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1
Bendix, William Claus. "One-party deliberations in the U.S. House of Representatives." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43048.
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Over the last two decades, the majority party in the U.S. House of Representatives has increasingly bypassed committee deliberations and restricted floor debate to prevent the minority party from shaping provisions in bills. In response to this rising partisanship, scholars have attempted to measure the direct influence that parties have on legislative outcomes, often by examining roll-call votes. However, they have done relatively little work on the decline of the committee system and the increasing control that majority-party leaders exert on legislative deliberations. In this project, I examine the way in which increasingly cohesive parties draft bills at the prefloor and floor stages of the legislative process. I ask two questions. First, when does the House majority party seize full control of bill development and exclude the minority party from decision-making? Second, what are the policy consequences of the House majority party barring the minority party from formal legislative deliberations? To answer the first question, I construct multiple measures of legislative actions and procedures for major bills developed between 1983 and 2008 in the House. I find that the majority party controls deliberations when its majority status is threatened or its policy goals face strong opposition. I also find that the majority limits discussion on bills designed to promote its electoral brand. These party-brand bills involve tax and welfare policies as well as moral issues. To answer the second question, I create new measures of bill defects and bill extremity to assess how legislative processes affect bill quality. I determine that truncated deliberation tends to produce substantively problematic legislation. Thus, the findings in this project reinforce concerns over and provide evidence of the negative effects of one-party lawmaking.
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McAndrews, John R. "Partisan responsiveness in the US House of Representatives, 1997-2005." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31594.
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In this paper, I develop and test a new theory of partisan responsiveness. The theory
suggests that members of Congress will be most responsive to the average same-party
voter compared with the average voter on high polarization-low salience issues and most
responsive to the average voter compared with the average same-party voter on low
polarization-high salience issues. I test these predictions on four issues - free trade, the
Patriot Act, taxes and abortion - using the 2000 and 2004 National Annenberg Election
Surveys. The results offer only partial support for the theory.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
3
Bolender, Andrew C. "Women's dynamic role in the United States House of Representatives." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/355.
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At the outset of my studies, my goal was to look at women's role in the United States Federal Government. The study was to span from the inception of the United States Government to the present. The purpose of the study was to highlight the large gender gap in the United States Government. However, I soon found there to be an overwhelming amount of material to discuss. Realizing the limited amount of space I had to fit my findings, I narrowed the topic to women‘s role in the United States House of Representatives. Even with this narrowed scope, the gender gap in representation is obvious, and highlights the fact that America, even in the 21st Century, is not truly equal. The reason I mention the gender gap in the United States House of Representatives is not simply to dwell on the fact that one exists, but to discuss how and why it has remained a structural characteristic of the legislative body that is intended to be the closest to the people. In order to find answers to the questions aforementioned, it is necessary to discuss the evolution of ideals, principles, and beliefs possessed by the American population from 1776 to today. Even if there are no definitive answers to the questions posed above, it is my hope that the discussion will highlight the pivotal role of women in all stages of the United States' existence, and underline the importance of women's participation in the United States House of Representatives.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Toner, Brendan. "CONGRESS Y: How Party Leaders Manage The House Of Representatives." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/704.
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How do party leaders manage Congress? Congress (specifically, the U.S. Houseof Representatives) provides a limiting case of differing theories of public management,since Congress is populated by highly motivated members (employees) who do not needconstant urging from their party leaders (bosses) to meet the goals of the organization. As a result one would be likely to witness what organizational theorists call Theory Y behavior where leaders work to assure that their membership is able to achieve their personal goals. This leadership style has been discussed and employed over the last sixty years mainly in the private sector and in the bureaucracy. However, much of the congressional literature argues in contrast to theorganizational theorists. Instead it posits that party leaders have to pressure their rank-in file to take actions that are against their personal interests in order to assist the party and the leader without worrying about what the individual member wants or desires in a type of leadership style similar to what is known as Theory X by organizational theorists. This perspective is especially true in the historical case studies of individual leaders and their accomplishments. Believing that the organizational theorists can tell us more about congressional leadership than what we know from the congressional literature. I investigate this question by using qualitative detail and content analysis of over 5,000 newspaper articles on party leaders from 1990-2008 that come from the prominent Capitol Hill newspaperRoll Call in which I coded members of the House for Theory X and Y behavior. I show that in contrast to the congressional literature that most party leaders Democratic and Republican try to empower their rank-in file most of the time rather than trying to "strong arm" them into meeting party goals. In addition, party leaders are more collaborative and empowering when compared with other members of Congress who share many of the same background traits as they do including geography, race and occupational background but are not party leaders. These findings would be in agreement with those who would argue that leaders in the House of Representatives employ Theory Y type leadership in most situations. In the context of these findings, the evidence also provides insight into the occasions in which leaders will resort to a more Theory X, hierarchical leadership style. This has great implications not only for the study of the House of Representatives but could be expanded to look at other political institutions in the United States including the Senate and state legislatures along with parliamentary systems internationally. This dissertation will highlight a key link between organizational theory and political organizations such as Congress in a way that has never been examined before.
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Smith, Zachary C. "From the Well of the House: remaking the House Republican party, 1978-1994." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32065.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
From the Well of the House analyzes the remaking of the House Republican Party into an aggressive, partisan organization. It explores how a new generation of Representatives elected after 1978 transformed the GOP, instituting a style of congressional politics that favored confrontation, media spectacle, and personal scandal. Following key actors, including Newt Gingrich, Bob Walker, Vin Weber, and the Conservative Opportunity Society, this dissertation explores key events and illustrates how the House Republican Conference changed from passive acceptance of their minority status to pugnacious fighters for the majority. Throughout their careers Gingrich and his Congressional allies promoted a style of politics in the House, first as backbenchers then from leadership positions, which advocated conflict and attack. They showed that aggression was a winning strategy and other Congressmen followed their lead. By examining in depth events that led the House Republican Conference to adopt a more confrontational stance, including the formation of the Conservative Opportunity Society, the use ofC-SPAN as an effective political weapon, the House Bank scandal, and conflicts with Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright and Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, this dissertation demonstrates that the 1994 Republican Revolution was the product of more than a decade of dedication and hard work. While numerous scholars have analyzed the rise ofthe New Right and the conservative ascendancy in American politics after the 1970s, From the Well of the House breaks new ground by exploring this shift in the arena of Congressional politics. In so doing, it both elucidates the deep background of the House Republican Party's successful efforts to become a majority and establishes the significance of Congress in the transformation of recent American politics.
2031-01-02
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Semmler, Jörg. "Das Amt des Speaker of the House of Representatives im amerikanischen Regierungssystem /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2002. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sbb-berlin/345764048.pdf.
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Ludlam, Daniel. "The Expansion of the California State Legislature and U.S. House of Representatives." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1872.
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This research examines the central question of representation in the California State Legislature and the United States House of Representatives. This thesis examines the proper size for both legislative bodies in comparison to their current sizes. Considering this analysis, this thesis proposes that the California State Legislature be doubled in size, and that the United States House of Representatives be increased in size in accordance with the Wyoming Rule. This thesis examines the advantages and drawbacks of a larger legislature in both settings. Increasing the size of the California State Legislature would lower campaign costs, improve representation for communities of interest, and reduce the effectiveness of partisan gerrymandering. Increasing the size of the U.S. House of Representatives would reduce malapportionment among states, make the Electoral College more equitable, and increase political diversity among the states.
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Fox, Marion Blakely. "Minority differences in congressional representation : evidence from the U.S. House of Representatives /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Hasecke, Edward Brooke. "Balancing the Legislative Agenda: Scheduling in the United States House of Representatives." Connect to this title online, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1031248502.
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Thesis (Ph. D)--Ohio State University, 2002.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 169 p.: ill. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: John Wright, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-169).
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Rai, Shikha. "An examination of the committee decision-making process in the House of Representatives." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1985. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
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Grant, Joseph Tobin. "For a limited time only : sessional lawmaking within the U.S. House of Representatives /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486398195325551.
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Rocca, Michael Stephen. "On Washington time : the allocation of legislative time in the House of Representatives /." For electronic version search Digital dissertations database. Restricted to UC campuses. Access is free to UC campus dissertations, 2004. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Bergestuen, Trond. "Insights into the Complex Relationship between Independent Manufacturers' Representatives and Their Principals." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707323/.
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Independent manufacturers' representatives (IMRs) are companies that sell products on behalf of manufacturers (principals), typically on a commission basis. IMRs offer principals specialized knowledge about product areas or markets, and they can function as attractive supplements or replacements for in-house sales units. The literature on IMRs' allocation of resources to their principals and the downstream impact on performance is underexplored. A paucity of published research exists using actual IMR sales and commission data, likely because this data is difficult to collect due to its sensitive nature. This dissertation fills this gap by exploring the influence of principals' use of sales controls, how these controls impact the psychological climate that arises between IMRs and their principals, and the downstream impact on IMRs' allocation of sales resources and the sales volumes actually produced. Furthermore, this dissertation answers the call for research on the impact of principal's use of house territories and house accounts, through the lens of the IMR. The dissertation features three essays. The purposes are: to identify gaps in existing IMR research in order to provide directions for future research in this domain; to explore the influence of the principal's sales controls on the psychological climate between the principal and IMR and the downstream impact on IMR allocation of sales resources and sales performance; and to develop theoretical and practical insights about the impact of principals' use of house accounts, i.e. customers served by an in-house sales organization, inside or outside IMRs' territories.
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Knight, David M. "Veterans in Congress| The policy impact of veterans in the U.S. House of Representatives." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3629910.
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For much of the Cold War period, a significant majority of legislators were veterans. These Americans provided a bridge between civilian and military leadership. Today, that bridge is disappearing. Scholars now provide warnings about a chasm developing between the military and civilian worlds. Will a Congress of nonveterans enact different, less, or worse defense policies than a Congress dominated by veterans? Will they be less active, or less likely to invest the necessary amount of time, energy, and staff in the oversight of the military? To discern the policy impact of electing veterans to Congress, I examine whether veterans in the 92d (1971-1973), 103d (1993-1995), and 112th (2011-2013) Congresses are more likely to support and advocate for defense policy than their nonveteran colleagues, once one accounts for ideological, district, and institutional influences.
Utilizing a specially created database, I investigate House members' commitment to defense policy through their activity in roll-call voting, bill sponsorship, bill cosponsorship, amending the National Defense Authorization Act, and their participation in committee hearings. By contrasting various forms of behavior throughout the legislative process and across multiple generations of veterans, as well as during times of war and peace, I demonstrate how behavioral differences among veterans and nonveterans affect the decision calculus concerning whether or not to pursue certain policy initiatives. Finally, instead of utilizing a dichotomous construct to distinguish between veterans and nonveterans, I differentiate among veterans based upon members' military service histories.
By carefully studying behavior throughout the legislative process, I demonstrate that even though veterans and nonveterans often vote a party line, politically significant social identities, like being a veteran, do influence the nature of proposals placed on the national agenda and the choices made about those proposals. However, the translation of preferences into policy is often mediated by the position of members within the institution, their relationship to their party caucus, and the member's level of military experience. Untangling the impact of military service on policy preferences and legislative choices allows us to consider the implications of the decline of veterans in Congress and sheds light on what the future might hold.
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Hill, Tony L. "Redistricting and the U.S. House of Representatives : illuminating electoral bias with the Brookes Method." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59794.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 153-171).
This dissertation analyzes the effects of Congressional redistricting in the United States using the Brookes Method, developed by R.H. Brookes, a New Zealand political scientist. The Brookes Method disaggregates electoral bias into five separate components. My analysis shows that the party winning control of the House benefits from the most prevalent component of bias but that Democrats persistently benefit from the next most prevalent component. This means that Republicans can never win the House as effectively as Democrats can. The Brookes Method also informs electoral bias pertaining to racial gerrymandering. Using the Brookes Method to evaluate three states with a history of using extremes in race-based redistricting (Georgia, Louisiana, and North Carolina), my analysis reveals that these states have disaffected Democrats in redistricting more sharply than has the country as a whole. Using the Brookes Method to evaluate the small number of states using independent commissions to carry out Congressional redistricting, I find that electoral bias in these states is different from that found in states with legislative redistricting, and surprisingly, is often higher in commission states. This suggests that commissions are in some cases not truly independent and/or are merely fomenting a different kind of partisanship. I propose a new formulation (the Hill Ratio) of a familiar compactness standard, the area-perimeter measure. Thousands of House districts across time are analyzed under the measure and trends in compactness are noted. My analysis finds that districts in the U.S. have gotten considerably less compact since the early 20th century, while districts in Canada are still more compact than U.S. districts were even in the 1920s. Some of the states noted for their noncompact districts in the 2000s also had the least compact districts in the early 20th century. Finally, compactness is used as a factor in voter knowledge. My analysis finds that voters in non-compact districts are less likely to possess basic knowledge about their representatives and districts than voters in compact districts, while knowledge about statewide and national officeholders and party control is largely unaffected by the compactness of the congressional district. This is true when analyzed both at the aggregate and the individual level. These two measures of districting are harmonious with proportional representation ideals. The Brookes Method is an explicit comparison of majoritarian seat outputs with a proportional ideal. Compactness, in the words of Polsby & Popper, "tends to inhibit gerrymandering. By inhibiting gerrymandering, in turn, one abets proportional representation ... by empirical tendency."
by Tony L. Hill.
Ph.D.
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Webb, Brian M. "Minority Party Strategy in the House of Representatives: Cross-Pressuring and the Motion to Recommit." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/26.
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The minority party in the House of Representatives possesses few procedural advantages. As a result, it is typically dominated by the majority party. I argue that the minority controls the use of one procedure in the House, the motion to recommit, and that it uses this control to strategically cross-pressure members of the majority party. Ultimately, this cross-pressuring places the minority in a win-win situation where they either receive a policy victory or better election results. The results of this project overwhelming support the theory of cross-pressuring and indicate that the minority is able to design, implement, and reap the benefits of its own strategy in the House.
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Mason, John Lyman. "Majority party leadership in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1977-96 : sanction, inclusion, and protection /." Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Meinke, Scott R. "The dynamics of voting in the House of Representatives : change and stability in roll-call decisions." The Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1299067945.
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Altuglu, Murat. "Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1565.
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In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design.
The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians.
Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.
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Oliver, Mark J. "Social Networking and the Web Campaign: Observations from the 2010 Election for the U.S. House of Representatives." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/78071.
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Scholars and political candidates have frequently viewed online political participation as a weaker and less meaningful form of political involvement than traditional, offline activities. This thesis presents an overview of the literature on political participation and the Internet in order to understand the origins of this view and why participation on social media may be uniquely meaningful in comparison with other Internet-based activities. Examination of social media using Resource Theory and Social Identity Theory justify this unique status by highlighting and rationalizing social media's exceptional capacity to build and maintain weak-tie networks while also generating an intimacy between constituents and candidates. Social Identity Theory also provides an argument for the potential of social media for reaching and mobilizing first-time participants through its capacity to passively reach and attract constituents for non-political, personal and identity-serving reasons. This thesis then shows how social media-enable first-time participants may be more inclined to continue and expanding their participation over time, thereby substantially affecting participation trends in the United States. Using case studies composed of qualitative data collected on candidate views of the Internet and social media in U.S. House campaigns, this thesis examines the state of Web campaigning in 2010 in comparison to the theoretically "archetypal" Web campaign in order to provide indications of whether the prescribed theoretical activities deliver meaningful citizen engagement and valuable returns to campaigns.Master of Arts
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O'Neal, Maura Patricia. "Systematic assistance? Differences in the coverage of male and female candidates for the United States House of Representatives." Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1446111.
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Phillips, Stephen. "A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of Representatives." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/602.
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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Scott, Ian S. "The rise of amateurs in the House of Representatives : a case study of the Californian delegation 1972-1992." Thesis, Keele University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297203.
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Zinn, Sandy. "Integrating information skills into the curriculum: an action research investigation at an ex-House of Representatives high school." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/1338.
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Gibson, Lynne Marie. "Motivations for change in support for social policy bills in the United States House of Representatives; 1972-2002." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8563.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Wallace, Kyle B. "Where the Action Is: An Analysis of Partisan Change in House of Representatives Open Seat Elections, 2000-2014." DigitalCommons@USU, 2015. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/4249.
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Open seat House of Representatives elections are an area that has not received the same attention as seats with incumbents, despite open seats traditionally providing more interesting results. This research examines partisan change in open seat House races from 2000-2014 in order to determine whether previous research is still applicable in light of changing behavior of open seats in the 2000s. This research found that since 2004 partisan change has occurred more often with incumbents being defeated and not due to open seats. A logit model was used with partisan change as the dichotomous dependent variable, a unique approach to House elections. The model found that candidate spending was the most significant variable in explaining partisan change, while other variables such as district competitiveness, candidate quality, and unemployment were also significant. The model was then used to predict the 2014 House elections, correctly predicting roughly 75% of races. Finally two case studies were examined where the model failed to provide accurate predictions to determine improvements that could be made to future iterations of the model
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Mattioli, Lauren. "The Committee Advantage: Legislative Effectiveness of New Committee Members." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1308173823.
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Wells, Callie R. "Uses of Social Media by Ohio House of Representatives and Ohio Senate Members as it Relates to Agricultural Policies." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337657142.
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Bekafigo, Marija Anna. "Party leaders, committee chairs, and the ebb and flow of actions in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1949-1996." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024714.
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Blomén, Victoria. "Representing group interests : A study on the substantive representation of women and minority groups in the Jordanian House of Representatives." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-328865.
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In the world today there is a tendency that women and minority groups are under-represented in political decision-making. In order to come to terms with the under-representation of women and minorities many countries are taking measures to increase the number of women and minority representatives. However,there is an ongoing debate on whether increased number of group representatives lead to increased representation of group interests. The question is if women and minority representatives are more responsive to their respective group’s interests compared to other representatives. In this study, I have conducted asurvey with members of the Jordanian House of Representatives in order to investigate whether women and minority representatives are more responsive to their respective group’s interests compared to other representatives. The survey has been designed to capture representatives’ priorities and attitudes towards certain policy areas and issues. The results from the survey show that women and minority representatives to a certain extent are more responsive to their respective group’s interests compared to other representatives, indicating that an increased number of women and minority representatives would lead to increased representation of women and minority interests. Furthermore,this study finds that female representatives are more responsive to women’s interests when it comes to priorities than when it comes to attitudes, whereas representatives from the Christian minority are more responsive to Christian issues when it comes to attitudes than when it comes to priorities. These results indicate that there are differences between different groups when it comes to the representation of their groups’ interests. Thus, research on one group might not be directly transferable to other groups.
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Lewinstein, Jenna Floricel. "Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez: A Case Study of Social Media as an Agenda Setting Tool in the U.S. House of Representatives." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1336.
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The purpose of “Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez: A Case Study of Social Media as an Agenda Setting Tool in the U.S. House of Representatives” is to explore the impact of a politician’s social media presence on agenda setting in Congress. It was born out of the research question, “how do freshman members of the House of Representatives seek power and influence in their first term?” I answer this using Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as a case study, as she is a current freshman legislator with undeniable power and influence. I studied Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s tweets from two time periods: the month leading up to her election and her second month in office. I categorized and counted each tweet into 4 categories that yielded quantifiable results. Subsequently, I did a textual analysis of certain tweets from the two periods and explained their relevance to her shift in content and success as a public figure. I found that since being elected, the proportion of Rep. Ocasio-Cortez tweets about National issues increased by four times more than during her primary. Additionally, after being elected, her tweets about her District were proportionally one-fourth of they were during her primary campaign. I interpret this finding as Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s efforts to influence the national agenda, a task rarely taken on by a freshman Representative. I also found that she had nearly doubled the proportion of tweets that fall under the Extraneous category, utilizing personal anecdotes, inspirational messages, feminist actions and insights, and calls for progressive leadership that connect with her audience and set her apart from strictly policy-oriented politician Twitter accounts. Altogether, I have analyzed Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s Twitter presence and believe it to be a key element of her success in agenda setting as a freshman Congress member.
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Rasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.
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Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.
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McEwen, Christopher. "Linear Modeling of Election Results for U.S. House of Representatives Candidates and State Executive Offices for Iowa, Minnesota, and North Dakota." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/31803.
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Better understanding the relationship between the results for the U.S. House of Representatives and for state executive offices could potentially be useful in predicting outcomes if a significant relationship is present and if one has more information about either the election for the U.S. House of Representatives candidate or the state executive office candidate. To better understand this relationship, election results were analyzed using regression models for three upper Midwest states - Iowa, Minnesota, and North Dakota - to compare the outcomes of the state executive office elections and the U.S. House of Representative elections. Additionally, median income was included in the models to see if this affected the relationship. Each state had a statistically significant relationship between the results of the state executive offices and the U.S. House of Representatives. Median income either was not statistically significant or not practically significant in overall effect on the relationship.
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Mano, Maíra Kubik Taveira 1982. "Legislar sobre "mulheres" : relações de poder na Câmara Federal." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281208.
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Orientador: Maria Lygia Quartim de MoraesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Nessa tese, investigo a atuação da Bancada Feminina na Câmara dos Deputados na 54a Legislatura (2011-2014). Considero as parlamentares que a integram como sujeitos posicionados do mesmo lado da divisão sexual do trabalho e que se agrupam para fazer uma oposição sistemática à sua inferioridade hierárquica socialmente construída. São também, contudo, um coletivo heterogêneo. Dessa maneira, debruço-me sobre sua atuação para compreender suas convergências, divergências e limitações
Abstract: In this thesis, I investigate the activities of the "Bancada Feminina" of the House of Representatives in the 54th Legislature (from 2011 to 2014). I believe parliamentarian women are positioned on the same side of the sexual division of labor and that they formed this group to make a systematic opposition to its socially constructed hierarchical inferiority. They are, however, a heterogeneous collective. Therefore, I research their actions in order to understand their similarities and differences, as well as their limitations
Doutorado
Ciencias Sociais
Doutora em Ciências Sociais
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Pender, J. W. (James William), and n/a. "Parliamentary administration in traditional Westminister [sic] parliaments : reflections on the role of procedure and management." University of Canberra. School of Management, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20041206.133427.
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Macdonald, David. "The President's Party at the Midterm: An Aggregate and Individual-Level Analysis of Seat Loss and Vote Choice in U.S. House Elections." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5809.
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This thesis provides a comprehensive analysis of midterm U.S. House elections using a multi-level research design. At the aggregate-level, multiple regression analysis is used to examine the variables that affect seat loss for the president's party. This integrates, updates and extends the extant literature of the topic, and offers a means of explaining and predicting seat losses by the president's party in the U.S. House. To further probe the findings at the aggregate-level, the thesis develops a pooled cross-sectional model of individual-level vote choice in midterm U.S. House elections using data from the American National Election Studies (1982-2002) and the Cooperative Congressional Election Study for the 2006 and 2010 midterm elections. Findings suggest that variables measuring the performance of the economy and realignment of the South toward the Republican Party affect seat loss at the aggregate level. However, at the individual level, economic evaluations exerted little influence on vote choice, above and beyond party identification, although perceptions of the national economy did appear to influence vote choice in the 2006 and 2010 elections. Future research might incorporate the strategic politician thesis into the explanatory scheme and move the analysis to elections for other political offices, such as U.S. Senate elections as well as state legislative and gubernatorial elections.M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American and Comparative Politics
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Hendricks, Mogamat Armien. "An investigation into the pre-service training of secondary school mathematics teachers at colleges of education administered by the House of Representatives." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004591.
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This study involves an investigatioh into the nature and effectiveness of the pre-service training, where provided, of secondary school Mathematics teachers at the 11 colleges of education administered by the House of Representatives in the Republic of South Africa. The purpose of this study is to determine whether the HDE (Secondary) course offered at some of the aforementioned colleges of education is justified, In spite of the fact that it contravenes the requirements of the Education Act, No. 73 of 1969. Three different questionnaires were designed and during 1986 were sent to heads of Mathematics departments at the aforementioned colleges of education , to Mathematics teacher educators at these colleges and to beginning secondary school Mathematics teachers, teaching at schools administered by the House of Representatives in the Eastern Cape and Natal. The findings of this study show that the secondary course for Mathematics teachers is only offered at 5 of the 11 colleges of education and only a small percentage of students take this course. During 1986 most of the Mathematics teacher educators at the colleges of education were not suitably qualified. The study also shows that the Mathematics curriculum for the training of secondary school teachers is inadequate and a revision thereof is thus recommended. An obvious conclusion drawn from the findings is that the training of secondary school Mathematics teachers at these colleges of education is still in an early stage of development. One of the main recommendations of this study is that the training of secondary school Mathematics teachers at colleges of education administered by the House of Representatives should be terminated , in view of its ineffectiveness and In accordance with Education Act , No . 73 of 1969. On the other hand, in case this is not possible, suggestions are also made for the improvement of the pre-service training of secondary school mathematics teachers at these colleges of education.
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Fahnestock, Aidan S. "Taking Back America: The Republican Freshmen of the 104th & 112th Congresses." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/884.
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The 2010 freshman class bears an uncanny resemble to their idealistic counterparts from 1994. Their campaign rhetoric, motivations and beliefs are almost interchangeable. The triumphs and especially frustrations and failures of their first terms also bear stark similarities. Most critically, the freshmen's conservative agenda suffered a disappointing electoral rebuke in their first elections as incumbents. Both the 1996 and 2012 presidential year congressional elections halted the respective momentum of the Republican Revolution and the Tea Party. The lessons of the 104th Congress offer many lessons to the freshmen of the 112th, namely that ideological "revolutions" in America (in this case, those of a conservative nature) struggle to deal with the challenges of governing. This thesis will examine and compare the rhetoric and motivations of the freshmen during their initial campaigns, and the triumphs and tribulations of their first terms in a city that is resistant to sudden and sweeping changes. The title of this work, "Taking Back America," reflects the sense of urgency and gravitas that spiritually united both classes of freshmen. The personal observations recorded in Linda Killian‘s The Freshman (1998) and Robert Draper‘s When the Tea Party Came to Town (2012) form the foundation of this examination, which focuses entirely on the U.S. House of Representatives.
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Černá, Veronika. "Vyzyvatel a jeho šance ve volbách do Sněmovny reprezentantů USA." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85927.
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This diploma thesis focuses on challengers' success in the US House of Representatives elections in a selected group of states during the time period 2000-2010. It deals with the context of the American party system and describes the framework of electoral politics and campaigns. Specific position of incumbents in the elections and the incumbency advantage are taken into account as well. Aim of this work is to determine whether and how particular dominance (or absence of a dominant position) of political party in the electoral districts influences challengers' chances to be elected. Electoral districts are divided into two groups according to the presidential election results of 2000, 2004 and 2008. First, there are districts where one party has a dominant voters' support and candidates of that party are safe in the elections. Second, there are districts where neither party has a dominant position. After analysing the House election results 2000-2010 from the perspective of successfully elected challengers, the diploma thesis concludes that when the district was (according to specified criteria) safe for one party, challenger of the other party had no chance of being elected.
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Hayman, Christopher Charles Douglas School of Politics & International Relations UNSW. "The balance of power in Second World War Australia :the deliberative role of Coles and Wilson in the House of Representatives from 1940." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Politics and International Relations, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/22446.
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The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.
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Baguma, Abdallah. "Women parliamentarians in Rwanda : women representatives or representing women? : a study of the Chamber of Deputies, the Lower House of the Rwandan Parliament." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192280.
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Marenco, Camacho Ludwing Ferney 1990. "Brazilian House of Representatives analysis from network theory perspective = Análise da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil usando a perspectiva da teoria de redes." [s.n.], 2017. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/322369.
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Orientador: Carlos Lenz CésarDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Física Gleb Wataghin
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Resumo: Apresenta-se um novo método efetivo para analisar um sistema de Deputados usando o formalismo da teoria de redes. Construiu-se uma matriz com os resultados anuais da votação nominal da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil desde 2007 até 2015. Através da medida do coeficiente de correlação entre os conjuntos anuais de votação nominal, calculou-se uma rede de Deputados. Encontrando a Árvore Geradora Mínima da rede de Deputados características generais do sistema podem visualiza-se. Especificamente, expõe-se a postura de concordância - oposição, as conexões individuais entre os Deputados, a fidelidade partidária e uma nova maneira de observar os projetos de lei aprovados ou rejeitados, assim como sua evolução no tempo. Devido ao bom comportamento de correlação observado entre os Deputados, prova-se que cinco ou seis partidos políticos são suficientes para capturar toda a diversidade política existente na Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil. Além disso, propõe-se que a distribuição de probabilidade dos valores de correlação da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil é uma combinação de distribuições logísticas. Enuncia-se também, um novo método de ordenar matrizes de correlação baseado no resultado da Árvore Geradora Mínima
Abstract: A new effective method for analysing a Representatives¿ system from the network formalism is presented. A matrix with the annual results of roll - call vote of the Brazilian House of Representatives from 2007 to 2015 was constructed. By measuring the correlation coefficient between each pair of annual roll - call vote sets a Representatives¿ network was computed. For extracting the Minimal Spanning Tree of the Representatives' network general features of this system arises. Specifically, the concordance - opposition stance, the individual connections among Representatives, the partisan fidelity and a new way to identify the approved and disapproved draft bills, as well as, its time evolution are disclosed. A well-define correlation behaviour among Representatives is observed, in fact, we prove that five or six political parties are sufficient to encapsulate all political diversity in the Brazilian House of Representatives. In addition, we propose that the probability distribution of correlation values in the Brazilian House of Representatives is a combination of logistic distributions. Besides that, a new method for re-ordering correlation matrices based on the result of the Minimal Spanning Tree is enunciated
Mestrado
Física
Mestre em Física
1490097/2015
CAPES
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Chen, Lu. "Negotiating tensions between Christian faith and Chinese national identity : theological representatives of the Three-Self Patriotic Movement and the Independent House Church Movement." Thesis, Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2018. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.732944.
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Assis, Erika Maria Bastos de. "A política polissêmica : Fazeres, Dizeres e silêncio nos programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a ouvidoria da Câmara Deputados." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4678.
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Estudo sobre os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria da Câmara dos Deputados, a fim de se captarem representações, crenças e valores sobre a política. O trabalho assume a perspectiva de uma antropologia da política,
desnaturalizando conceitos como democracia, participação e representação política, para captar as concepções dos sujeitos envolvidos no diálogo proposto pela Câmara dos Deputados, por intermédio desses canais de correio eletrônico. Assim, a tese não estuda os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria, mas nos programas. As mensagens enviadas, juntamente com os documentos produzidos pela Casa Legislativa acerca dos programas, bem como notícias e entrevistas com parlamentares e assessores sobre eles, são suportes de expressão de significados associados ao mundo da política, muitas vezes, concebidos como excludentes.
Assim, eles são veículos de expressão, mas também de ação, que expõem combinações, normalmente contrapostas, por uma espécie de ficção construída em torno da noção de modernidade: indivíduo e pessoa, diretos e favores, particular e universal. Os documentos abordados revelam conciliações e embates discursivos que acenam para distintas maneiras de os atores fazerem a política, as quais acabam por revelar entendimentos sobre como se dá a gestão interna à Casa
desses programas e questionamentos a respeito dos limites e possibilidades da Internet no fazer político
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Moreira, Natália de Paula. "Are congresswomen more responsive to the public policy demands of female voters?" Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-09052016-114959/.
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This thesis seeks to contribute to the literature by studying the impact of a legislators gender on health and public security policies passed in the Brazilian Congress and whether such policies are aligned with voters preferences. Evidences have shown that women face stronger barriers to being elected as compared to their male counterparts (Lawless 2015; Speck and Mancuso 2014) and they face a complex and demanding electoral playing field when running for re-election (Palmer and Simon, 2010). My hypothesis is that female politicians need to establish their credibility by proposing public policies in masculine areas, such as public security. Once a congresswoman has political experience, as a mayor, state deputy or another office, she risks making policy more aligned with female voter preferences. Using data from a national survey and a low-income voter survey, I analyze whether male and female Brazilian voters differ in the priority they assign to health and security policies. This enables me to predict what effects gender representation should have on health and public security policy choices. Then, I examine the differences in the types of health and public security budget amendments sponsored by male and female legislators. Finally, I analyze the impact of a politicians gender conditional on experience in politics. With these results, I compare the preferences and priorities of male and female voters with the representatives priorities and see if they correspond. Employing logistic regressions, the voter surveys analyses show that female voters do not present different policy preferences than male voters. Moreover, the results of the budget amendments analysis using linear regressions suggest that (i) female deputies do not focus more on health policy than their male counterparts, and (ii) female deputies that are professional politicians allocate less resource for security policy than male professional deputies.Esta dissertação busca contribuir com a literatura estudando o impacto do sexo do deputado nas políticas públicas de saúde e segurança aprovadas no Congresso brasileiro, e se tais políticas estão alinhadas com as preferências dos eleitores. A literatura tem mostrado que mulheres enfrentam fortes barreiras para serem eleitas se comparado aos homens (Lawless 2015; Speck e Mancuso 2014) e elas também enfrentam um complexo e exigente jogo eleitoral quando concorrem à reeleição (Palmer e Simon 2010). Minha hipótese é de que deputadas precisam estabelecer sua credibilidade propondo políticas públicas em áreas masculinas, tal como segurança pública. Uma vez que a deputada tenha experiência política, como prefeita, deputada federal ou um outro cargo político, ela se arriscará fazendo política mais alinhada com as preferências das eleitoras. Utilizando dados de um survey nacional e de um survey com eleitores de baixa renda, eu analiso se as eleitoras e os eleitores brasileiros apresentam diferentes prioridades com relação a políticas de saúde e de segurança. Com esses resultados, eu posso predizer quais os efeitos a representação de homens e mulheres deveria ter sobre a escolha de políticas públicas de saúde e segurança. Então, eu analiso as diferenças nos tipos de emendas orçamentárias de saúde e de segurança que são propostas pelos deputados e deputadas. Finalmente, eu analiso o impacto do sexo do parlamentar condicional à experiência na política. Com estes resultados, eu comparo as preferências e prioridades de eleitores e eleitoras com as prioridades dos parlamentares e vejo se elas correspondem. Empregando regressão logística, a análise dos surveys mostra que eleitoras não apresentam diferentes preferências políticas que os eleitores. Além disso, os resultados da análise das emendas orçamentárias utilizando regressão linear sugere que (i) deputadas não priorizam política de saúde mais que seus colegas o fazem; e (ii) deputadas que são políticas profissionais alocam menos recursos para política de segurança do que fazem os deputados profissionais.
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SOUZA, Williams Andrade de. "Administração, normatização e civilidade : a Câmara Municipal do Recife e o governo da cidade (1829-1849)." Universidade Federal Rural de Pernambuco, 2012. http://www.tede2.ufrpe.br:8080/tede2/handle/tede2/4810.
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In this work, we discuss the administration of the Recife's House of Representatives in 1829 and 1849. Through several documents (laws, bills, municipal postures, meeting minutes, news from newspapers, official letters) and different bibliographical sources, we point out here some of the attempts to settle norms and civility brought about by The House of Representatives' agents (Representatives, inspectors, etc.) in search of settling the so-called "the city good government". Thus , we describe certain marks of the municipality work, its internal organization, the search for efficiency and administrative rationalization, some of the government tactics and disciplinary practices of the public space in a civilizable context (although such practices were not fully carried out in everyday life, especially because of the customs, traditions and Recife inhabitant's resistances constituted hindrances to them. However we presumed that the administration under the models of the use of norms and civility were marks of the municipality action and so resulting in influences and importance beyond its governmental/administrative functions, even the political and cultural ones as we had presumed.
Este trabalho tem como proposta basilar versar sobre a câmara municipal do Recife e sua administração nos anos de 1829 a 1849. Através da leitura e análise de variados documentos – leis, editais, posturas municipais, atas de reuniões, artigos, noticias de jornais, ofícios e fontes bibliográficas diversas, apontamos aqui alguns indícios e sinais –, como sugere Carlo Ginzburg, das tentativas de normatização e civilidade impetradas pelos agentes camarários na busca por estabelecer o chamado “bom governo da cidade”. Assim, narramos certas marcas da atuação da municipalidade, a sua organização interna, a busca pela eficiência e racionalização administrativa, algumas das táticas de governo e práticas de disciplinamento do espaço público num contexto civilizacional. Ainda que tal expediente não se exercesse plenamente no cotidiano social, principalmente porque os costumes, as tradições e as resistências dos recifenses eram rastros e entraves a tais anseios das elites ali alocadas. Não obstante, entrevemos que a administração sob os moldes da normatização e civilidade eram marcas da ação da municipalidade redundando em influências e importâncias para além das suas funções governativas/administrativas, até mesmo políticas e culturais, conforme conjeturamos.
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Radouani, Abderrahim. "Le règlement intérieur de la Chambre des représentants au Maroc : approche comparée droit franco-marocain." Thesis, Perpignan, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PERP0045.
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Les rapports entre le pouvoir exécutif et le pouvoir législatif au Maroc sont réglementés par des dispositions constitutionnelles et législatives fortes, dont la mise en œuvre effective garantit aux institutions du pouvoir exécutif de jouer un rôle déterminant au niveau de la décision politique et juridique. Le gouvernement est responsable politiquement à la fois, devant le parlement et devant le roi. On peut affirmer ici sans risque de se tromper qu’il s’agit d’un régime parlementaire dualiste dans lequel le roi joue un rôle politique très important. La place de la chambre des représentants dans le système politique marocain découle de la constitution. Son organisation et son fonctionnement est régi par le règlement intérieur. Les dispositions de ce dernier n’ont pas en elles-mêmes la valeur constitutionnelle. Il a pour fondement la constitution et certaines lois organiques. Aujourd’hui le Maroc en est à sa dixième législature sous l’égide de la constitution de 2011.L’une des difficultés fondamentales auxquelles est confrontée la chambre des représentants reste la question du règlement intérieur. Toutefois, le constituant se montre attentif quant au rôle de la chambre des représentants. En effet, le rédacteur de la constitution a donné à la chambre de représentant le pouvoir d’adopter son propre règlement d’ordre tout en réservant à la cour constitutionnelles le pouvoir de d’en vérifier la constitutionnalité. Il ressort de ces bases constitutionnelles que la loi interne de la chambre des représentants a une grande influence sur le déroulement des travaux parlementairesThe relationship between the executive and the legislative power in Morocco is regulated by strong constitutional and regulatory legal tools. This legal bedrock allows the executive institutions to implement law with effectiveness. The government is both politically responsible to the Moroccan parliament and monarchy. These considerations lead us to the clear conclusion according which Moroccan parliament is bicameral with an important role played by the King.The place of the house of representatives in Moroccan political system proceeds from the constitution. Its organization and its functioning is based on its internal regulation. However, the latter has not the constitutionals value in the proper sense of this. Nevertheless, the above said regulation are rooted in constitution and some organic law. Today, the Morocco Kingdom is in its 10th legislature with a more recent constitution of 2011. The question of international regulation remains the major problem to which the houses of representative is confronted to. However, the Moroccan constituent authorized the house of the representative to write its internal regulation under the control of constitutional court. Those constitutional basis lead to the clear conclusion according which the house of representative has a big influence in parliamentarian work in Morocco
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Bendjaballah, Selma. "La formation des consensus au Parlement européen et à la Chambre des représentants américaine (1999-2009)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0064.
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Cette thèse appréhende les institutions parlementaires par les comportements de ses acteurs. Plus particulièrement, l'objet de notre travail est de nous interroger sur les larges majorités que l'on observe au Parlement européen et à la Chambre des Représentants américaine. Comment comprendre que dans deux Assemblées particulièrement larges, où les élus sont issus de pays ou de régions très différentes les unes des autres, les majorités formées frôlent les unanimités? Notre travail revient sur différentes perspectives adoptées jusqu'ici pour en dégager plusieurs limites: approche de choix social, théorie institutionnelle, modèle culturel, théories des coalitions. . Cette première analyse nous permet de proposer un autre modèle explicatif: celui du choix rationnel. Ainsi, formulé simplement, le postulat principal de ce travail est que si les élus parviennent à s'entendre très largement, c'est parce que cela répond à la satisfaction de leur utilité, et ce en dépit des nombreuses barrières (linguistiques, régionales, idéologiques, etc. ) qui les séparent. Partant de cette hypothèse centrale, ce travail propose d'observer concrètement les modalités de formation des consensus: qui sont les acteurs centraux de cette entreprise, quelles sont les stratégies utilisées, la temporalité adoptée. Cette observation nous permet en définitive de soulever le rôle fondamental des opportunités institutionnelles dans la compréhension du métier parlementaireThe main purpose of this PhD dissertation is to understand Legislatures through the lens of the individual practices. More specially, we intend to explain the large majorities, nearly unanimities, built in the European Parliament and in the US House of Representatives. How can we understand that, in two large, nationally, culturally different Legislatures, the deputies manage to find large compromises? This thesis goes back over the main explanations already proposed to explain this paradox. We show that they're all more or less approximative: social choice theory, coalitions theory, cultural explanation, institutional model. . This first step permits us to build an other explicative hypothesis: rational-choice approach. Clearly expressed, the main hypothesis of this dissertation is the following: if the majorities built in the European Parliament and in the US House of Representatives are so frequently unanimous, it is because it helps the deputies to access to their interest- in spite of the numerous hurdles. Then, this work aims at looking in a concrete way how do deputies find agreements between them. Who are the main leaders ? What are the strategies used? What calendar does the actors follow? Eventually, this main hypothesis insists on the major role played by the institutional opportunities in the understanding ot the parliamentarian mandate
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Gonçalves, Maria Neves Leal. "O ideário educativo republicano: da propaganda eleitoral republicana aos debates parlamentares (1878-1910)." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11655.
Full textAbstract:
Este trabalho visa contribuir para o estudo do ideário educativo republicano veiculado na propaganda eleitoral e nos debates parlamentares nos decênios anteriores à queda da Monarquia.
De modo a operacionalizar a temática em análise, estruturámos o texto em três partes. Na Parte I, procedemos ao enquadramento político das candidaturas republicanas nas eleições legislativas do período em estudo. Na Parte II, centrámo-nos nas especificidades da acção republicana e da sua propaganda eleitoral no campo educativo. E, na Parte III, abordámos os debates parlamentares dos deputados antidinásticos em torno da questão educativa.
A multiplicidade de questões a abordar obrigou-nos a recorrer a um conjunto alargado de fontes, iconográficas, manuscritas e essencialmente impressas. Contudo, os dois núcleos fundamentais que constituíram a base para o desenvolvimento desta investigação foram a imprensa republicana e o Diário da Câmara dos Senhores Deputados. Assim, foi nosso objectivo configurar um painel revelador dos temas educativos que mobilizaram quer os propagandistas republicanos nas campanhas para os sufrágios quer os deputados antimonárquicos no hemiciclo durante o período que medeia entre 1878 e 1910.
# # # Abstract - The republican educational ideals from the republican electoral campaign to the parliamentary debates (1878-1910) are the goal of this thesis. We aim to contribute for the study of the propagated republican educative idealism (and ideas) in the electoral propaganda and the parliamentary debates in the previous years of the fall of the Portuguese Monarchy (1910).
Constructing a panel of the main themes throughout a content analysis was our first effort. Therefore, we have structured the thesis in three parts. In Part I, we present the framing politician from the republican candidacies in the legislative elections, of the period. In Part II, we focus on the specificities of the republican share and its electoral propaganda in the educative field. And, in Part III, we tried to make an approach of the parliamentary debates of the nondinastic members of the "House of Representatives" around the educative question. The multiplicity of questions to approach made obligator the resource to a widened set of sources such as iconographic, hand written and bibliographical printed material. However, the two basic focuses go around those that had constituted the basis for the development of this inquiry, which had been the "Republican Daily Press" and the "Daily of the Members of the Representatives House Chamber".
Altogether, it is our objective to configure a revealing panel of the educative subjects that had mobilized the propagandist republicans in the campaigns for the suffrages both for the monarchic and antimonarchic members of the "House of Representatives" in the Portuguese Republican Assembly during the period that mediates between 1878 and 1910.
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Zulini, Jaqueline Porto. "Modos do bom governo na Primeira República brasileira: o papel do parlamento no regime de 1889-1930." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02122016-121222/.
Full textAbstract:
A literatura focada na Primeira República brasileira (1891-1930) normalmente considera o parlamento desprovido de poder político porque enquadra neste período o marco do acordo firmado entre o presidente Campos Sales e os governadores estaduais para impedir a eleição das oposições no Legislativo Federal. Uma tese até hoje consolidada na historiografia política e que em geral tributa o desfecho autoritário daquele regime à cristalização dos efeitos do referido pacto, mais conhecido como politica dos governadores. O presente trabalho investiga a suposta passividade dos parlamentares eleitos de 1900 em diante através do exame da composição partidária do Congresso Nacional e comportamento legislativo dos representantes em algumas questões cruciais valendo-se do estudo da Câmara dos Deputados. A hipótese de pesquisa parte do entendimento clássico e assume que a Casa não constituía uma importante arena decisória para se construir consenso, garantido de antemão. Contraintuitivos, os resultados mostram que as bancadas estaduais empossadas nas onze legislaturas abertas entre 1900 e 1930 tenderam majoritariamente ao unipartidarismo, mas nem por isso agiram de modo unânime, coeso e subserviente à orientação do governo, havendo espaço para obstrução e eventuais derrotas amargadas pelo Poder Executivo. Definitivamente, o parlamento não gozava de status marginal no regime como frequentemente se alega, mas configurava um foro de negociação central para a governabilidade.The literature on the Brazilian First Republic (1891-1930) usually claims that the parliament lacked political power, due to an agreement made between President Campos Sales and state governors that prevented the oppositions from gaining representation in the federal legislature. A well-known thesis in the political historiography links the authoritarian nature of the regime to the effects of that pact, known as politics of governors. This dissertation assesses the supposed passivity of parliamentarians elected from 1900 on, by analyzing the party composition of the national Congress and the legislative behavior of representatives in some crucial issues, based on the study of the Chamber of Deputies. The research hypothesis is rooted on the classic interpretation and assumes that the House did not constitute an important decision-making arena for building consensuses, which were guaranteed beforehand. The results of the analyses reported in this dissertation are counterintuitive and show that the state benches of the eleven legislatures between 1900 and 1930 tended to be single-party, but did not act with unanimity, cohesion and subordination to the recommendations of the government, giving room to obstructions and defeats of the Executive. Definitely, the parliament was not a marginal player in the regime as is frequently claimed, but was rather a forum for negotiations with important consequences for governability.