have pointed at institutional and individual-behavioural factors as its causes. Using the British Household Panel Survey, this article highlights marked differences in perceptions of societal and economic fairness among financial services employees in investment or management positions in the United Kingdom and the general working population at the brink of the Global Financial Crisis. Panel data analysis suggests that financial services and occupations did not necessarily attract employees with pro-market attitudes, but that employment in these institutions and occupations made it more likely that employees came to display these perceptions, contributing to the construction of a distinct attitudinal profile of finance employees.

Data from a family reconstitution study of five villages in Alsace, France, point to the importance of family composition as a determinant of remarriage. For widows and widowers, the likelihood of remarriage increased with the number of children fourteen years of age or younger in their household, though the result was statistically significant only for men. Moreover, having an older daughter (fifteen to twenty-one years of age) was associated with a much lower likelihood of remarriage for widowers, and, surprisingly, for widows as well.

Bibliography: pages 233-248.
This dissertation seeks to examine an area of South African historiography which has largely been ignored, that is, domestic labour. It posits a relationship between working class women, domestic labour paid and unpaid. The material has been arranged around the primary objective of examining the silence around domestic labour and highlighting the gender content of domestic work. It is divided into two parts. The first part examines the conceptualization of class and gender struggles, while the second part examines aspects of working class women's experience of this. Chapter One deals with why women have been ignored in recorded history; Chapter Two examines Marxist approaches to the Woman Question. Chapter Three examines the silence arourid women's experience in South African historiography, while Chapter Four is a critical examination of the recorded history of domestic workers. Chapter Five examines aspects of black working class women's experience of domestic labour in their own families, while Chapter Six documents the experience of a group of organized workers in Cape Town. The study concludes that the way forward is to develop a gender sensitive class analysis as outlined in the work of Lise Vogel. This will open up new areas for research, for example, the rise of the public and private dichotomy, the separation of productive and reproductive labour, the ideology of motherhood and sexuality as well as the changing nature of the social construction of gender identity.

Thesis (M. A. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2015
The main aim of this study is to examine abuse of domestic workers with special reference to Xitsonga drama, Gija wanuna wa matimba hi HSV Muzwayine na Bill T Mageza Na Vatulu va ka gaza hi H.S.V. Muzwayine. This study also indicates characters who are abused and those who causes this abuse. The first chapter reveals the general outline of the study, the problem statement, the aim. The most important terms of the study have been explained in this chapter so as to reveal what is expected to be analyzed. Some of the definitions of the Constitution have been defined. Chapter two gives a short summary of the literature Review . Chapter three defines methodology and analyse general themes. Chapter five deals with the general summary of this mini-dissertation. The recommendations for further research have been indicated in this chapter.
The University of Limpopo

This thesis serves to highlight the significance of food and diet in the servant problem narrative of eighteenth and nineteenth-century Britain and the role of food in master-servant relationships as a source of conflict. The study also shows how attitudes towards servant labor, wages, and perquisites resulted in food-related theft. Employers customarily provided regular meals, food, drink, or board wages and tea money to their domestic servants in addition to an annual salary, yet food and meals often resulted in contention as evidenced by contemporary criticism and increased calls for legislative wage regulation. Differing expectations of wage components, including food and other perquisites, resulted in ongoing conflict between masters and servants. Existing historical scholarship on the relationship between British domestic servants and their masters or mistresses in context of the servant problem often tends to place focus on themes of gender and sexuality. Considering the role of food as a fundamental necessity in the lives of servants provides a new approach to understanding the servant problem and reveals sources of mistrust and resentment in the master-servant relationship.

This thesis examines the history of domestic service in Zambia from the 1960s to the present day. Domestic service was one of the largest sectors of urban employment throughout this period and involved large numbers of men, women and children selling and buying labour in a variety of working arrangements. The sector has, however, received little scholarly or official attention, reflecting a broader historiographical neglect of informal sector employment and the female workers who predominate in this area of the economy. The lack of attention paid to domestic service by academics and policy-makers has considerably limited the questions that have been asked about who workers are and how processes of reproduction and production have been organized at a household and societal level in Zambia, both historically and in the present. Most immediately, in order to work outside of the home, earn money and access crucial resources, thousands of Zambians needed to find someone else to take care of their homes and children. Drawing on a wide range of source material, this study demonstrates the importance of domestic service to social and economic relations in post-colonial Zambia. The study centres on domestic service arrangements in black households in the capital city of Lusaka. It examines how and why men, women and children found work in service, how and why employers sought help with domestic and care labour, and the relationships that developed between these parties. The study illustrates the diversity of the sector, with working arrangements varying from seemingly-informal kinship-based labour relations at one end of the spectrum to formalised, contractual employment at the other. The study also explains the gendered and generational shifts that have reshaped domestic service over the last fifty years, drawing attention to the increased significance of women and female children's labour. Overall this thesis provides new insights into class formation, rural-urban dependencies, gender relations, and the nature of inequality in a post-colonial African city.

La prison de la Conciergerie occupe une place particulière dans le paysage pénitentiaire parisien du XVIIe siècle. Elle accueille de nombreux prisonniers pour dette, les prisonniers jugés en première instance par l’une des juridictions siégeant dans Palais de la Cité, dont elle occupe les bâtiments, mais aussi et surtout les prisonniers en appel devant le parlement de Paris. A partir de l’analyse de parcours individuels de prisonniers et de personnels de la Conciergerie (les dynasties de concierges Regnoust et Dumont), reconstitués grâce aux archives criminelles et notariales, la thèse porte sur les relations sociales et les comportements au sein de la prison. Après une première partie consacrée à un état des lieux de la Conciergerie au début du XVIIe siècle, la deuxième partie met en avant les particularités de sa société carcérale : moins séparée du monde extérieur que les prisons actuelles, elle reproduit à petite échelle la société parisienne. Plutôt que sur une distinction rigoureuse entre hommes et femmes et entre catégories criminelles, son organisation est fondée sur la position sociale et la richesse. Les prisonniers régulent eux-mêmes leurs conflits, le plus souvent sans faire appel au personnel. Quant à l’univers socio-professionnel des gardiens, il ressemble beaucoup à celui des métiers parisiens par les relations à la fois solidaires et hiérarchisées entre le concierge et ses guichetiers et morgeurs. La troisième partie porte sur « l’aventure de l’évasion », révélatrice de l’importance du contexte social et culturel dans la décision, la préparation et l’exécution d’une telle entreprise
The prison of the Conciergerie occupied a special place in the Paris prison landscape of the seventeenth century. It hosted many prisoners for debt, prisoners tried in first instance by one of the courts sitting in the Palais de Justice, which occupied the buildings, but also and above all the prisoners appealed to the parliament of Paris. From the analysis of individual pathways both of prisoners and staff of the Conciergerie (dynasties of chief jailers Regnoust and Dumont) and reconstituted from criminal and notarial archives, the thesis focuses on social relationships and behavior within the prison. After a first part dedicated to an overview of the Conciergerie in the early seventeenth century, the second part highlights the peculiarities of this prison society: less separated from the outside world that the current prison, it played small-scale Parisian society. Rather than on a rigorous distinction between men and women and between criminal groups, the organization was based on social status and wealth. Prisoners regulated their own conflicts, often without involving staff. As for the socio-professional world of guards, it resembled that of the Parisian business relations, involving both solidarity and hierarchy between the jailers. The third part focuses on "the adventure of escape", revealing the importance of social and cultural context in the decision, preparation and execution of such an undertaking

In the reading of the servants in examples from the period 1920-1950, the servant question is invoked to expose the workings of class. The servants in these narratives of Bowen, Green, Taylor, Waugh, Mansfield and Panter-Downes, lady’s maids, housekeepers, nannies, a butler and a chauffeur, are in thrall to the collective structures of societal ordering, and reluctant with respect to social mobility. Class was not fully being negotiated in this period, in fact little change was visible. Fer example intimacy, such as that between the lady’s maid and her mistress, meant that class confrontation was unlikely. The nanny showed that culturally constructed mechanisms such as nostalgia could be employed to discourage the desire for change. In terms of the socio-historical context any transformation in the make-up of domestic life – that is, the move towards homes without servants - was a fairly gradual business. But, there was a widespread belief in a change that had not really taken place – and that certainly had not taken place within domestic service. Any transformation of society was superficial; the governing ranks would not permit their disempowerment through genuine class change. I contend that the literature supports this perspective. Servants desire subservience; they find comfort in the familiarity of the system of household ranking-by-status. In the process, authority itself is portrayed as being less immutable, more malleable and thereby equipped for the future. In this sense the narratives read in this thesis go to make up a literature of resistance, in refutation of the overwhelming narrative of the time, progressing instead the notion that class must persist with its boundaries intact, as its hegemony is desirable and necessary for the smooth, successful operation of society.

Les Grands Magasins du Louvre naissent en 1855 à l’ombre du Grand Hôtel du Louvre, dans un quartier en expansion suite aux travaux de Haussmann, deux ans seulement après la création du Bon Marché. Leur création est fortement liée au projet et au réseau des frères Pereire qui souhaitent développer le commerce et le tourisme de luxe à Paris. Les Grands Magasins du Louvre s’imposent rapidement comme l’un des principaux grands magasins, voire même le plus important par le chiffre d’affaires dans les années 1870-1880, ainsi que par l’espace occupé. En effet, d’abord enclavé par l’hôtel, le magasin conduit par ses deux gérants, Chauchard et Hériot, va engloutir toutes les boutiques environnantes, et s’emparer de l’hôtel en 1875. Ils adoptent ainsi le slogan les « plus vastes magasins du monde ». Ce premier pied dans l’hôtellerie va inciter ses dirigeants à poursuivre leur expansion dans ce domaine en exploitant trois hôtels supplémentaires, le Terminus Saint-Lazare, l’hôtel d’Orsay et le Crillon. Les Grands Magasins du Louvre sera donc le seul grand magasin à avoir investi dans un autre secteur que le commerce pour diversifier ses activités. A la fin du XIXème siècle, le magasin semble connaître son apogée étendant son influence sur le territoire national comme à l’étranger et s’approvisionnant en marchandises du monde entier. Mais la Première Guerre mondiale et surtout la crise économique des années 1930 lui porte un coup dur dont il ne se relèvera pas. En 1939 il dépose une première fois le bilan, avant que cette fermeture soit interrompue par la guerre. Il continuera à survivre après le Second conflit mondial, avant de disparaître définitivement en 1974
The Grands Magasins du Louvre was born in 1855 in the shadow of the Grand Hôtel du Louvre, in an expanding area following the works of Haussmann, only two years after the creation of the Bon Marché. Their creation is strongly linked to the project and the network of the Pereire brothers who wish to develop trade and luxury tourism in Paris. Louvre shops are quickly becoming one of the leading department stores, and even the most important by turnover in the 1870s and 1880s, as well as occupied space. Indeed, at first locked by the hotel, the store led by its two managers Chauchard and Hériot will engulf all the surrounding shops, as well as the hotel in 1879. They adopt the slogan of "the largest stores in the world". This first foot in the hotel industry will encourage its leaders to continue their expansion in this area by operating three additional hotels, the Terminus Saint-Lazare, the hotel d'Orsay and Crillon. The Grands Magasins du Louvre will therefore be the only department store to have invested in a sector other than commerce to diversify its activities. At the end of the nineteenth century, the store seems to know its heyday extending its influence on the national territory and abroad and sourcing goods from around the world. But the First World War and especially the economic crisis of the 1930s brought him a hard blow which he will not recover. In 1939 it first filed the balance sheet, before the closure was interrupted by the war. It will continue to survive after the Second World War, before finally disappearing in 1974

Els més recents estudis sobre els canvis en l’estructura ocupacional en els processos d’industrialització han qüestionat les teories generals sobre la contribució dels diferents sectors al creixement econòmic, donant nova rellevància al sector serveis. Tal com s’ha assenyalat en diversos estudis, si poguéssim superar el tradicional subregistre del treball femení aquesta importància encara seria més elevada. Aquesta línia de recerca ha contribuït a donar un nou impuls a l’interès per l’estudi del sector serveis, que ha tingut una importància i una anàlisi menor per part de la història econòmica i social; com a conseqüència, també s’ha atorgat rellevància a un millor coneixement del servei domèstic. Aquesta tesi té com a objectiu contribuir a un millor coneixement del sector des de l’estudi del servei domèstic a la ciutat de Barcelona entre el 1900 i el 1950. En ella s’analitzen els canvis de l’estructura intrasectorial i de la composició de gènere de la mà d’obra emprada en aquest sector; el paper de l’Estat i de les associacions obreres en els canvis en l’estructura ocupacional del sector o de les condicions laborals i de protecció sociolaboral. Veurem com la diversitat d’oficis i professions que havien conformat el servei domèstic durant el període preindustrial havia anat desapareixent progressivament al llarg dels segles XVIII i XIX. Així al segle XX s’estava consolidant la pèrdua d’heterogeneïtat del sector reduint-se a la figura de la “noia a tot estar” capaç de realitzar múltiples tasques domèstiques i de cura, perdent, en aquest procés, valor, tant en condicions laborals com en estatus social. D’aquesta manera, també s’estava completant el procés de feminització que, alhora, estava contribuint a precaritzar aquest sector econòmic empitjorant la seva posició social dins del mercat de treball barceloní. Així mateix, s’analitza la formació del mercat de treball del servei domèstic, l’origen sociodemogràfic dels seus treballadors i treballadores i el funcionament de l’esmentat mercat a través de les institucions i els mecanismes intermediaris entre l’oferta i la demanda de servei domèstic. Alhora, s’estudien també les condicions salarials i laborals, així com l’associacionisme de diferent signe i la posició dels diferents actors socials (Estat, sindicats, patronal i treballadors/es domèstics) davant la situació del servei domèstic. Per realitzar aquest treball he utilitzat diferents fonts de caràcter heterogeni per tal d’encaixar-les i aproximar-me a la situació d’un grup laboral que disposa de poques fonts de caràcter homogeni. En aquest sentit, en primer lloc, he realitzat un recorregut per les lleis i normatives que afectaven el servei domèstic, la jurisprudència emesa pels tribunals i les anàlisis realitzades per la doctrina jurídica. En segon lloc, s’ha analitzat la variada documentació de diverses institucions públiques i privades (Ajuntament, Diputació de Barcelona, Diòcesi de Barcelona, Escola Popular de la Dona, etc.) així com la informació estadística emesa per alguns d’aquests organismes. Així mateix, els Censos Nacionals de Població, complementats amb altre tipus d’informació estadística (padrons, estadístiques emeses per organismes locals, etc.), m’han permès examinar l’estructura del sector domèstic. En tercer lloc, la premsa, tant la burgesa com l’obrera, ha estat central en aquest treball. Així doncs, s’han buidat exhaustivament els diaris La Vanguardia i Solidaridad Obrera. Finalment, també he buidat els expedients judicials conservats de les demandes presentades pel servei domèstic davant dels tribunals de caràcter laboral (tribunals industrials i magistratures de treball). En definitiva, durant la primera meitat del segle XX, a diferència del que succeïa durant el període preindustrial –on en el sector convivien homes i dones amb diversitat d’edats i orígens socials–, el servei domèstic barceloní concentrava noies joves de classes populars que arribaven a un sector econòmic que s’havia anat precaritzant: desregulat normativament, desatès sindicalment i amb males condicions salarials i laborals, s’havia empitjorat la seva posició en el mercat de treball urbà barceloní. Analitzar aquest sector històricament permet observar com aquesta situació va consolidar unes condicions que contribueixen a explicar l’actual fragilitat d’aquest sector econòmic, tal com mostren les darreres dades de l’OIT.
This thesis aims to contribute to a better knowledge of the domestic sector in the city of Barcelona between 1900 and 1950. It analyses the changes in the structure and composition of the workforce employed in this sector; the role of the state and trade unions in changes in the occupational structure of the sector, working conditions and labour protection. We see how the variety of professions that the domestic service had featured during preindustrial period gradually faded over the 19th and 20th centuries. Therefore, in the 20th century there was no occupational diversity and the figure of "all girl being" [noia a tot estar; chica para todo] was widespread. These domestic servants were able to perform all sorts of chores, but the de-specialisation process involved the decrease in their labour and social status. Thus, the feminization process was completed, which contributed to make the domestic sector more precarious and worsened its social position in the labour market of Barcelona. Likewise, we analyse the socio-demographic origin of domestic workers, the formation of the domestic labour market and how this market worked through institutions and intermediary mechanisms between supply and demand. Similarly labour conditions, wages and the role of associations, trade unions and employers in the domestic service are also studied. Heterogeneous sources have been used. Firstly, the thesis studies the laws and regulations that affected the domestic service. Secondly, it analyses documents from several public and private institutions (Barcelona City Council, Barcelona Provincial Council, Diocese of Barcelona, etc.) as well as statistical information issued by some of these organisations. Besides, the National Census of Population, combined with other statistical sources (registers, statistics issued by local organisations, etc.), has allowed to examine the structure of the domestic sector. Thirdly, the press issued by bourgeois and working-class organisations has been crucial in this thesis. Finally, the requests brought before the labour tribunals (industrial tribunals and labour tribunals) have been analysed.

Defence date: 14 November 2016
Examining Board: Professeur Laura Downs, EUI (Directrice de thèse EUI); Professeur Lucy Riall, EUI; Professeur Raffaella Sarti, Università degli Studi di Urbino « Carlo Bò »; Professeur Anne Verjus, Ecole Normale Supérieure de Lyon.
Thesis in two volumes.
First made available online on 9 March 2017
Extraite des Souvenirs de Victor Ogier sur un industriel lyonnais, Camille Dognin -ici le « malheureux », cette citation résume en quelques lignes plusieurs problématiques liées à la domesticité : rencontre entre classes sociales antagonistes, mise en exergue de la dimension économique de l'unité familiale, potentielles reconfigurations des relations affectives... Sur l'ensemble des XIXe et du XXe siècles, la domesticité, pour les femmes et pour les hommes, constitue un statut professionnel omniprésent, aussi bien en ville qu'en milieu rural. Elle met en contact direct les classes populaires, le haut des classes moyennes, et les classes dominantes dans des relations de travail. A l'heure actuelle, la recherche, surtout en sociologie, s'intéresse particulièrement au caractère direct de ces relations de travail, entre employeur.e.s « amateurs » et employé.e.s professionnel.le.s, à la formation de cet « autre monde populaire », aux tensions liées aux rapports sociaux de genre et de race. Le travail domestique rémunéré demeure une thématique féministe : pourquoi est-il exercé massivement par des femmes ? Quelle est sa valeur ? Quelle est sa place dans le fonctionnement des migrations contemporaines ? Quel rôle a-t-il dans la définition des identités et des rapports sociaux ?

Employment laws are put in place to protect employees from any mistreatment from their employers, and are a vital part of a country’s efforts to protect its citizens. Some countries are regarded as having very restrictive employment laws whilst others are regarded as more relaxed. According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), who analyse and compare employment protections in various countries, the UK, Canada and the USA have the most lenient laws whereas France, Spain and Turkey have the strictest. This chapter will focus on UK employment law, where workers’ rights can be traced back to the 1300s and significant changes are still occurring today. By examining the UK’s history of employment law, the contract of employment, corresponding rights and duties of both the employer and employee and the circumstances in which the contract of employment might come to an end, students will gain a valuable insight into a unique area of UK business law.

“The Ponce de León and de Salas Households, St. Augustine, Florida” discusses the history and archaeology of St. Augustine, Florida and two of the three major data sets used in Setting the Table. Specifically, it focuses on the households of two wealthy, mid eighteenth-century families: the Ponce de Leóns and the de Salases. The chapter provides biographical information on the families who owned and lived on these properties and describes the material that was recovered at their properties in later archaeological excavations. It focuses on the ceramics from three eighteenth-century deposits: the trash pit and well from the Ponce de León household and a well from the de Salas property. In comparing these sites, the data appears to contradict the traditional hypothesis that wealthy Spaniards in Spanish America would have owned and displayed a significant amount of Spanish and Spanish-American goods. The chapter argues instead that wealthy individuals in this Florida town were aware of and following fashions in Spain, many of which reflected broader trends in Europe and incorporated ideas, goods, and aesthetics from England, France, and elsewhere in Europe.