Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Household employees Employment Malaysia'

Bibliography: pages 269-280.<br>The focus of this thesis on African women's experiences as domestic workers results from the fact that the majority of women within the African population in Cape Town are employed in this sector of economy. Further, the African working class is in a peculiar position as a result of the strict enforcement of the Coloured Labour Preference Policy. This policy ensured the almost total exclusion of the African population from decent housing and education as well as employment. In fact, the policy has hamstrung almost every aspect of the African population's life. The Coloured Labour Preferential Policy was coupled with the strict enforcement of influx control, governed by the Urban Areas Act No. 25 of 1945 as amended. Worst hit by this law were the African women. An attempt was made to understand the experiences of African women both in and outside their work situation. The examination of their gendered experiences of 'race' and class divisions has led to the identification of a number of issues, among them poverty, exploitation as rightless workers and payment of low wages, fragmentation of family life and subordination in marriage relations, childcare problems, housing problems and isolation as mothers and workers. Further, their dreams, which include a wish for securing property, a secure family life and educating their children, as well as self-employment, are all indications of their deprivation and exploitation as women. In this thesis gender has been prioritised, as it emerged as the prime feature of African women's experiences of social divisions. Being a woman in a society divided by 'race' and class, has created hierarchies which carry unequal relationships between employer and employee and the payment of low wages. The privatised nature of this unequal relationship is the key to the oppression and exploitation of domestic workers. Moreover, the impact of the double day on African Women domestic workers has resulted in particular experiences of exploitation and oppression. Because of the limited material currently available on domestic workers, this study is seen as a contribution to the study of women as well as a contribution to a gender-sensitive, working class history of Cape Town. The selected literature that has been reviewed has left the gendered experiences of African women unexposed within their households. The focus has been on the work situation only. Failure to recognise or identify these gendered experiences within both class and 'race' divisions results in obscuring the daily struggles that African women face regarding housing, family life and childcare facilities. The review of the two commissions of enquiry, namely the Riekert and Wiehahn Commissions has shown that the State is still unresponsive to the needs of women as workers and in particular, as domestic workers. Riekert has tied the availability of housing to employment, thus excluding a large number of women in the Cape Town urban area.

Bibliography: pages 233-248.<br>This dissertation seeks to examine an area of South African historiography which has largely been ignored, that is, domestic labour. It posits a relationship between working class women, domestic labour paid and unpaid. The material has been arranged around the primary objective of examining the silence around domestic labour and highlighting the gender content of domestic work. It is divided into two parts. The first part examines the conceptualization of class and gender struggles, while the second part examines aspects of working class women's experience of this. Chapter One deals with why women have been ignored in recorded history; Chapter Two examines Marxist approaches to the Woman Question. Chapter Three examines the silence arourid women's experience in South African historiography, while Chapter Four is a critical examination of the recorded history of domestic workers. Chapter Five examines aspects of black working class women's experience of domestic labour in their own families, while Chapter Six documents the experience of a group of organized workers in Cape Town. The study concludes that the way forward is to develop a gender sensitive class analysis as outlined in the work of Lise Vogel. This will open up new areas for research, for example, the rise of the public and private dichotomy, the separation of productive and reproductive labour, the ideology of motherhood and sexuality as well as the changing nature of the social construction of gender identity.

This thesis examines ways in which domestic workers in South Africa could be included within the scope of existing industrial legislation. At present the legal position of a work force of 862 000 is regulated by the common law contract of service. Socio-economic factors form the background of this investigation,which first sets out to determine whether the common-law contract of employment is capable of equitably regulating the employment relationship. The fallacy of the assumption that individuals agree on the terms of exchange in the employment contract on the basis of juridical equality, and the tenuous nature of the common-law employment relationship in the case of domestic workers are revealed. In the absence of any current statutory minima the employment contract is used to deprive domestic workers of what little protection they enjoy at common law. The two ways in which the individual employee's conditions of service can be protected from terms favouring the stronger of the two contracting parties are discussed. These are collective bargaining and statutory regulation. Difficulties experienced by domestic workers in respect of collective bargaining, whether they be included under the Labour Relations Act or not, are indicated. Proposals for including domestic workers under the Basic Conditions of Employment Act are evaluated in the light of legislation in the United States of America, Zimbabwe, Swaziland and Namibia. Ways of minimum-wage fixing are investigated, and it is concluded that the provisions of the Wage Act could be adapted for domestic workers. The 'unfair labour practice'concept is examined and the implications of its application for the domestic labour sector evaluated. It is recommended that the concept 'fairness' in the Labour Relations Act should apply to domestic workers, but that a code of practice be drafted to provide conceptions of 'fairness' as guidelines for employment behaviour. It is suggested that the parties refer disputes to mediation before being granted access to a Small Labour Court established for this purpose. In conclusion a draft code of practice is presented, as a basis for negotiation at a forum representative of the major actors in the domestic labour arena.

Els més recents estudis sobre els canvis en l’estructura ocupacional en els processos d’industrialització han qüestionat les teories generals sobre la contribució dels diferents sectors al creixement econòmic, donant nova rellevància al sector serveis. Tal com s’ha assenyalat en diversos estudis, si poguéssim superar el tradicional subregistre del treball femení aquesta importància encara seria més elevada. Aquesta línia de recerca ha contribuït a donar un nou impuls a l’interès per l’estudi del sector serveis, que ha tingut una importància i una anàlisi menor per part de la història econòmica i social; com a conseqüència, també s’ha atorgat rellevància a un millor coneixement del servei domèstic. Aquesta tesi té com a objectiu contribuir a un millor coneixement del sector des de l’estudi del servei domèstic a la ciutat de Barcelona entre el 1900 i el 1950. En ella s’analitzen els canvis de l’estructura intrasectorial i de la composició de gènere de la mà d’obra emprada en aquest sector; el paper de l’Estat i de les associacions obreres en els canvis en l’estructura ocupacional del sector o de les condicions laborals i de protecció sociolaboral. Veurem com la diversitat d’oficis i professions que havien conformat el servei domèstic durant el període preindustrial havia anat desapareixent progressivament al llarg dels segles XVIII i XIX. Així al segle XX s’estava consolidant la pèrdua d’heterogeneïtat del sector reduint-se a la figura de la “noia a tot estar” capaç de realitzar múltiples tasques domèstiques i de cura, perdent, en aquest procés, valor, tant en condicions laborals com en estatus social. D’aquesta manera, també s’estava completant el procés de feminització que, alhora, estava contribuint a precaritzar aquest sector econòmic empitjorant la seva posició social dins del mercat de treball barceloní. Així mateix, s’analitza la formació del mercat de treball del servei domèstic, l’origen sociodemogràfic dels seus treballadors i treballadores i el funcionament de l’esmentat mercat a través de les institucions i els mecanismes intermediaris entre l’oferta i la demanda de servei domèstic. Alhora, s’estudien també les condicions salarials i laborals, així com l’associacionisme de diferent signe i la posició dels diferents actors socials (Estat, sindicats, patronal i treballadors/es domèstics) davant la situació del servei domèstic. Per realitzar aquest treball he utilitzat diferents fonts de caràcter heterogeni per tal d’encaixar-les i aproximar-me a la situació d’un grup laboral que disposa de poques fonts de caràcter homogeni. En aquest sentit, en primer lloc, he realitzat un recorregut per les lleis i normatives que afectaven el servei domèstic, la jurisprudència emesa pels tribunals i les anàlisis realitzades per la doctrina jurídica. En segon lloc, s’ha analitzat la variada documentació de diverses institucions públiques i privades (Ajuntament, Diputació de Barcelona, Diòcesi de Barcelona, Escola Popular de la Dona, etc.) així com la informació estadística emesa per alguns d’aquests organismes. Així mateix, els Censos Nacionals de Població, complementats amb altre tipus d’informació estadística (padrons, estadístiques emeses per organismes locals, etc.), m’han permès examinar l’estructura del sector domèstic. En tercer lloc, la premsa, tant la burgesa com l’obrera, ha estat central en aquest treball. Així doncs, s’han buidat exhaustivament els diaris La Vanguardia i Solidaridad Obrera. Finalment, també he buidat els expedients judicials conservats de les demandes presentades pel servei domèstic davant dels tribunals de caràcter laboral (tribunals industrials i magistratures de treball). En definitiva, durant la primera meitat del segle XX, a diferència del que succeïa durant el període preindustrial –on en el sector convivien homes i dones amb diversitat d’edats i orígens socials–, el servei domèstic barceloní concentrava noies joves de classes populars que arribaven a un sector econòmic que s’havia anat precaritzant: desregulat normativament, desatès sindicalment i amb males condicions salarials i laborals, s’havia empitjorat la seva posició en el mercat de treball urbà barceloní. Analitzar aquest sector històricament permet observar com aquesta situació va consolidar unes condicions que contribueixen a explicar l’actual fragilitat d’aquest sector econòmic, tal com mostren les darreres dades de l’OIT.<br>This thesis aims to contribute to a better knowledge of the domestic sector in the city of Barcelona between 1900 and 1950. It analyses the changes in the structure and composition of the workforce employed in this sector; the role of the state and trade unions in changes in the occupational structure of the sector, working conditions and labour protection. We see how the variety of professions that the domestic service had featured during preindustrial period gradually faded over the 19th and 20th centuries. Therefore, in the 20th century there was no occupational diversity and the figure of "all girl being" [noia a tot estar; chica para todo] was widespread. These domestic servants were able to perform all sorts of chores, but the de-specialisation process involved the decrease in their labour and social status. Thus, the feminization process was completed, which contributed to make the domestic sector more precarious and worsened its social position in the labour market of Barcelona. Likewise, we analyse the socio-demographic origin of domestic workers, the formation of the domestic labour market and how this market worked through institutions and intermediary mechanisms between supply and demand. Similarly labour conditions, wages and the role of associations, trade unions and employers in the domestic service are also studied. Heterogeneous sources have been used. Firstly, the thesis studies the laws and regulations that affected the domestic service. Secondly, it analyses documents from several public and private institutions (Barcelona City Council, Barcelona Provincial Council, Diocese of Barcelona, etc.) as well as statistical information issued by some of these organisations. Besides, the National Census of Population, combined with other statistical sources (registers, statistics issued by local organisations, etc.), has allowed to examine the structure of the domestic sector. Thirdly, the press issued by bourgeois and working-class organisations has been crucial in this thesis. Finally, the requests brought before the labour tribunals (industrial tribunals and labour tribunals) have been analysed.

Chen, Yingjun.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-207).<br>Abstracts in English and Chinese.<br>Abstract --- p.i<br>Acknowledgements --- p.iii<br>Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1<br>Statement of problem --- p.1<br>Literature review --- p.3<br>Methodology --- p.14<br>The structure of the thesis --- p.19<br>Chapter 2 --- Domestic Service Market in Shanghai --- p.21<br>Two operating systems --- p.21<br>An unregulated market --- p.24<br>Conflicts between agencies and maids --- p.29<br>From the local to foreign domestic service market --- p.37<br>Chapter 3 --- Chinese Maids in Shanghai: A Personal Profile --- p.47<br>"Salary, days off and live-in/out" --- p.47<br>Who are they and why did they come to Shanghai to work as maids? --- p.50<br>Coming and leaving: Two stories --- p.55<br>Living in Shanghai --- p.59<br>Conflicts among maids --- p.65<br>What value do maids place on their job? --- p.68<br>Future plans --- p.71<br>Chapter 4 --- "Chinese Maids: The Explicit, the Implicit and the Unsaid in the Pre-Job Phase" --- p.75<br>Unspoken rules of being a proper maid --- p.75<br>Factors affecting hiring a maid --- p.82<br>Factors affecting accepting a job --- p.93<br>Chapter 5 --- The Chinese Maid-Employer Relationship: Conflicts and Resistance --- p.102<br>Conflicts with employers --- p.102<br>Resistance --- p.128<br>Chapter 6 --- Filipina Maids in Shanghai: A Personal Profile --- p.134<br>Where do Filipina maids work in Shanghai? --- p.134<br>Who are these Filipina maids and who are their employers? --- p.136<br>Legal status --- p.138<br>Why did Filipinas come to China to work as maids? --- p.141<br>Living in Shanghai --- p.146<br>About Grace --- p.152<br>Future plans --- p.155<br>Maids´ة dual identities in Shanghai --- p.156<br>Chapter 7 --- The Employment of Filipina Maids and the Employer-Filipina Maid Relationship --- p.162<br>Reasons for hiring Filipina maids --- p.162<br>Problems with employers --- p.174<br>Chapter 8 --- Pulling the Strands Together: Power Relationships --- p.190<br>Power is the core --- p.190<br>The causes --- p.193<br>The consequence --- p.199<br>A visual depiction of the relationship and its causes --- p.202<br>Bibliography --- p.204

The demand for domestic services has increased globally during the last two decades and today domestic workers constitute a large portion of the workforce, especially in developing countries. Yet domestic work is undervalued and poorly regulated, and many domestic workers are underpaid and unprotected. This has been recognised by international organisations, such as the International Labour Organisation (ILO). The struggle of domestic workers has lead to improvements to their rights and conditions in many countries. Yet working conditions and wages remain poor in many countries, including South Africa. This booklet sheds light on this problem. There are 888 000 domestic workers in South Africa, which accounts for 7% of total formal employment (Labour Force Survey, May 2010). The vast majority of these workers do not belong to a trade union and do not partake in collective bargaining or are unaware of their rights to bargain and to join trade unions. The South African Domestic Services and Allied Workers Union (SADSAWU) is a trade union for domestic workers in South Africa and campaigns for the improvement of rights and conditions of domestic workers. It recognises that it is not as powerful as it could be and it would have a bigger influence on the legislating authorities if there were more members which were strongly organised. There are numerous difficulties to organise domestic workers, some are related to the education level of the workers and some lies within the nature of the work (many are live-in workers and therefore have no contact with other domestic workers as a natural part of their work). However, SADSAWU has over many years built up a lot of experience and developed a solid vision to build a strong domestic workers movement, and is therefore well placed to fight these difficulties. This booklet also serves as an organising tool for domestic workers. The aim is to raise awareness of the rights of domestic workers and to encourage workers to organise.

This research set out to ascertain whether the employers of domestic workers within the Msunduzi Area do comply with the requirements of Sectoral Determination 7: Domestic Worker Sector. For domestic workers who were exploited during the apartheid era, this determination was perceived as a mechanism that would liberate them (Department of Labour, 2005, p.7). Trade unions use collective bargaining as a tool to fight for employee rights. Domestic workers are unionised, but their trade unions are not as powerful as their counterparts in the private sector (Department of Labour, 2005, p.7). According to Huber (2001, p.20), one of the reasons domestic workers were excluded from most labour laws was the belief that it would be difficult to check whether or not each individual employer complied with the laws. This problem still exists and needs to be solved. Government laws were meant to protect vulnerable workers from exploitation (mainly farm and domestic workers), but what is actually happening is that, rather than protecting employees from exploitation, they serve as corrective action. They are only implemented when there is a case between an employee and the employer. The government has a responsibility to protect vulnerable employees such as domestic and farm workers. The mechanism instituted by the government to protect domestic workers was through the promulgation of Sectoral Determination 7: Domestic Service Sector, which lays down minimum working conditions for domestic workers (Department of Labour, 2005, p.9). The main aim was to alleviate exploitation of domestic workers by the employers due to the power imbalance between these two parties (Department of Labour, 2005, p.9). This study compares what the employer offers to an employee in terms of wages, working hours, meal intervals and leave. From the observation of the research, little research has been done on the compliance or non-compliance with Sectoral Determination 7: Domestic Service Sector, within the Msunduzi Region. The outcome of the findings from this research were that the minimum salary for those employees who work more than five days are R727,60 instead of R861,90 and for those domestic workers who work for five days a week it is an average of R528,93 instead of R567, 79. The results indicated that many of the standards set down by the government are clearly not being met by the employers of domestic workers, for example minimum wages are not being paid and maximum hours are being exceeded. The determination stipulated that the maximum hours that should be worked a week is 45 hours and a maximum of nine hours per day; this was not in line with the standards, seeing that the average amount of time worked per week by respondents was 46.9 hours and 9.3 hours per day. As far as meals are concerned Sectoral Determination 7: Domestic Worker Sector, indicated that the standard should be an hour meal interval for every five hours worked. Respondents from this study disagreed that they were given an hour-long lunch time and reflected that the average time taken for meals was only 30 minutes. Finally, domestic workers need to have annual leave of 21 consecutive days (Department of Labour, 2005, p.9). This standard was not being met, as the average number of days being given for annual leave is 16.5 days. Maternity leave should be given as four consecutive months for domestic workers. It was found that 89,3% of domestic workers were given maternity leave of less than the stipulated four consecutive months. Domestic workers should be given five days' leave for family responsibility (Department of Labour, 2005, p.9). The respondents indicated that this was not adhered to, as the average number of days being given to the domestic workers for family responsibility was 1.4 days. Only 13,8% of domestic workers were granted five days' family responsibility leave and approximately 67,6% received less than five days for family responsibility leave. The study recommended that there should be some kind of government policy of doing consistent spot checks in different areas in the Msunduzi Area and possibly the rest of the country. This will require the Department of Labour to increase its manpower. More labour inspectors will be needed to ensure that this whole area is sufficiently monitored. The study revealed that union officials need to devise means and ways of coming into contact with domestic workers. Employers were expected to have a copy of Sectoral Determination 7: Domestic Service Sector available, within easy access of domestic workers.<br>Thesis (M.B.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

This quantitative-descriptive study explored the effect of relocation cn wives, of employees of an Eastern Cape motor manufacturing company, who were relocated during the period July 1991 to November 1993. Specifically, it aimed to identify the coping behaviour of two samples of such wives, those of employees ./ho were relocated from overseas (international group) and those who were relocated from within South Africa (national group). A control group, comprised of wives of employees who f had not relocated within the last ten or more years, was utilised. The study made use of three research tools: a structured interview schedule compiled by the researcher, the Beck's (1981) Depression Inventory and the Hudson's (1982) Index of Marital Satisfaction.

A Research Report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Art in Political Studies, Johannesburg, 2017<br>Despite their long history of organising, South African domestic workers are deprived of a platform to organise due to the post-apartheid state positioning itself as the primary articulator, representative, and protector of domestic workers‟ collective interests and the resultant displacement of the domestic workers‟ union in these roles. Even at its peak, the union struggled to rally domestic workers around its cause. The shift from “live-in” domestic work to “live-out” domestic work provides workers with greater personal freedom and less isolation from friends and family; allows them to gain some control over their working conditions and; challenges the “atomised” nature of domestic work as domestic workers interact quite frequently with each other in spaces such as taxis and buses, taxi ranks and street corners as they go about travelling to and from work every day. Domestic workers‟ engagement in the everyday practice of commuting to work and the spaces where domestic workers regularly interact with each other allow for the appearance of social networks where grievances can be shared and rallied around; mutual support is given and; information regarding work can be obtained. Significantly, these social networks are integral to the formation of collective identities and the building of political subjectivities of domestic workers, who as a group are deprived of a platform to organise. Furthermore a fuller conception of political action needs to be adopted. Domestic workers, who are without resources and the leadership of a vital union, find themselves in a position of political marginalization; yet participate in everyday forms of resistance. These coupled with their engagement in everyday life, constitute the invisible face of political mobilization. The social networks that have appeared show promise, however they are under-developed and have not yet been formalised in a way that organised action can ensue. As such it is possible that organisational impetus will have to come from the efforts of middle class actors belonging to NGOs, activists and government agencies as has been experienced in other parts of the globe.<br>MT2018

In the 1990s nationally representative and detailed household survey data became available for the first time in South Africa, opening up opportunities to examine some of the key movements in the labour market especially. This thesis investigates one of these: the continued and dramatic rise in female labour force participation that has occurred in post-apartheid South Africa over the period 1995 to 2001. The rise in women's participation, also referred to as the 'feminisation' of the labour market, is a phenomenon that has been observed and analysed in many countries around the world, and yet has remained largely undocumented in South Africa. The 'feminisation' that has been recorded in the international literature generally refers to the rise in women's share of the labour force coupled with a rise in women's share of employment. What is striking in the South African case, however, is that over the period under review here regular employment opportunities in the formal sector of the economy have been indisputably limited, and yet female labour force participation has continued to increase. The increase in participation has translated mainly into a rise in unemployment and in generally low-paying forms of self-employment in the informal sector. This raises the question why so many more women chose to enter the labour market over this period in spite of their dismal prospects, a question that is explored as far as possible in this study given the constraints imposed by the data available. This thesis is presented in three main parts. The first part consists of a review of the economic theory of female labour supply and a review of the international literature on the trends, causes and consequences associated with the rise in female labour force participation over time. The second and largest part of the thesis consists of an empirical analysis of the factors driving the rise in female labour force participation in South Africa. The broad trends in the labour force between 1995 and 2001 are documented, some of the supply-side correlates of labour force participation are explored descriptively, and then the determinants of the rise in female labour force participation in South Africa over this period are tested more thoroughly in a multivariate regression and decomposition analysis. The final part of the study turns to the question of what the rise in female labour force participation has 'bought' women in terms of access to employment and earnings for those women who did have work in the period under review.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Migration and Displacement) July 2017<br>This research report gives an account of the social networks, links, connections and relationships of undocumented Zimbabwean women working as domestic workers in Johannesburg, Gauteng. The primary aim was to understand the role of these ties in providing social, political, emotional and economic support in addressing the challenges that undocumented domestic workers face. The study also explored how social networks enhanced the capabilities and resources of non-national women, particularly focusing on how they defined wellbeing and development. Based on 12 semi-structured interviews with undocumented women living and working in Johannesburg, the findings that emerged from this study, show that unlike what the majority of literature in South Africa points to, undocumented domestic workers do not live in isolation from others, but rather have a diverse range of social networks that allow them to be active agents and participants in their lives. The results highlight that the majority of social networks that undocumented domestic workers use are in actual fact useful to them and how they navigate their contexts. Migrants in this instance are largely dependent on their families for support both in the originating country and in the host community.<br>XL2018

Lee Tsz Lok.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-123).<br>Abstracts in English and Chinese.<br>ABSTRACT --- p.i<br>ACKNOWLEDGMENT --- p.iii<br>CONTENTS --- p.v<br>Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- Introduction: Domestic Work from Premodern to Modern --- p.1<br>Chapter 1.1 --- Research Objective<br>Chapter 1.2 --- Research B ackground<br>Chapter 1.2.1 --- History of Chinese Domestic Servants<br>Chapter 1.2.2 --- Demand for Foreign Domestic Workers<br>Chapter 1.2.3 --- Legislation Governing Employment of Foreign Domestic Workers<br>Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions<br>Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significances<br>Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- Literature Review: Private-Public Interpenetration， Power Relations and Social Negotiations in Domestic Employment --- p.13<br>Chapter 2.1 --- Hegemonies and Homes<br>Chapter 2.2 --- Private-Public Distinction<br>Chapter 2.3 --- Power Dynamics<br>Chapter 2.4 --- Between the Personalized and the Bureaucratized<br>Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- Conceptual Framework: The Personalized/ Bureaucratized Typology and Interactive Dynamics in Domestic Employment --- p.25<br>Chapter 3.1 --- Assumptions of the Present Study<br>Chapter 3.2 --- Typology of Worker-Employer Relations<br>Chapter 3.3 --- The Personalized Type of Relations<br>Chapter 3.4 --- The Bureaucratized Type of Relations<br>Chapter 3.5 --- Micropolitics in Domestic Work<br>Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- Research Methods and Data --- p.39<br>Chapter 4.1 --- Methods and Data Collection<br>Chapter 4.2 --- Characteristics of Informants<br>Chapter 4.2.1 --- Characteristics of Employers<br>Chapter 4.2.2 --- Characteristics of Workers<br>Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- The Personalized Type of Relations --- p.45<br>Chapter 5.1 --- Affective-Based Particularism<br>Chapter 5.1.1 --- Working Philosophy<br>Chapter 5.1.2 --- Workers' Presence in Public Spaces<br>Chapter 5.1.3 --- Confrontations<br>Chapter 5.2 --- Diffuse Work Obligations<br>Chapter 5.3 --- Personal Attachment<br>Chapter 5.3.1 --- Materialistic Relationship<br>Chapter 5.3.2 --- Strategic Personalism<br>Chapter 5.4 --- Concluding Remarks<br>Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- The Bureaucratized Type of Relations --- p.75<br>Chapter 6.1 --- Rule-Based Universalism<br>Chapter 6.1.1 --- Working Philosophy<br>Chapter 6.1.2 --- Workers' Presence in Public Spaces<br>Chapter 6.1.3 --- Confrontations<br>Chapter 6.2 --- Standardized Work Obligations<br>Chapter 6.3 --- Impersonal Relations<br>Chapter 6.4 --- Concluding Remarks<br>Chapter CHAPTER 7 --- "Discussion and Conclusion: Global-Local, Private-Public Matrix of Employment Relations" --- p.97<br>Chapter 7.1 --- Discussion<br>Chapter 7.2 --- Areas for Further Inquiry<br>Chapter 7.3 --- Conclusion<br>APPENDICES<br>APPENDIX A Case Descriptions --- p.106<br>Profiles of Employers<br>Profiles of Workers<br>APPENDIX B Consent Form --- p.110<br>Consent Form (English Version)<br>Consent Form (Chinese Version)<br>APPENDIX C Interview Schedule --- p.112<br>Interview Schedule for Employers<br>(Translated Version)<br>Interview Schedule for Employers<br>(Original Chinese Version)<br>Interview Schedule for Workers<br>REFERENCES --- p.120

Until recently, the legal position of domestic workers in South Africa could be described as a relic of the nineteenth century, when the contract of employment and the common law defined the employer-employee relationship. The legal rules which regulate the relationship between the domestic worker and her employer are examined. International labour standards and the legal position of domestic workers in other countries are considered. Cognisance is taken of the social phenomenon which finds domestic workers at the convergence of three lines along which inequality is generated, namely gender, race and class. Furthermore, the unique economic forces at play in this sector are examined. The law will be stretched to its limits when attempting to resolve what is, essentially, a socio-economic problem. However, the working lives of a million people are at stake. The legislature has a constitutional, political and moral responsibility to attend to reform in this sector as a matter of urgency.<br>Private Law<br>LL.M.

"July 2002."<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 195-203).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Mode of access: World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in English and Chinese.

Relationships between „madams‟ and „maids‟ have been the subject of various South African works, detailing the lives of domestic workers and their daily struggles. This study however aims to turn the focus on the madam and questions the complex intimacy at work between her and her maid. It is this intricate association between „madam‟ and „maid,‟ as well as the context of the home, which creates a site for a unique personal relationship that extends beyond the constraints of the working contract. In order to investigate this relationship, I explore the preconceived notions Muslim madams of North Beach have when recruiting the ideal domestic worker as well as the way everyday life between madams and maids shapes their relationship. In demonstrating the types of relationships and levels of intimacy between them, this thesis focuses on three aspects of everyday life between Muslim madams and maid. Firstly, I explore the „home‟ as a contradictory location – being both a private space for the employer and a workspace for the maid, paying particular attention to the creation of boundaries and negotiations of space within the home. The second key aspect I examine is the extent to which religion influences the relationship between madam and maid. Religion is a thread running through this thesis as a determining factor in the recruitment of a domestic worker and a way in which space is produced. Thirdly, I discuss the sharing of gender between madam and maid and the question of „sisterhood‟ between them. These are underlying elements of the types of relationships between madam and maid which, I argue are characterised by levels of cultivated intimacy. The project is based on the qualitative results gathered from 20 in-depth interviews with Muslim madams, two focus groups and five key informant interviews with domestic workers. My thesis contributes to the existing research exploring the relationships between madams and maids and opens further avenues for research. It demonstrates that there are key elements besides race and class that shape the relationships between madam and maid, which contribute to levels of cultivated intimacy between them.<br>Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.