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Journal articles on the topic 'Hong Kong education'

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1

Xing, Jun. "Global Citizenship Education in Hong Kong." International Journal of Information and Education Technology 5, no. 2 (2015): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7763/ijiet.2015.v5.490.

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Spires, Robert. "Hong Kong's Postcolonial Education Reform." International Journal of Educational Reform 26, no. 2 (April 2017): 154–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105678791702600204.

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The Hong Kong education system is at a crucial point in its trajectory, and changes to public education also reflect broader social, economic and political changes within Hong Kong and globally. Since the 1997 handover of Hong Kong from British control to China, Hong Kong has struggled to develop its own identity under the One Country, Two Systems premise. One of the compulsory courses in the Hong Kong curriculum known as liberal studies, introduced in 2009, provided a useful departure point for exploring many social tensions occurring in Hong Kong. Exploring education reform through liberal studies explains how these social tensions manifest within education, and how these educational tensions manifest within the broader society. Contemporary trends in Hong Kong's education were examined, including the public exams, the proliferation of shadow education and the expansion of self-financed tertiary education options for Hong Kong students. Tensions in Hong Kong are further explained through the notions of post-colonialism. The liberal studies debate mirror aspects of the broader economic, political, and social tensions as they relate to Hong Kong youth, and Hong Kong society at-large, and this article endeavors to explore these tensions through the lens of liberal studies as it relates to education discourse in Hong Kong. Through a combination of literature review from academic and mainstream sources, the article establishes the groundwork for further empirical work in order to gain a more in-depth understanding of the issues and tensions in Hong Kong.
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VALENZUELA-SILVA, PILAR, and MONIT CHEUNG. "NEPALESE LIVING IN HONG KONG: SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND HIGHER EDUCATION ENHANCEMENT." Hong Kong Journal of Social Work 50, no. 01n02 (January 2016): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021924621600005x.

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With a focus on research conducted after Hong Kong reunited with China in 1997, this paper documents how the Nepalese immigrants living in Hong Kong processed their decision to either stay in Hong Kong or return to their home country. A review of 40 studies targeting Nepalese immigrants who chose to stay in Hong Kong found that these families were primarily influenced by: 1) their immigration history, including their roles as Gurkhas in the Hong Kong military and their contributions to the local labor force, and 2) their quality of living in Hong Kong versus Nepal. Among these 40 studies, only seven offered statistics with direct input from Nepalese research participants. Their responses show that the three different generations of Nepalese living in Hong Kong, while contributing to the cultural richness in Hong Kong, have experienced profound social exclusion. This article seeks to compile research findings to define issues facing Nepalese in Hong Kong and offers suggested solutions to the question: How can social workers help Nepalese in Hong Kong obtain economic and educational opportunities to enhance their quality of life? Implications for further research and social service interventions are explored with attention to social inclusion and promoting higher education opportunities.
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Summers, Tim. "The external affairs of the Hong Kong SAR: UK-Hong Kong economic relations." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0039.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine economic relations between Hong Kong and the UK, especially since 2012, in order to shed light on the management of Hong Kong’s external relations. Design/methodology/approach The context for the research is discussion of “grey areas” between Hong Kong’s external relations and foreign affairs. Research is based on textual analysis of British and some Hong Kong policy documents, government statements and media reports, as well as personal discussions with many involved in UK-Hong Kong ties. Findings The paper finds that the UK-Hong Kong economic relationship is managed autonomously, demonstrating Hong Kong’s external economic affairs and bilateral exchanges being practised with a high degree of autonomy. It also shows the importance that the British government attaches to its economic relationship with Hong Kong in its own right, and the likely increase in that importance as Brexit unfolds. Originality/value The paper engages in detailed analysis of economic relations between the UK and Hong Kong, in contrast to most post-1997 studies which have focused on Hong Kong’s ties with the USA or European Union.
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Chong, King-Man Eric, Jun Hu, Chi-Keung Eric Cheng, Ian Davies, Hei-Hang Hayes Tang, Yan-Wing Leung, and Chung-Fun Steven Hung. "Conceptualizing national education and methods of teaching national education in Hong Kong." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00047_1.

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This article aims to generate a better understanding of Hong Kong teachers’ perception of national education as implemented in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (hereafter referred to as Hong Kong SAR) and the interrelationship between their perception and the methods they adopt to teach the topic. We outline the Hong Kong context relevant to our research and review the relevant literature to consider typologies and teaching methods about and for national education. Questionnaire data focused on the seven typologies of nationalism and the three teaching methods of national education identified in the literature review. A total of 601 questionnaires were returned from 198 schools. The typologies of cultural nationalism, civic and peripheral nationalism, authoritarian nationalism, unification nationalism and cosmopolitan nationalism, and the teaching methods of group discussion and an affective approach characterize the views of Hong Kong secondary school teachers about national education. We suggest that teachers’ diverse views about nationalism and their varied use of teaching methods to achieve their goals suggest the powerful influence of current initiatives from the Chinese mainland and the need to reflect on established academic literature that proposes the decolonization of the curriculum and interactive and critical teaching methods.
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Yeung, Sum. "The review of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades from the perspective of social development." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 511–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-06-2017-0054.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades and examine its challenges and prospect. One country two systems is pragmatic and compromise principle and social arrangement for Hong Kong under China sovereignty. It has served to resolve some issues related to the future of Hong Kong after the end of British Colonial rule since July 1, 1997. There are lessons to be learnt as the merits and flaws of the system have been identified in the study as perceived from the perspective of social development. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on quantitative methodology. Data of public opinion polls conducted by various local universities on the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong have been employed in the study. Based on the data obtained from the relevant survey, different aspects of social development of Hong Kong under one country two systems has been examined and explored. Data are current and up-to-date to reflect the social mood of Hong Kong people toward one country two systems over the years. Findings The challenges and prospect of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades since the change of sovereignty have been identified in this paper. Hong Kong has remained the moist free market and the third financial center in the world. However, the high degree of self-autonomy as stipulated in the Basic Law has been fading way. There is social discontent of Hong Kong people on social and political grounds and there are high sense of mistrust to both Hong Kong SAR (HKSAR) government and the Central government in Beijing. This will provide a guideline to the government for improving the situation. Research limitations/implications The study is based on data obtained from various public opinion conducted by several local university on the development of one country two systems and how Hong Kong people feel about it. The data are current and up-to-date. However, there will be variation of findings as social mood and perception of Hong Kong people toward one country two systems may change due to the changes of social and political events. With these limitations, one needs to be careful while drawing the conclusion. Yet, the over trend of social development of Hong Kong can be seen. Practical implications The study will provide an overall view and assessment of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades after the change of sovereignty since July 1, 1997. The findings and discussion of social mobility, quality of life, income disparity, social and political movement and ethnic identity and its changes in recent years of people in Hong Kong are rather revealing. It will provide a reality check and yardstick for people who are concerned about Hong Kong society and its people under China sovereignty. Social implications The study and its findings will provide a useful guideline for people who are concerned about how Hong Kong people live under China sovereignty. Hong Kong to most of Hong Kong people is on longer a borrow place living under the borrowed time. The former British Colonial rule has been replaced by HKSAR government rule under China sovereignty. There is a high degree of mistrust toward both HKSAR government and the Central government in Beijing. People in Hong Kong keep fighting for democracy and high degree of self-autonomy. Hence, Hong Kong is still a free and open society under China sovereignty. Originality/value The paper contributes an original study on the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong under China sovereignty as perceived from the perspective of social development. There are important findings on social mobility, income disparity and issues of ethnic identity of Hong Kong people. The lessons of Hong Kong will provide an interesting case for people who care concerned about how people living in a former British colony has transformed the society into a thriving civil society under China sovereignty.
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7

Lia, William. "Journalism Education in Hong Kong." Media Asia 35, no. 2 (January 2008): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2008.11726870.

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8

Cannon, Isidore Cyril. "Higher Education in Hong Kong." Higher Education Quarterly 51, no. 4 (October 1997): 308–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2273.00049.

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Dowson, Chris, Peter Bodycott, Allan Walker, and David Coniam. "Education Reform in Hong Kong." education policy analysis archives 8 (May 20, 2000): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v8n24.2000.

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Since the early 1990s, the pace of educational reform in Hong Kong has accelerated and broadened to incorporate almost all areas of schooling. The reforms introduced during this period can be subsumed under what has generally been labelled the quality movement. In this paper, we review and comment on a number of policy reform initiatives in the four areas of "Quality Education," English Language Benchmarking, Initial Teacher Training and the Integration of Pupils with Special Needs into Ordinary Classrooms. Following a brief description of each policy initiative, the reforms are discussed in terms of their consistency, coherence and cultural fit.
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Chan, Ngan Yin, Siu Ping Lam, Jihui Zhang, Mandy Wai Man Yu, Shirley Xin Li, Albert Martin Li, and Yun Kwok Wing. "Sleep education in Hong Kong." Sleep and Biological Rhythms 14, S1 (November 17, 2015): 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41105-015-0008-8.

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11

Chan, Chi-Fai, Chan-Leong Chan, and Wai-Lam Cheng. "Business Education in Hong Kong." Review of Pacific Basin Financial Markets and Policies 01, no. 04 (December 1998): 555–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219091598000338.

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There is a big demand for business talents in Hong Kong. Nevertheless, business schools are not producing what businesses in the Special Administration Region (SAR) need. For this reason, administrators in business schools should adopt a strategic approach when they formulate their educational goals and strategies. Several key elements which are essential to the success of business schools are discussed in this paper: customer orientation, capabilities development, and relationship and network marketing. Based on the strategic approach, a number of recommendations are made: namely, the initiation of a student intake campaign, and the emphasis on better curriculum design, extra-curricular activities, alumni activities, and the adoption of an internal marketing approach.
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Chan, Pui-Kai. "Economic and Public Affairs: An Education for Citizenship in Hong Kong." Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 1, no. 2 (June 1996): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/csee.1996.1.2.97.

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Economic and Public Affairs (EPA) has been an integrated study of social, economic and political education for the junior secondary classes in Hong Kong since 1984, the year in which the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong was signed. The Hong Kong students could, from then onwards have an opportunity to receive an education for citizenship, in preparation for the post-Joint-Declaration era from 1984 till the end of June, 1997. The scope of content in the three-year curriculum was analysed to have covered mainly the aspect of social education, while that for economic and political education was surprisingly insufficient, if a balanced ‘education for citizenship’ was intended. A revised syllabus with a set of new and re-arranged topics in social, economic and political education was proposed, to cater for the needs of Hong Kong students from 1996 to the beginning years of the new Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It is extremely important and urgent for Hong Kong teachers to commit themselves more actively than at any other time in the Hong Kong history since 1841, to facilitate an education for citizenship in schools.
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Wong, Wai Kwok Benson. "The ties that bind: mutuality of political destiny between Hong Kong and Taiwan." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2018-0117.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain how post-1997 Hong Kong has been perceived in Taiwan and to critically evaluate the demonstration effects of Hong Kong under the “One Country, Two Systems” policy on cross-strait relations. Design/methodology/approach “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” has become a dominant discourse in cross-strait relations in recent years. The paper has adopted discourse analysis of selected texts during and after the 2014 Sunflower Movement to elucidate the disapproval of the developments of post-handover Hong Kong and the construction of the Movement’s self-identity. Findings It has observed the following arguments which shaped the prevailing perceptions among critics of the “One Country, Two Systems” policy: political infiltration of China in Hong Kong could be extended to Taiwan in the sense that the Beijing authorities would adopt the identical approach to manipulate Taiwan through the cross-strait trading agreements; negative perceptions and images of China and Chinese capitals as a collective aggressor and a threat, raising fear and worries in both Hong Kong and Taiwan; and Kuomintang, as a ruling party at that time under the leadership of President Ma Ying-jeoh, was dismissed by protesters as an incompetent gatekeeper and defender of Taiwan’s interests. Originality/value The pervasive sentiments and perceptions about post-1997 Hong Kong has been articulated discursively by the young activists in Taiwan and Hong Kong into a statement – “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” – which has brought about a somewhat unexpected bonding effect between Hong Kong and Taiwan through a strong disapproval of “One Country, Two Systems” and the China factor, which has be reproduced, delivered and circulated in both societies since 2014.
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KEVIN HO, CHUNG-HIN, and HEI-HANG HAYES TANG. "Building Houses by the Rootless People: Youth, Identities, and Education in Hong Kong." Harvard Educational Review 90, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 282–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-90.2.282.

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In this essay, Chung-Hin Kevin Ho, a history education university student in Hong Kong, narrates his search for civic identity. Composed through a process of critical and reflective dialogue with Hayes Tang, the essay describes the tension between Chung-Hin’s Chinese ethnic and cultural identity and the democratic values held by Hong Kongers. As a student, he and his peers had to navigate these competing conceptions of identity in their coursework and examinations. The youth of Hong Kong, including Chung-Hin, have protested against the Chinese government, and have fought to protect the values of Hong Kong. As a future educator, Chung-Hin has advice for the government administrations of both Hong Kong and China: work with Hong Kongers to help them “build their own house.” Chung-Hin argues that if Hong Kong is to become closer to China, it cannot be done through force or propaganda. Further, Chung-Hin contends that education initiatives that change the history curriculum of Hong Kong schools is not enough to bring the youth of the city to heel. Chung-Hin’s experiences, and his own understanding of history education in Hong Kong, have helped him see that the values of Hong Kongers need to be respected if there is any hope of gaining their trust and acceptance. In this timely essay, Chung-Hin highlights how government policies and historical legacies have shaped his personal experience and educational trajectory in Hong Kong, as well as the other students who are a part of the largest youth protest movement in recent memory.
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Loo, Jeff Hai-chi. "The Myth of “Hong Kong Nationalism”." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 4 (March 7, 2020): 535–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-10-2018-0161.

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PurposeThe persistent growth of ‘nativists’ in Hong Kong not only highlighted people's consideration over mainlandization, it also stimulates Beijing's nerve on national security. This paper adopts a critical perspective to explore the development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ that emerged in 2015. It will show the development of ‘Hong Kong nationalism’ is a phenomenon compounded by the creation of critical academics, government exaggeration, and pro-Beijing media labeling. In fact, this phenomenon leads to the suppression of political space for critical opposition.Design/methodology/approachThe interaction between Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government, central government, critical academics, and pro-Beijing media will be used to adopt a conceptual framework to show how their interrelationship would derive tremendous impacts to the development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism.’ It will further investigate some implications for the further political development in Hong Kong.FindingsThe development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ illustrates the triangular relations between critical academic, HKSAR and the Beijing government, and pro-Beijing media. The critical academics create and imagine such ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ with Hong Kong's political destiny that stimulates the nerve of Beijing and HKSAR on territorial integrity. The ‘imagined nationalism’ advocated by critical and opposition academics and advanced by the activists not only opened the Pandora's box that derives a Trojan horse scenario for the development of pan-democratic camp which affects the democracy movement tremendously.OriginalityThis paper is the first academic paper to explore ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ through analyzing the discourse advocated by critical academics. This paper can also fill in the gap from existing literature about social movement in Hong Kong as most of them ignored the influence of radical nativist movement.
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So, Alvin Y. "Hong Kong's Problematic Democratic Transition: Power Dependency or Business Hegemony?" Journal of Asian Studies 59, no. 2 (May 2000): 359–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658660.

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Hong Kongs Political Development since the 1960s has seemed to indicate bright prospects for democratization, since Hong Kong had attained most of the “prerequisites” for democratization (Lipset 1994). Hong Kong had considerable wealth and a rising middle class, no extreme or intolerable inequalities, and a high level of socioeconomic development. According to the wealth explanation of Lipset (1959) and Huntington (1984), Hong Kong's robust economy should make possible high levels of urbanization, industrialization, education, literacy, and mass media exposure, all of which are conducive to democracy.
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So, Alvin Y., and Ping Lam Ip. "Civic localism, anti-mainland localism, and independence." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 2 (December 9, 2019): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0043.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to trace the changing pattern of identity politics in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It shows that in response to the massive urban renewal projects in the 2000s, “civic localism” in the form of cultural preservation movement emerged to protect local community culture against the government-business hegemony. However, due to the deepening of social integration between Hong Kong and the mainland, a new “anti-mainland localism” emerged in the 2010s against the influx of mainlanders. In 2015–2016, as a result of Beijing’s active interference in Hong Kong affairs, localism is further transformed to Hong Kong “independence.” Design/methodology/approach This paper uses a historical methodology to trace the changing pattern of identity politics in Hong Kong after it becomes a special administrative region of China in 1997. Findings It shows how the interaction among the following three factors has shaped the pattern of localism in Hong Kong: macro historical-structural context, social movement dynamics and the response of Hong Kong and mainland government. Practical implications This paper argues that Beijing’s hardline policy toward Hong Kong localism may work in the short run to all push the pro-independence activities underground. However, unless the structural contradiction of the HKSAR is resolved, it seems likely that anti-mainland localism and Hong Kong independence sentiment and movement will come back with a vengeance at a later stage. Originality/value The literature tends to discuss Hong Kong localism in very general terms and fails to reveal its changing nature. This paper contributes by distinguishing three different forms of localism: civic localism in the mid-2000s, anti-mainland in the late 2000s and early 2010s, and independence after 2016. It shows how the macro historical-structural transformation, social movement dynamics and the responses of the Hong Kong SAR government and Beijing government have led to the changes of civic localism to anti-mainland localism, and finally to independence.
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Chan, Ray. "Police powers and accountability in China and Hong Kong: a comparative perspective." Asian Education and Development Studies 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2014-0036.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to study police powers and accountability from a comparative perspective in both China and Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach – This paper compares and contrasts police powers and accountability. Findings – The implications are many, including different political systems in which China is more authoritarian or paternalistic whereas Hong Kong is more pluralistic; checks and balances mechanisms in Hong Kong are far greater than in China; and the concept of accountability to the public is different in that Hong Kong police are accountable to members of the public but the mainland Chinese police force has a limited and top-down concept of accountability. Originality/value – An original comparative approach to policing in Hong Kong and China.
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Lam, Gigi, and Edward Jow-Ching Tu. "Population policy regarding Mainland Chinese females’ contribution to Hong Kong fertility." Asian Education and Development Studies 5, no. 3 (July 11, 2016): 318–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-04-2015-0011.

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Purpose – Hong Kong is considered to be an aging population because of the ultralow fertility rates and long life expectancy of its population. A promising solution to remedy this age imbalance is to recruit young people from outside Hong Kong. The inflow of Type II babies (i.e. babies born of Mainland Chinese women whose spouses are not Hong Kong citizens) has created an abundance of them within the young population. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach – These controversies have been evaluated being mindful of the operation of a free economy in Hong Kong and the relevance of upholding the rule of law (Wong, 2012). Findings – Wong’s (2012) recommendations to endow the Hong Kong Government with the authority to approve applications from a one-way permit system and to separate the right of residency of Type II babies from their entitlement to welfare services have also been summarized. Originality/value – The inflow of Type II babies, however, has also generated public controversy concerning the intensifying competition for both public and private hospital services between Hong Kong residents and Mainlanders. This controversy has given rise to some questioning of whether a reinterpretation of the law is warranted to deny residency to Type II babies whose parents are not Hong Kong residents (Wong, 2012).
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Lai, Suetyi. "Just another Chinese city? Hong Kong’s post-1997 role to the European Union." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0031.

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Purpose By overviewing the role of Hong Kong to the European Union (EU), the world’s largest economic bloc and a key global actor, the purpose of this paper is to understand any change in international prominence and status of Hong Kong after two decades of its sovereignty return. Design/methodology/approach It is based on analysis of statistics, government discourses and official documents. Findings Main findings are that although the function of Hong Kong as an entrepot of China–EU trade and the ranking of the city as the EU’s trade partners have both diminished, the city sustains its roles as a platform to enter Mainland China, a regional hub in Asia, a major international capital market, a diplomatic counterpart and a partner in socio-cultural aspects to the EU. This paper agrees with the EU’s view that continuous well-functioning of Hong Kong under “One Country, Two System” serves stake of the Union which is keen on helping the SAR to ensure its high autonomy. Yet, the determinants remain Hong Kong and Beijing Governments, which have been and should continue to make use of Hong Kong’s closer tie with the mainland to promote international importance of both the city and China. Originality/value Research on relations between Hong Kong and the EU has been few, especially so in the past decades. This paper serves as a stock-take of the most recent developments in Hong Kong–EU relation.
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Petersen, Carole J., and Jan Currie. "Higher Education Restructuring and Academic Freedom in Hong Kong." Policy Futures in Education 6, no. 5 (January 1, 2008): 589–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2008.6.5.589.

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A former British colony, Hong Kong was reunited with the People's Republic of China in 1997 under the ‘one country two systems’ model. The Hong Kong Basic Law contains detailed provisions for academic freedom, ensuring that local academics enjoy far greater freedom than their counterparts in mainland China. Hong Kong academics and the broader community have also publicly supported academic freedom when they perceived it to be under threat. The authors argue, however, that the recent restructuring of Hong Kong's universities may ultimately pose a greater threat than any explicit interference from the local or national governments.
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Chan, Wai Yin. "The soft power and paradiplomacy of Hong Kong." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0037.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to map out the connection between paradiplomacy, policy instruments and soft power and propose a theoretical framework for consideration. Design/methodology/approach This research adopted a qualitative research approach involving in-depth interviews with government officials from the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Offices and two Hong Kong film directors. Findings The research has discovered that the government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) lacks a holistic strategy and policy to boost Hong Kong’s visibility in the global context. The HKSAR Government exhibits an incomplete understanding of the concept of soft power and ignores the values cherished in the civil society. Practical implications This investigation provides a background against which Hong Kong’s policymakers could devise a paradiplomatic strategy. This study suggests that political and social actors in Hong Kong must help to strengthen the city’s global position through strategic investments and the deployment of its soft power at home and aboard. The paradiplomacy of Hong Kong can serve as one of the effective tools to improve the legitimacy of “One Country, Two Systems.” Originality/value There is no study on the application of soft power under the framework of paradiplomacy. This paper represents a new direction of research in the area of Hong Kong, international status and its external affairs.
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Cheung, Chor-yung. "“One country, two systems” after the Umbrella movement: problems and prospects." Asian Education and Development Studies 6, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-10-2015-0055.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess critically the political challenges facing Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” policy following the Umbrella Movement and to evaluate the territory’s democratic and autonomous future. Design/methodology/approach A critical, contextual, and analytical approach has been adopted to evaluate the problems and prospects for post-Umbrella Movement Hong Kong. Findings The contradictions embedded in the “one country, two systems” policy have become apparent since the Umbrella Movement arose and Hong Kong’s political and democratic future is as problematic as its prospects are uncertain, though the possibility of some rapprochement between Hong Kong and Beijing should not be ruled out completely. Research limitations/implications The critical evaluation offered by this paper is no scientific prediction. Social scientific analysis of this kind is suggestive rather than definitive. The informed discussion offered by this paper will help readers to better understand the strengths and weaknesses inherent in Beijing’s “one country, two systems” policy and the tortuous process of democratization in Hong Kong. The conclusion drawn in the paper points to a possible way out of the political impasse that is facing post-Umbrella Movement Hong Kong. Originality/value This paper is a pioneering study of the most important political conflict between Beijing and Hong Kong since 1997, the conclusion of which may have important political and policy implications for both China and Hong Kong.
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Lai, Yingtong, and Aijia Li. "Migrant workers in a global city: the case of contemporary Hong Kong." Asian Education and Development Studies 10, no. 1 (December 20, 2019): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2019-0028.

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Purpose Previous research has documented the ways that migration contributed to the rise of Hong Kong as a global city by the early 1990s. Much academic attention has been paid to the causes of labor migration and issues related to the adaptation of migrant workers in Hong Kong. Based on a review of such studies, the purpose of this paper is to describe three representative groups of migrant workers in Hong Kong and discuss how research on migrant workers in Hong Kong has provided new insights to the global city literature and to the study of development and migration. Design/methodology/approach This paper reviews published works regarding migrant workers in Hong Kong since 1996. Discussion focuses on three representative groups: high-skilled immigrants from developed countries, low-skilled migrant workers from less developed regions and mainland Chinese immigrants. Findings Findings suggest that the migration patterns and challenges of the adaptation of migrant workers in Hong Kong correspond largely to the social polarization thesis proposed by global city literature. However, Hong Kong is unique compared to core global cities in the USA and Western Europe due to its special power relationship with mainland China and its colonial history, which have a significant impact on immigrants’ decision to migrate and their post-migration integration. Originality/value This review paper provides a better understanding of migration and development, and highlights new factors that contribute to reasons for migration and challenges of integration for migrant workers in the host society.
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Fung, Chi Keung Charles, and Chi Shun Fong. "Going out under the shadow of Red China: the geopolitical origin of Hong Kong’s international status." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0033.

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Purpose Many scholars would agree that the international status of Hong Kong is one of the crucial factors that contribute to the continued success of Hong Kong. However, few of them explain the origin of Hong Kong’s international status. The purpose of this paper is to fill this literature gap through the case study of Hong Kong’s admission to an international organization – the Asian Development Bank (ADB) – in the late 1960s. Design/methodology/approach Based on declassified archives, a historical approach has been adopted to trace the origin of Hong Kong’s international status. Findings The findings suggest that Cold War geopolitics, both local and regional level, explain why Hong Kong, even though remained as a dependent territory of Britain, became a member of an international organization independent from the British influence. While geopolitics at local level incentivized the colonial government to “go out” for external support, geopolitics at the regional level provided an opportunity for Hong Kong to acquire membership of the ADB. Originality/value This paper is among the first academic study on the origin of Hong Kong’s international status.
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Tam, Raymond Kwok-Wai. "Nurturing gifted and talented students to become future leaders." Gifted Education International 33, no. 3 (August 27, 2015): 248–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261429415599274.

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In the previous literature on gifted education in Hong Kong, there has been little mention of special schools for gifted and/or talented students in Hong Kong except for GT College, Hong Kong’s first college for the gifted. Some notable researchers in gifted education in Hong Kong have described the college briefly with regard to its admission policy but have not discussed its programmes. The present article aims to provide a more extended introduction about how GT College successfully nurtures its gifted and/or talented students to become future leaders in Hong Kong. The present article comprises a systematic overview of the historical developments of gifted education in Hong Kong. This is followed by a historical review of GT College. Then, GT College’s learning and teaching philosophy is addressed followed by its innovative curriculum for gifted and/or talented students – Talent Development Programmes and Youth Development Programmes.
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Hung, Chung Fun Steven. "Political radicalization and fragmentation of the democratic blocs and the legislative council elections in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region." Asian Education and Development Studies 6, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 372–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2017-0018.

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Purpose After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong and the sovereignty was transferred from Britain to China, politicization inevitably followed democratization. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the pro-democratic political parties’ politics in Hong Kong in recent history. Design/methodology/approach The research was conducted through a historical comparative analysis, within the context of Hong Kong after the sovereignty handover and the interim period of crucial democratization. Findings With the implementation of “One country, Two systems,” political democratization was hindered in Hong Kong’s transformation. The democratic forces have no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which has caused a decisive and ineluctable fragmentation of the local political parties. Originality/value This paper explores and evaluates the political history of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under “One country, Two systems” and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation.
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Wang-Kaeding, Heidi, and Malte Philipp Kaeding. "Red capital in Hong Kong." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0032.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to recount the scale, composition and agents of red capital in Hong Kong; second, to conceptualise the peculiarity of red capital; and third, to explore the impact of red capital on the political and economic institutional setup in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach The paper consults the comparative capitalism literature to conceptualise the phenomenon of red capital. The paper gathers data from Hong Kong Stock Exchange and indices to provide an overview of red capital. Furthermore, the case study of 2016 Legislative Election is deployed to investigate the mechanisms of red capital’s influence. The paper concludes with a summary of how red capital may challenge the validity of the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. Findings This paper argues that red capital replicates China’s state–capital nexus in Hong Kong and morphs the game of competition in favour of Chinese nationally controlled companies. In tandem with the emerging visibility of the party–state in Hong Kong’s economic sphere, the authors observe attempts of Chinese economic actors to compromise democratic institutions, deemed obstacles to state control. Originality/value This paper is the first attempt to systematically embed the discussion of red capital into comparative capitalism literature. This study provides conceptual tools to examine why red capital could pose a threat to liberal societies such as Hong Kong. Through this paper, we introduce a novel research agenda to scrutinise capital from authoritarian states and investigate how the capital is changing the political infrastructure shaped by liberal principles and values.
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Cheng, Richard Ching Ho. "Shadow Education in Hong Kong: An Insight From Local Private Tutors." Studies in Self-Access Learning Journal 13, no. 4 (December 30, 2023): 392–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.37237/130402.

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Shadow education has remained a supportive role in many countries, and studies have shown that it has had both positive and negative impacts on students’ academic performance. However, the views so far for private tutors have often been neglected by researchers. Private tutors are one of the important stakeholders in shadow education since they are the knowledge providers and facilitators in the classroom. Their opinions can help to show a more realistic picture of shadow education in Hong Kong. In this study, the focus is on investigating Hong Kong shadow education from private tutors’ perspectives. There were 20 private tutors from local private tutorial centres participating in this study, and they were invited to individual interviews to express their ideas about shadow education in Hong Kong. Thematic analysis was used to organize and analyze the data in this study. The results showed that private tutors felt shadow education in Hong Kong is too ‘materialistic,’ and sometimes they felt lost when teaching because of the result-oriented atmosphere in the Hong Kong education system. Furthermore, social inequalities and washback were reported as well. This has further highlighted some of the negative impacts brought by shadow education.
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Marsh, Luke, and Michael Ramsden. "Developments in Hong Kong Legal Education." Asian Journal of Legal Education 3, no. 2 (June 10, 2016): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322005816640333.

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EVANS, STEPHEN. "English in Hong Kong higher education." World Englishes 36, no. 4 (March 30, 2017): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/weng.12238.

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Chung, Siu King. "Redeveloping Design Education in Hong Kong?" Design Issues 19, no. 3 (July 2003): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/074793603768290865.

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33

Choi, Po King. "Introduction: Education policy in Hong Kong." Journal of Education Policy 18, no. 6 (December 2003): 637–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268093032000145881.

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34

Kinnear, Eleanor ML, Linda Eve, and Anthea Pell. "Hong Kong Conductive Education Source Book." Physiotherapy 82, no. 1 (January 1996): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0031-9406(05)67013-7.

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35

Dowson, Chris. "Continuing Education Reform in Hong Kong." education policy analysis archives 11 (February 6, 2003): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v11n5.2003.

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Following initiations in educational reform that began in the 1990s, Hong Kong continues to experience considerable pressure for educational reform. On the surface many of these initiatives parallel reform policies/movements in Asia and indeed, globally. The success of any reform is dependent on how it is contextualised prior to and at implementation. In this article, an exploration is made into how reforms in four particular sareas, namely: professional development of principals, higher education, English language standards, and inclusion of students with learning difficulties have been conceived, contextualised and managed in Hong Kong, as it moves gradually toward increased adoption of education reforms. These areas are linked in that each describes and critiques contextualization with reference to areas such as accountability, co-operation and professional control.
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Sculli, Domenic, and Philip K. C. Hau. "Continuing engineering education in Hong Kong." International Journal of Continuing Engineering Education and Life-Long Learning 9, no. 1 (1999): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijceell.1999.030135.

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Hickerson, N. L. "CAD/CAM education in Hong Kong." Robotics 1, no. 3 (October 1985): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0167-8493(85)80025-5.

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38

Rao, Nirmala, and Maggie Koong. "Enhancing preschool education in Hong Kong." International Journal of Early Childhood 32, no. 2 (September 2000): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03174467.

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Lumby, Jacky. "Restructuring vocational education in Hong Kong." International Journal of Educational Management 14, no. 1 (February 2000): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09513540010310369.

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Leung, Chi Cheung. "A preliminary study on music as a tool of nationalistic education." Asian Education and Development Studies 7, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-03-2017-0021.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss nationalistic education in Hong Kong from a cultural perspective. It highlights the challenges faced by the Hong Kong Government and the growing antagonism and mistrust between the young generation and the government. The paper reviews the cultural policies adopted by the Western Zhou, Han and Tang dynasties in ancient China. Design/methodology/approach This paper adopts a historical approach by reviewing the policies in music and culture in the Chinese history and argues for the adoption of a soft approach to nationalistic education in Hong Kong. Findings Results show that being inclusive toward diverse cultures, trusting and valuing people’s voices and accepting differences of opinion are effective policies that were adopted by the respective dynasties. The results shed light on the possibility of nurturing nationalism through education in music and culture. Research limitations/implications The historical examples mentioned in this paper are only selected periods of the Chinese history. Thus, the survey could not be taken as a comprehensive review. Practical implications This paper reviews the policies concerning music and culture in ancient China and argues for transferring the soft approach of predecessors toward these subjects as part of the nationalistic education of Hong Kong. Social implications The results shown should be considered seriously by the Hong Kong Government as an effective substitute policy for the past stringent approach of implementing national education in Hong Kong. Nationalistic education focusing on music and culture is a common root for all Chinese and should be used in future to build up trust and common values between China and Hong Kong. Originality/value The originality of this research lies in its dealing with nationalism and national education, recommending a soft approach to education viewed through the prisms of music and culture.
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Ho, Wai-Chung, and Wing-Wah Law. "Music education and cultural and national values." International Journal of Comparative Education and Development 22, no. 3 (July 7, 2020): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijced-10-2019-0053.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine music teachers' perceptions of teaching cultural and national values (also defined as national cultural values) to explore the tensions facing school music education in the choice of music types to be delivered in Hong Kong and Taiwan.Design/methodology/approachWith specific regard to music teachers' perceptions of “values,” “music cultures” and “nationalism,” data were drawn from a survey questionnaire given to 343 music teachers (155 preservice and 188 in-service music teachers) and semistructured interviews with 36 of these respondents.FindingsThe findings of the study showed that though many respondents in Hong Kong and Taiwan felt comfortable teaching traditional Chinese music, they did not want to teach contemporary Mainland Chinese music and other political or patriotic forms in the school music curriculum. The data also demonstrated some shortcomings in introducing a balance of music types into the curriculum, as well as limitations in promoting national education in response to the respective sociopolitical situations in Hong Kong and Taiwan.Research limitations/implicationsThis study was subject to limitations regarding the potential generalizability of the findings on school music teachers' perceptions in Hong Kong and Taiwan.Practical implicationsThe implications for teachers and student teachers regarding the development of cultural and national values related to the political processes in Hong Kong and Taiwan are complicated, because of not only their relationship with Mainland China and its education based on nationalism but also the extent of teachers' professional training to help create an enabling environment for national and cultural development.Originality/valueThe findings of this study revealed that there are fundamental gaps in the overt and operational curricula in Hong Kong and Taiwan concerning the sociopolitical function of values in school music education in response to their respective sociopolitical situations.
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Chan, David W. "Development of Gifted Education in Hong Kong." Gifted Education International 13, no. 2 (September 1998): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026142949801300208.

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Despite that notions of gifted education have been anticipated in Chinese history, Hong Kong not not managed to relinquish the laissez-faire attitude toward the education of the gifted and talented until the late 1980s and the early 1990s. The development of gifted education was traced in the context of liberalization and expansion of educational opportunities, the parallel concerns with equity and excellence, and school reform to meet the educational needs of students abilities in Hong Kong. To meet the special educational needs of gifted and talented children, diversified provisions are now made or planned in school-based enrichment activities/special school with accelerated and challenging curriculum, and university summer programmes. It is anticipated that the development of gifted education will bring about further positive changes in the overall educational system in Hong Kong.
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Wong, Helen, and Raymond Wong. "An Empirical Study - Adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) in Hong Kong Education." Journal of Management Research 5, no. 4 (September 30, 2013): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jmr.v5i4.4256.

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This study aims to investigate students’ knowledge and interest on adoption of IFRS in Hong Kong, the preferred strategy and pedagogy of introducing IFRS, and the usefulness of learning IFRS. The results show that most Hong Kong students are eager to learn IFRS and they understand the positive impact of learning IFRS. The Hong Kong accounting professionals and educators have to develop relevant materials on IFRS.
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Chan, Pui King. "Company records in Hong Kong." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-03-2016-0025.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the significance of company record for journalist when investigating projects relating to conflict of interest that occurs in Hong Kong and in and connected with China. Design/methodology/approach The paper describes what company records are available, and how they are accessible for the public in Hong Kong. It then compares with the company record accessibility in China. The paper uses investigative projects done by the author and other journalists to illustrate how the records are significant. Some of the investigative projects that are related to China are used to illuminate the importance for the company record in Hong Kong for investigating issues in China. Findings Hong Kong maintains an efficient access to the company record that benefits the journalists for probing into the issues of conflict of interest. This efficient system has faced threats when the government proposed to withdraw some of the important records from the general public access. Originality/value This paper will be of interest to journalists and journalism students and scholars who are interested to know the practical uses of company records. Policymakers will also learn from this paper that a restriction in the public access to the company record will make a huge impact to the justice-seeking journalist work.
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T.Y. Chen, Theodore. "Is Hong Kong ready for accounting education reform: an analysis of tri-partite views." Accounting Research Journal 27, no. 3 (October 28, 2014): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/arj-11-2013-0078.

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Purpose – The purpose of this study is to determine whether Hong Kong is ready for accounting education reform. Design/methodology/approach – The approach for this study is using a Likert-scale questionnaire for the academic institutions, the Hong Kong Institute of Certified Public Accountants and the big four accounting firms, followed by detailed follow-up interviews with each. Findings – There is general agreement among accounting academics and the profession that the Accounting Education Change Commission initiatives should be adopted in Hong Kong. Hong Kong accounting academics in public institutions do not oppose to a balance between teaching and research, but would oppose to an emphasis of teaching over research. This is important as an overemphasis on research could mean less time for teaching and curriculum development. The big four accounting firms are either happy with the way Hong Kong universities have been educating the accounting graduates or have no complaints against them. This is also important as an urge for accounting education reform usually comes from the practitioners as in the USA. Originality/value – The USA was the first country that saw the need for accounting education reform as accounting practitioners felt that curriculum and pedagogical considerations placed heavy emphasis on the technical aspects of accounting at the expense of a general, broad-based education. Similar needs for change were also found in the UK and Australia. As Hong Kong is one of the world’s major financial centres with a large securities exchange, there is a great deal of emphasis on accounting standards, financial reporting, corporate governance, etc., and hence the importance of accounting education. Is Hong Kong ready for the change?
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46

Yew, Chiew Ping. "Hong Kong’s institutional incongruities and its tourism policy." Asian Education and Development Studies 4, no. 3 (July 13, 2015): 312–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2014-0056.

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Purpose – With a focus on Hong Kong tourism policy, the purpose of this paper is to explain the Hong Kong government’s conundrum in addressing society’s concerns and controversies over the massive influx of mainland tourists in recent years. Design/methodology/approach – This paper adopts the approach of historical institutionalism, in which the notion of structural-power takes centre stage. It outlines some notable trends in Hong Kong’s tourist arrivals and highlights some of the controversies that have arisen before delving into how existing institutional arrangements and key actors have shaped Hong Kong’s tourism policy amid the city’s shifting social, political and economic contexts. Findings – The prevalence of business interests and the ideology of economism largely explain the Hong Kong government’s stasis in tackling the problems stemming from the large inflow of mainland visitors. Institutional arrangements in the post-handover period have further empowered the business class, giving it an edge over the unelected executive that lacks a popular mandate. Therefore, even if the central government has signaled its willingness to adjust the Individual Visit Scheme (IVS) policy, the Hong Kong government is unlikely to propose significant cuts to the inflow of IVS arrivals. Without further political reforms to boost the executive’s legitimacy and accountability to the Hong Kong people, it is doubtful that the government may emerge from its predicament in the near future. Originality/value – Through the lens of tourism policy and planning pertaining to inbound mainland visitors, this paper aims to assess the current state of governance in Hong Kong. It not only offers a timely look into Hong Kong’s political system 17 years after handover but also explores the extent to which apparent dysfunctions in the city’s governance today are a consequence of institutional incongruities in its political system.
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Murphy, David, and Jessie C. K. Yum. "Understanding Hong Kong distance learners." Distance Education 19, no. 1 (January 1998): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0158791980190106.

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48

Liu, Xingyu. "Review and Reflection of Language Education Policy in Hong Kong." International Journal of Education and Humanities 5, no. 3 (November 11, 2022): 91–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v5i3.2459.

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For historical and practical reasons, the language education policy in Hong Kong and Macau is characterised by "multilingualism". At present, bilingual education is spreading across universities and primary and secondary schools in many provinces and cities in mainland China, but faces a number of bottlenecks that need to be addressed, one of which is the policy on bilingual education. This paper examines the role of English in language education policies in Hong Kong, reviewing past and future language education policies in Hong Kong, the historical context of language education policies, the debates over language education policies, and the assessment of the successes or challenges of these policies.
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49

Lau, Melissa May Yee. "Effects of 8Ps of services marketing on student selection of self-financing sub-degree programmes in Hong Kong." International Journal of Educational Management 30, no. 3 (April 11, 2016): 386–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijem-01-2014-0005.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the effects of 8Ps of services marketing affect students’ selection of self-financing sub-degree programmes in Hong Kong. The factors that affect students’ selection of self-financing sub-degree programmes have not been studied in higher education market of Hong Kong. This research is to fill the gap by examining the effects of 8Ps (“Product Elements”, “Price and Other User Outlays”, “Place and Time”, “Promotion and Education”, “People”, “Process”, “Physical Environment” and “Productivity and Quality”) on self-financing sub-degree programmes in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach – The research taken was a quantitative survey of students at Community College at Lingnan University in Hong Kong. Findings – The results reveal that “Productivity and Quality” is the most important element of 8Ps of services marketing. Accreditation of programmes seeking recognition in Hong Kong and overseas can increase student enrolment. “Promotion and Education” element is the least important element of 8Ps of services marketing. Self-financed higher education institutions should develop strategies to build relationships with the secondary school teachers and counsellors rather than invest money on advertising. Research limitations/implications – The data were collected from a particular community college in Hong Kong only. Practical implications – Management can increase student recruitment by allocating minimum amount of limited resources to recruit maximum number of students. Originality/value – This research adds knowledge to the marketing of higher education in Hong Kong. The management of self-financing sub-degree programmes can use the findings of this research as a reference to develop their marketing strategies.
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Lanford, Michael. "Perceptions of higher education reform in Hong Kong: a glocalisation perspective." International Journal of Comparative Education and Development 18, no. 3 (August 8, 2016): 184–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijced-04-2016-0007.

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Purpose – In 2012, the eight UGC-funded higher education institutions in Hong Kong completed a multi-year process in which the majority of academic programmes were transformed from three-year to four-year undergraduate curricula to accommodate liberal arts education. The purpose of this paper is to discuss why stakeholders in Hong Kong felt that reforms were necessary and summarizes the implementation of these reforms. Afterwards, recent literature that has similarly addressed higher education reforms is reviewed. Finally, the results of a qualitative research study, grounded in glocalization theory, are presented and contextualized. Design/methodology/approach – This paper first draws upon policy documents, newspaper accounts, and other published primary sources for the review of Hong Kong’s educational reforms. Subsequently, an exploratory qualitative research design consisting of semi-structured interviews with 23 administrators and professors in Hong Kong is presented. These individuals are designated as “key informants”, as they gave presentations, made speeches, or were otherwise active in conceptualizing Hong Kong’s undergraduate educational reform on macro- and micro-levels. Findings – Four primary findings concerning educational reform in Hong Kong are highlighted. They include tensions between international benchmarking and internal value systems; confusion over multiple educational paradigms; the limited efficacy of outside speakers and leadership; and controversy over outcome-based assessment. Originality/value – First, recent educational reforms in Hong Kong’s higher education sector are summarized. Second, the implications of educational reforms for Hong Kong and glocalization theory are discussed. Third, conclusions that may resonate with educational reform processes in other international contexts are drawn.
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