Relevant bibliographies by topics / Hong Kong.Protest movements

Academic literature on the topic 'Hong Kong.Protest movements'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Hong Kong.Protest movements"

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Charm, Theodore, and Tse-min Lin. "Post-Materialism and Political Grievances: Implications for Protest Participation in Hong Kong." Journal of Asian and African Studies 58, no. 1 (January 15, 2023): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096221124933.

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In recent decades, Hong Kong witnessed a number of protest movements that drew high levels of participation, most of which revolved around political issues. Why did ordinary citizens protest? What were the underlying factors that motivated Hongkongers to protest? We argue that post-materialism and grievances toward the government increase the selective expressive benefits for individuals to participate in protests. We illustrate that the two factors contribute to the protest movements in Hong Kong in general. Using the World Values Survey data, we found that post-materialism interacted with grievances toward the political system to increase Hongkongers’ propensity to protest. Our findings have important implications for the 2019 Anti-Extradition Law Movement in Hong Kong.
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Mok, Bryan K. M. "On the Necessity of Ritual Sensibility in Public Protest: A Hong Kong Perspective." Religions 12, no. 2 (January 29, 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020093.

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In Hong Kong, the efficacy of ritualized protest has become an issue of hot debate in recent years. Whereas ritualized protest is a long-term political practice in the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement that has considerable influence, skepticism about it has grown remarkably within the radical faction of the movement. Against this background, this paper aims to offer a theoretical reflection on the role of ritualized protest in the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement. It will take an auto-ethnographic approach to reflect on the material culture of Hong Kong public protests and engage in the recent controversy over ritualized protest. This study shows that although ritualized protest can hardly achieve actual political changes in the short run, ritual sensibility is essential to the promulgation and the passing-on of social and political values. This applies not only to ritualized protests that are largely peaceful, rational, and non-violent but also to militant protests that are open to the use of violence. This emphasis on the underlying importance of ritual sensibility invites both the liberal democratic and the radical factions to introspect whether their own political praxes have portents of formalization and ossification.
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Lejano, Raul, Ernest Chui, Timothy Lam, and Jovial Wong. "Collective action as narrativity and praxis: Theory and application to Hong Kong’s urban protest movements." Public Policy and Administration 33, no. 3 (April 7, 2017): 260–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076717699262.

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Policy scholars need to better describe the diversity of actors and interests that forge collective political action through nonformal social networks. The authors find extant theories of collective action to only partially explain such heterogeneity, which is exemplified by the urban protest movements in Hong Kong. A new concept, that of the narrative-network, appears better able to describe movements chiefly characterized by heterogeneity. Instead of simple commonalities among members, a relevant property is the plurivocity of narratives told by members of the coalition. Analyzing ethnographic interviews of members of the movement, the authors illustrate the utility of narrative-network analysis in explaining the complex and multiple motivations behind participation. Narrativity and the shared act of narration, within an inclusive and democratic community, are part of what sustains the movement. The research further develops the theory of the narrative-network, which helps explain the rise of street protest in Hong Kong as an emergent, alternative form of civic engagement.
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Urman, Aleksandra, Justin Chun-ting Ho, and Stefan Katz. "Analyzing protest mobilization on Telegram: The case of 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill movement in Hong Kong." PLOS ONE 16, no. 10 (October 8, 2021): e0256675. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256675.

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Online messaging app Telegram has increased in popularity in recent years surpassing Twitter and Snapchat by the number of active monthly users in late 2020. The messenger has also been crucial to protest movements in several countries in 2019-2020, including Belarus, Russia and Hong Kong. Yet, to date only few studies examined online activities on Telegram and none have analyzed the platform with regard to the protest mobilization. In the present study, we address the existing gap by examining Telegram-based activities related to the 2019 protests in Hong Kong. With this paper we aim to provide an example of methodological tools that can be used to study protest mobilization and coordination on Telegram. We also contribute to the research on computational text analysis in Cantonese—one of the low-resource Asian languages,—as well as to the scholarship on Hong Kong protests and research on social media-based protest mobilization in general. For that, we rely on the data collected through Telegram’s API and a combination of network analysis and computational text analysis. We find that the Telegram-based network was cohesive ensuring efficient spread of protest-related information. Content spread through Telegram predominantly concerned discussions of future actions and protest-related on-site information (i.e., police presence in certain areas). We find that the Telegram network was dominated by different actors each month of the observation suggesting the absence of one single leader. Further, traditional protest leaders—those prominent during the 2014 Umbrella Movement,—such as media and civic organisations were less prominent in the network than local communities. Finally, we observe a cooldown in the level of Telegram activity after the enactment of the harsh National Security Law in July 2020. Further investigation is necessary to assess the persistence of this effect in a long-term perspective.
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Corlin Frederiksen, Mai. "Frontløberne som motiv." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 51, no. 134-135 (May 2, 2023): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v51i134-135.137181.

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The 2019 protests in Hong Kong unfolded with a visual forcefulness that shaped a movement that was at once popular and radical, peaceful and belligerent, orderly and sabotaging. One of the movement’s central instruments was to occupy the territory of Hong Kong with visual protest material. Protest walls spread with lightning speed from early July and from August and September, the contents of the city’s protest walls were updated every single day by independent, self-organized groupings and individuals. As long as the walls were updated with the latest information, the protest movement could prove that it was still ready for battle and that the Hong Kong they were all fighting for was right there on the wall in front of them. The image of the frontliners as the ones leading the fight against the police came to play a central role in the formation of a political identity for the protest movement. As the protest movement developed and the violent clashes with the police intensified, the images of the frontliners, dressed in black, wearing gas masks and safety goggles and with flag in their hands, emerged as the image of the protest movement. In this article, I follow the evolution of the image of the frontliners and the attempt to create a visual language that shapes this specific movement. I follow the development of the frontliners as parts of a history of protest and as parts of an ensemble of protest figures and protest-specific events. I explore what the frontliners and their images do as they unfold in the dynamic between the resistance the movement provides and the oppression they encounter.
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Tang, Gary, and Edmund W. Cheng. "Affective solidarity: how guilt enables cross-generational support for political radicalization in Hong Kong." Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000220.

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AbstractThe extant social movement literature tends to regard the youth as radical actors and senior citizens as conservative actors. However, the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong exhibited strong solidarity among protesters across generations, despite the radicalization of protest actions over an extended period. These phenomena contradict Hong Kong's traditional political culture, which favors peaceful and orderly protests and the worldwide trend where radicalization often leads to internal division in movements. By analyzing the data collected from onsite protest surveys in December 2019 and January 2020 (N = 1,784), this paper presents the mediating role of guilt in shifting senior citizens from opposing radical actions to supporting them and feeling solidarity with militant protesters. We find that the relationship between age and feelings of guilt is stronger among respondents who experience state repression. The findings shed light on the affective and relational dimensions of protest participation, showing how the traumatic conditions under which different social actors are welded together by shared emotional upheavals facilitate ingroup identification and affective solidarity.
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Bursztyn, Leonardo, Davide Cantoni, David Y. Yang, Noam Yuchtman, and Y. Jane Zhang. "Persistent Political Engagement: Social Interactions and the Dynamics of Protest Movements." American Economic Review: Insights 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aeri.20200261.

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We study the causes of sustained participation in political movements. To identify the persistent effect of protest participation, we randomly indirectly incentivize Hong Kong university students into participation in an antiauthoritarian protest. To identify the role of social networks, we randomize this treatment’s intensity across major-cohort cells. We find that incentives to attend one protest within a political movement increase subsequent protest attendance but only when a sufficient fraction of an individual’s social network is also incentivized to attend the initial protest. One-time mobilization shocks have dynamic consequences, with mobilization at the social network level important for sustained political engagement. (JEL D72, D74, I23, Z13)
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Yeung, Jessica. "The ‘We’ in two pairs of documentaries about protests by The 70’s Biweekly syndicate and the 2019 Hong Kong Documentary Workers." Asian Cinema 33, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00053_1.

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In the history of Hong Kong, the two largest and most impactful waves of social movements took place in the 1960s–70s and in the 2010s. The two documentaries-pair, 香港保衛釣魚台示威 (The Protect Diao Yu Islands Protest in Hong Kong) (1971) and 給香港的文藝青年 (To Hong Kong Intellectual Youths) (1978) produced by the anarcho-pacifist 70年代雙週刊 (The 70’s Biweekly) syndicate, and 佔領立法會 (Taking Back the Legislature) (2020) and 理大圍城 (Inside the Red Brick Wall) (2020) produced by Hong Kong Documentary Filmmakers effectively construct a ‘We’ of the protesters in alliance in the Butlerian sense. In the case of the 2020 films, this ‘We’ is unwittingly expanded by the government by imposing censorship on them, thus creating another layer of alliance with some Hong Kongers who might not have even watched the films, but stand in solidarity with the filmmakers in defending freedom of expression.
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Choi, Susanne YP. "When protests and daily life converge: The spaces and people of Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement." Critique of Anthropology 40, no. 2 (March 4, 2020): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x20908322.

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Social scientists are prone to define social movements as something extraordinary, existing outside the mundane world of daily routines and lives. However, as the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong has illustrated, protest and daily routines often overlap. This is due in part to the decentralisation of protest events geographically and the mobilisation of conventional life spaces and cultural repertoires as protest tactics. When protests become daily events and daily events become protests, ordinary people can no longer maintain ‘neutrality’ by claiming that they are just ‘distant spectators’. They are turned into witnesses of history, forced to make a moral judgment and take a stand. The situation also creates new roles for those not directly involved in the movement to participate in the movement. At the same time, this ‘invasion’ of the ordinary and the local by the harbingers of political conflict, has bred fear and white terror among neighbours in local communities.
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Vecchio, Francesco, and Julie Ham. "From subsistence to resistance: Asylum-seekers and the other ‘Occupy’ in Hong Kong." Critical Social Policy 38, no. 2 (March 9, 2017): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317699162.

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In 2014, the Refugee Union – the only asylum-seeker-led organisation in Hong Kong – organised an eight-month-long protest against assistance policies and practices which they argued dehumanised and jeopardised their dignity and survival. Central to this public protest, termed ‘Refugee Occupy’, was the transformation of a traditional mechanism for asylum-seeker containment – the refugee camp – into a vehicle for asylum-seeker voice, participation and resistance. In this article, we discuss the asylum-seeker assistance policies and practices over the last decade that have resulted in a borderless refugee camp in Hong Kong. We explore the asylum-seekers’ use of the camp concept and its spatial and political transformation into an instrument for asylum-seeker resistance and political engagement. We conclude by situating the Refugee Union’s formation alongside other migrant-led social movements in Hong Kong and globally.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hong Kong.Protest movements"

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Fong, Yik-lam Andy, and 方奕霖. "State and urban protest: towards a theoretical model of state-urban protest interaction in the sphere ofconsumption in contemporary capitalist societies." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975793.

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Cheung, Hui-kwan, and 張照群. "Participation in protest: a comparative studyof two protestant workers' organizations in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31208137.

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Fung, Chi-ming, and 馮志明. "History at the grassroots: rickshaw pullers in the pearl river deltaof South China, 1874-1992." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B17537058.

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Lam-Knott, Sonia Yue Chuen. "The protesting youths of Hong Kong : post-80s reimaginings of politics through self, body, and space." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ae079ba9-2025-40a0-bf3f-54d9197eb6b0.

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This thesis examines the political activism of Hong Kong youths known as the Post-80s. In contrast to dominant discourse in Hong Kong claiming that these youths are driven by economic concerns, based on 18 months of fieldwork, I suggest that the Post-80s are instead striving to reimagine what politics means as a part of life in the postcolonial city. It is emphasised that youths are 'protesting' as an act of rejecting mainstream politics, and as a means to realise their desire for a different form of politics to emerge in the city. By bringing youth voices to the forefront, this thesis addresses two broad themes - why and how the Post-80s protest. The thesis first provides an overview of Hong Kong politics, arguing that youths express a deep sense of dissatisfaction towards the political culture in society dictated by financial interests, and towards the hierarchical structures within the political domains that stifle the public voice. The thesis then reviews how the Post-80s challenge these conditions by positing a form of alternative politics predicated on individualistic self-representation manifesting through the self, body, and space. I look at youth claims that becoming political is an 'individual choice', and the ways in which their strong sense of individuality interacts with/counteracts the limitations on their political participation imposed by familial ties and gender roles. I then explore Post-80s attempts to dispel bodily passivity in protests through the incorporation of performance art into their political actions to empower the individual activist, and analyse youth attempts to reconfigure urban space into political sites of individualistic experimentation. The conclusion reviews the impact Post-80s activism has had on the realpolitik of the city, noting the inherent contradictions within the political efforts of the Post-80s and their limited ability to inflict widespread structural changes in Hong Kong politics.
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Bernö, Linnea. "“You have to fight for it” The Hong Kong Protests 2019 – 2020 and the Power of Social Movements on Democratization." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412221.

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In the last decade, social movements have demonstrated their power of bringing change to societies, often in terms of democratization. At the same time, the level of democracy in the world has been established as decreasing. It is therefore interesting to study whether the increase of social movements is related to the decline of democracy. The aim of this thesis was thus to explore the perception of democracy amongst activists in a social movement calling for democratization. This was done by conducting semi-structured interviews with activists of varying degrees of participation in the Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020. The results of the study indicated that a majority of the activists regarded democracy from the perspective of liberal democracy, stressing the importance of elections and protection of human rights through a well-grounded constitution. Nevertheless, some of the respondents sought more than a fundamental description of democracy, incorporating elements of deliberation and participation as well. The Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020 have not seen the end yet. Likewise, the existence of social movements will forever remain through variations of repertoires. The significance of what conception of democracy motivates activists to organise themselves through civil society movements remains to be academically covered in full. Thus, future studies of democratization should continue to shed light on the role of the civil society in democratization processes.
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Siu, Long, Michael Adorjan, Yat-kai Hui, Shuk-yi Maggy Lee, Kin-fung Wong, 蕭朗, 許逸佳, and 黃建鋒. "Protest policing in contemporary Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/205833.

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Larsson, Jessika. "Hong Kong in Transition : The Hong Kong identity and value change in relation to the pro-democracy protests of 2003-2020." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432441.

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The importance of protecting democracy and free speech in the world has never been moreparamount than in a time like now, when pro-democracy and independence movements areon the rise and democracy is declining. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the potentialstrengthening of the local identity in Hong Kong in relation to the 21st centurypro-democratic protests and the postmaterialist generation. This will be put in contrast toChina’s more totalitarian way of governing and resistance to democracy. Of which the globalcity of Hong Kong has been a special administrative region (SAR) within the one countrytwo systems design since the 1997. The investigation of the local identity is based on theWorld Value Survey's data set from 2005, 2014 and 2018. The survey data is analysed withstatistical tools of regression analysis, correlation and comparison over time. This study findssome correlation between the postmaterialist values and identity but no correlation betweenthe Hong Kong local identity and the pro-democracy movement. The results further suggest amoderate strengthening of the Hong Kong identity in the form of an increase in inherentpride, which this thesis contends may be induced by the clash of the values imposed bymainland China. This possibility requires further research as the identity of an autonomouspart of a nation, for example Hong Kong, is of importance for civic participation anddemocracy as a whole.
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Ho, Kwok-leung Denny. "Polite politics : a sociological analysis of urban protest in Hong Kong." Thesis, University of Kent, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308759.

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CHAN, Kwun Hong. "The emergence of civil disobedience movements in Hong Kong." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2014. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/12.

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Civil disobedience, as a specific means of protest, has drawn intellectual attention worldwide, but few scholars in Hong Kong have studied this means of protest in depth. Focusing on the reasons why civil disobedience movements have emerged in Hong Kong, this research has used a case study methodology. Semi-structured interviews have been conducted with people that participated in many of Hong Kong’s previous civil disobedience movements, from the Yau Ma Tei Boat People Incident of the 1970s, to the Anti-Public Order Ordinance demonstrations and Citizens’ Radio Incident of the early 2000s. In addition to describing how the emergence of specific civil disobedience movements happened, this research also explores the sociopolitical conditions from which civil disobedience movements have emerged in the Hong Kong context. By interviewing key informants in each case (9 in total), a general pattern of the emergence of civil disobedience in Hong Kong has been found. Departing from the well-established studies on civil disobedience that have focused on the particular ideologies of participants or specific characteristics of movement leaders, this study contributes to the study of the sociopolitical conditions that led to emergence. All the cases studied point to the fact that the employment of civil disobedience as a protest means is a calculated response to delegitimizing effect, with the existence of civil society.
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Yeung, Sin, and 楊倩. "Social movements in Hong Kong since the 1970s: the prelude of democratization." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31677459.

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Books on the topic "Hong Kong.Protest movements"

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Sanxiaderen. Wo men de zui hou jin hua: Our last evolution. 8th ed. Taibei Shi: Yi ren chu ban she, 2020.

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Yichuan. Cheng shi shang hen: Gang piao yan zhong de Xianggang xiu li feng bo. 8th ed. Xianggang: Li wen chu ban she, 2020.

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Ngo, Jennifer. Chao yong: Xianggang fan xiu li yun dong ying xiang ji lu = Time and Tide : Photographs of the Anti-extradition Bill Protests in Hong Kong. Xianggang: Duan chuan mei ke ji (Xinggang) you xian gong si, 2020.

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Liu, Guangcheng. Bei xiao shi de Xianggang: The fallen city: Hong Kong. 8th ed. Taibei Shi: Gai ya wen hua you xian gong si, 2020.

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Zhiwei, Yu, ed. Lie huo hei chao: Cheng shi zhan di li de Xianggang ren = Fiery tides : the Hong Kong anti-extradition movement and its impacts. Xinbei Shi: Zuo an wen hua, 2020.

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Longobardi, Nicola. Be water: Iconografia di una protesta. Milano: Scalpendi editore, 2020.

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Ho, Kwok-leung. Polite politics: A sociological analysis of an urban protest in Hong Kong. Aldershot, Hants, England: Burlington, Vt., 2000.

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Chan, Joseph Man. Mobilization and protest participation in post-handover Hong Kong: A study of three large-scale demonstrations. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, 2005.

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mei, Duan chuan. 2019 Xianggang feng bao: "Duan chuan mei" fan xiu li yun dong bao dao jing xuan = Storm in Hong Kong 2019. 8th ed. Taibei Shi: Chun shan chu ban you xian gong si, 2020.

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Lee, Francis L. F. Shi dai de xing dong zhe: Fan xiu li yun dong qun xiang = Actors in the contention of our time : portraits of the Anti-ELAB Movement. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press (China) Limited, 2021.

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Book chapters on the topic "Hong Kong.Protest movements"

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Mak, Sophie. "The Art of Protest in Hong Kong." In Edition Politik, 22–29. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839470558-003.

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During the 2019 protests in Hong Kong, art became an indispensable avenue for dissent and political expression. It offered a peaceful alternative way for citizens to express their views and ideologies without having to protest in the streets. Artists formed an integral part of the political movement that reinvented Hong Kong's identity and preserved the city's soul. The innovative and decentralized methods of creating and distributing led to a level of unity and fluidity that had never been seen before. These creative resistance strategies were so successful that they inspired other protest movements in South-East Asia and beyond.
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Chiu, Stephen WK, and Kaxton YK Siu. "Hong Kong as a City of Protest: Social Movement as Motor for Social Change." In Hong Kong Studies Reader Series, 329–85. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-5707-8_10.

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Hualing, Fu. "Political protest in high-income societies." In Law and Politics of the Taiwan Sunflower and Hong Kong Umbrella Movements, 83–99. Abingdon, Oxon [UK] ; New York : Routledge, 2017. | Series: The rule of law in China and comparative perspectives: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315575063-6.

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Chow, Yiu Fai, Jeroen de Kloet, and Leonie Schmidt. "The Worst of Times, The Best of Music." In Contemporary East Asian Visual Cultures, Societies and Politics, 71–107. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-6710-0_3.

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AbstractIn September 2014, thousands of people started occupying different areas of Hong Kong, demanding “true democracy,” ushering in what was known as the “Umbrella Movement.” The popular protest might have taken the world by surprise; for us, it can be read as a logical outcome of a much longer process of postcolonial anxiety. Popular culture, among which popular music, constitutes an important domain to narrate versions of the past, present, and future that present alternatives to official versions. We therefore shift our eyes and ears from the tumultuous and politically explicit street protests to the aestheticised show of popular sentiments: the 2012 and 2017 Tat Ming Pair concerts. How does Tat Ming’s performance imagine the postcolonial city and its histories? How does it negotiate Hong Kong’s current socio-historical moment? And what kinds of futures does it fantasise for Hong Kong? And what differences can we distinguish between both concerts, one before and the other after the Umbrella Movement? For both concert series, we zoom in onto three songs: “Today Could Have Been a Happy Day 今天應該很高興,” “Tonight the Stars are Bright 今夜星光燦爛,” and “It’s My Party.” These three songs present different articulations of temporality; we start with reflecting on how the (colonial) history of Hong Kong is represented, then move on to analyse how Hong Kong’s present-day predicament is articulated, finally to probe into imaginations of the future in the concerts. These three temporalities, in conjunction with the two different moments the concerts took place, 2012 and 2017, are always already implicated with each other. Following our introduction in Chapter 1, they allow us to study how the constructs of the past, the present, and the possible futures of the city, are woven into the fibre of the concerts.
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Luqiu, Luwei Rose. "After the Movement and under the National Security Law." In Covering the 2019 Hong Kong Protests, 123–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82226-2_8.

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Manzoor, Nazia, and Wen Liu. "Decolonizing Protest Suicide: Performing Life in Hong Kong." In Reorienting Hong Kong’s Resistance, 61–72. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4659-1_5.

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Chen, Albert H. Y. *. "Social movements and the law." In Civil Unrest and Governance in Hong Kong, 117–40. and John D. Wong. Description: Abingdon, Oxon; New York,: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315537252-8.

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Wong, Sonia Kwok. "Social Movements in Hong Kong and the Bible." In Activist Hermeneutics of Liberation and the Bible, 83–104. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003090274-6.

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Wasserstrom, Jeffrey. "Protest and Chinese Morality: A Hong Kong Case Study." In The Routledge International Handbook of Morality, Cognition, and Emotion in China, 270–88. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003281566-20.

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Ho, Oscar. "9. Protest Art, Hong Kong Style: A Photo Essay." In Take Back Our Future, edited by Ching Kwan Lee and Ming Sing, 193–214. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501740930-010.

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Conference papers on the topic "Hong Kong.Protest movements"

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Sun, Qingjie, Sin-Ye Jhong, Chih-Hsien Hsia, and Chu Yu. "Online Social Media Interaction and Offline Protest Movement: Patterns in 2019 Hong Kong." In 2020 Indo-Taiwan 2nd International Conference on Computing, Analytics and Networks (Indo-Taiwan ICAN). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/indo-taiwanican48429.2020.9181329.

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Fung, Henry T. Y. "Impacts of the socio-political instability in Hong Kong on university students’ learning experience." In Seventh International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head21.2021.12834.

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Since the Anti-Extradition Law Social Movement in 2019, Hong Kong has entered an era of socio-political instability. The conflict between student protestants and the government has become increasingly intense, whereas several universities even became the battlefield of the protest and were abruptly shut down in November 2019. To add fuel to the fire, the outbreak of COVID-19 in early 2020 has prompted all universities in the territory to suspend all face-to-face classes and activities for two semesters. All these have impacted university students in Hong Kong socially, academically and psychologically.In light of this, this study aims to explore the ways to which the learning experience of university students in Hong Kong have been impacted by the socio-political challenges. Through conducting a mixed-methods study at a public university in Hong Kong, it was found that university have a high perceived level of stress, high political involvements, unsatisfactory learning experience and poor learning motivation under this socio-political instability. It is hoped that this study can provide informed insights for teachers to understand students’ burdens, stresses, and emotional instability associated with socio-political unrest.
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Aktamov, Innokentii, and Aydana Banzarova. "A NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION OF HONG KONG PEOPLE IN THE CONTEXT OF PROTEST MOVEMENT OF 2014 AND 2019." In Россия и Китай: история и перспективы сотрудничества. Благовещенский государственный педагогический университет, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.48344/bspu.2020.57.40.118.

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Michaliszyn, Jennifer Lee. "The Politicization of a Private Infrastructure: Hong Kong’s Pedestrian Bridge Network." In 105th ACSA Annual Meeting Paper Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.105.74.

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The 2014 “Umbrella Protest’ and 2011-12 Occupy Central demonstrations in Hong Kong were sited along and under segments of the city’s well-known pedestrian bridge infrastructure. The walkways are often cited by critics as examples of a public realm compromised by private management and surveillance. But these recent events compel a reexamination of the bridge network, and whether these privatized connectors, through their appropriation as spaces of informal and unsanctioned activity, have evolved into a supporting armature for dissent and a kind of ‘infrastructure of inclusion’.
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Stevens, Quentin. "A History of Protest Memorials in Three Democratic East-Asian Capital Cities: Taipei, Hong Kong and Seoul." In The 39th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. PLACE NAME: SAHANZ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a5043pmsjd.

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This paper examines a range of grassroots protest memorials erected over the past 60 years within public spaces in the capital cities of three ‘Asian Tigers’: Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea. These cities grew quickly as their polities rapidly democratized in the 1980s after long periods of foreign and local authoritarian rule. The paper explores the complex relationships between these memorials and their various urban settings, and how these reflect the wider evolution of political authority, social history and values in each host territory. Drawing on documentary research, interviews, discourse analysis and site analysis of over 20 projects, the paper examines two key aspects of the planning and design of grassroots memorials in Taipei, Hong Kong and Seoul. Firstly, it discusses how these memorials’ designs communicate and critique the struggles of civil society against the cities’ authoritarian rulers. Secondly, it analyses the kinds of sites where these grassroots memorials have been erected, which contrast with the cities’ more prominent, government-endorsed commemorative sites. The paper identifies key formal types, commonalities and differences, and historical changes in the ways that citizens in each capital city have developed a post-colonial, post-authoritarian representation of local history through protest memorials in urban spaces.
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Cheung, Karen K. W. "Analysis of Social Movements in Hong Kong in 2014 and 2019 From the Perspective of Body Politics and Feeling Politics." In The IAFOR International Conference on Arts & Humanities – Hawaii 2023. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2432-4604.2023.10.

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Sacadura, T. M. S., L. Lee, and O. Haye. "Diaphragm Wall Trench Stability in Recently Reclaimed Land: A Case Study Review." In The HKIE Geotechnical Division 41st Annual Seminar. AIJR Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21467/proceedings.126.23.

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This paper focuses on the design and review of diaphragm wall trench stability using bentonite as the stabilizing fluid on a reclaimed site in Hong Kong SAR, Hong Kong Boundary Crossing Facilities. The site geological conditions were challenging for construction of long diaphragm wall panels due to the presence of considerable thickness of soft Marine Deposit and Alluvium Clays. In addition, a special type of diaphragm wall panel (Y-panel) was required for a multi circular cell cofferdam. The applicability of three-dimensional finite element methods software, Plaxis 3D, to model the trench stability is discussed through a comparison with other analytical trench design methods. Two site trials were undertaken, one for a triple-bite panel, 6.8m long and 1.5m thick, and another for the 5-bite panel (Y-panel), 3.6m x 6.5m. The latter required ground improvement, Cutter Soil Mixing, works to ensure both a satisfactory factor of safety against failure and acceptable lateral movements of the trench.
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Reports on the topic "Hong Kong.Protest movements"

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Wang, Rong. Sympathy, care fuel Hong Kong protest virality. Edited by Reece Hooker. Monash University, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54377/97a9-163d.

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Loecker, Florian, Amanah Ramadiah, Kimmo Soramäki, and Will Towning. Building Robust Anti-Fraud & Scam Capabilities at the National Level. FNA, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.69701/ektb6000.

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The introduction of instant payment systems around the world has accelerated in recent years. There are now over 80 instant payment systems globally, with more than 35 being launched in the last five years and eight currently being built. These systems bring unprecedented speed and efficiency to payments markets, with greater convenience for consumers. However, faster payments also means faster fraud. For example, in Hong Kong, the volume of fraud cases more than doubled in the four years following the introduction of the Faster Payment Service in 2018. Authorized Push Payments (APP) fraud losses - a form of fraud in which victims are manipulated into making instant payments to fraudsters - are expected to climb to $5.25 billion across the US, UK, and India by 2026. Fraudsters use complex and sophisticated transaction schemes that span across banks to conceal the destination of fraudulently acquired funds. This means that no bank has full visibility of this network with their own payments data alone. It also means that standard rules and statistical approaches to fraud detection and prevention based on siloed bank-level data are limited in their effectiveness as they fail to fully capture the network dimension. We argue that the problem can only be efficiently addressed by capturing the full network, including cross-bank payment flows. This can be done by collating payments data into a central data hub that enables: The tracing and tracking of the fund movements in real time, allowing banks to recover funds for victims and identify new mule accounts and schemes faster, as well as reduce the cost of doing so. More accurate methods for fraud detection and risk scoring that employ graph features of the data. Risk scores and features to be provided to banks in real-time via APIs to improve their own fraud models and enable them to make more accurate and faster decisions on stopping fraudulent payments.
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