Journal articles on the topic 'Hong Kong (China)'
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Tai, B. Y. T. "Hong Kong/China." International Journal of Constitutional Law 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/1.1.147.
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CHEUNG, DANIEL K. C., SAMUEL Y. S. CHAN, and ISABELLA S. K. LAM. "TAXATION AND ITS IMPLICATION ON CROSS-BORDER PROFITS OF MANUFACTURING BUSINESSES IN HONG KONG." Journal of Enterprising Culture 04, no. 04 (December 1996): 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021849589600023x.
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As Hong Kong manufacturers accelerate to shift their operations to China and cease or contract. Their operations in Hong Kong, many of them are taking advantage of the limitation of a source jurisdiction to team up with Chinese companies and escape the Hong Kong tax net. This relocation exercise of their manufacturing base not only allows the Hong Kong manufacturers to enjoy the preferential tax concessions for foreign investors and lower cost of production in mainland China, but also depletes the public coffers to the Hong Kong Government. We therefore postulate two hypotheses: (1) there is a negative association between the business operations in China and those in Hong Kong, and (2) there is a negative association between the business operations in China and the related Hong Kong profits tax liability. A questionnaire survey was carried out to collect data on the level of activities in both China and Hong Kong, in particular data from Hong Kong manufacturers on their Hong Kong profits tax liability. Spearman’s rank-order correlation analysis was used to test the hypotheses. The result supports that the higher the level of business operations in China, the lower the level of business operations in Hong Kong. It also reveals that the higher the level of business operations in China, the lower the related Hong Kong profits tax liability. The issue of tax base erosion is a case for Hong Kong to review its principle of taxing only profits locally generated.
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Chen, Kunnan. "Discussion on the Intergenerational Co-Living Model in Hong Kong, China." Frontiers in Business, Economics and Management 8, no. 1 (March 17, 2023): 185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/fbem.v8i1.6063.
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Hong Kong, China has entered a super-aging society and continues to be serious, while the birth rate in Hong Kong, China continues to decline. Although there are enough nursing homes in Hong Kong, China, there is still not enough psychological comfort for the elderly. The elderly in Hong Kong, China are well-known in the world for their longevity, but their psychological condition is only ranked 79th in the world. Therefore, we can learn from the European intergenerational cohabitation model to provide spiritual companionship for the elderly in Hong Kong, China.
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Zhang, J., T. Wang, W. L. Chameides, C. Cardelino, J. Kwok, D. R. Blake, A. Ding, and K. L. So. "Ozone production and hydrocarbon reactivity in Hong Kong, Southern China." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics Discussions 6, no. 5 (September 25, 2006): 8961–9002. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acpd-6-8961-2006.
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Abstract. Data obtained in Hong Kong during the Hong Kong and the Pearl River Delta (PRD) Pilot Air Monitoring Study in autumn 2002 are analyzed to unravel the relationship between ground-level ozone (O3), pollution precursors, and cross-border transport. Ten ozone episodes, during which the hourly O3 concentration exceeded 100 ppbv in 9 cases and 90 ppbv in one case, are subject to detailed analysis, including one case with hourly O3 of 203 ppbv, which is the highest concentration on record to date in Hong Kong. Combined with high-resolution back trajectories, dCO/dNOy is used to define whether O3 is locally or regionally produced. Five out of the ten Hong Kong O3-episodes studied show a ''pollution signature'' that is indicative of impact from Guangdong Province. Examination of speciated volatile organic compounds (VOCs) shows that the reactivity of VOCs is dominated by anthropogenic VOCs, of which the reactive aromatics dominate, in particular xylenes and toluene. Calculations using a photochemical box model indicate that between 50–100% of the O3 increase observed in Hong Kong during the O3 episodes can be explained by photochemical generation within the Hong Kong area, provided that nitrous acid (HONO) is present at the concentrations derived from this study. An Observation-Based Model (OBM) is used to calculate the sensitivity of the O3 production to changes in the concentrations of the precursor compounds. Generally the production of O3 throughout much of the Hong Kong area is limited by VOCs, while high nitric oxide (NO) concentrations suppress O3 concentration.
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CARROLL, JOHN M. "Colonial Hong Kong as a Cultural-Historical Place." Modern Asian Studies 40, no. 2 (April 18, 2006): 517–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06001958.
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In July 1997, when Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty, this former British colony became a new kind of place: a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the several years leading up to the 1997 transition, a sudden outpouring of Mainland Chinese scholarship stressed how Hong Kong had been an inalienable part of China since ancient times. Until then, however, Hong Kong had rarely figured in Mainland Chinese scholarship. Indeed, Hong Kong suffered from what Michael Yahuda has called a “peculiar neglect”: administered by the British but claimed by China, it was “a kind of bureaucratic no-man's land.” Only one university in all of China had a research institute dedicated primarily to studying Hong Kong. As part of this new “Hong Kong studies” (Xianggangxue), in 1997 China's national television studio produced two multi-episodic documentaries on Hong Kong: “One Hundred Years of Hong Kong” (Xianggang bainian) and “Hong Kong Vicissitudes” (Xianggang cangsang). The studio also produced two shorter documentaries, “One Hundred Points about Hong Kong” (Xianggang baiti) and “The Story of Hong Kong” (Xianggang de gushi). The “Fragrant Harbor” that PRC historians had generally dismissed as an embarrassing anachronism in a predominantly postcolonial world suddenly found its way into millions of Mainland Chinese homes.
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Zhang, Di, Xiaming Wang, Xueru Yuan, Li Yang, Yu Xue, and Qian Xie. "Scientific publications in nursing journals from Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong: a 10-year survey of the literature." PeerJ 4 (March 14, 2016): e1798. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.1798.
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Background:China has witnessed remarkable progress in scientific performance in recent years. However, the quantity and quality of nursing publications from three major regions (Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong) have not been reported. This study aimed to investigate the characteristics of scientific research productivity from Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in the field of nursing.Methods:Articles published in the 110 nursing journals originating from Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong between 2005 and 2014 were retrieved from the Web of Science. The total number of articles published, the impact factor, and the citation count were analyzed.Results:There were 2,439 publications between 2005 and 2014 from China, including 438 from Mainland China, 1,506 from Taiwan, and 495 from Hong Kong. There was a significant increase in publications for these three regions (p < 0.05), especially for Mainland China, with a 59.50-fold increase experienced. From 2011, the number of publications from Mainland China exceeded that from Hong Kong. Taiwan had the highest total journal impact factor (2,142.81), followed by Hong Kong (720.39) and Mainland China (583.94). The mean journal impact factor from Hong Kong (1.46) was higher than that from Taiwan (1.42) and Mainland China (1.33). Taiwan had the highest total citation count (8,392), followed by Hong Kong (3,785) and Mainland China (1,493). The mean citation count from Hong Kong (7.65) was higher than that from Taiwan (5.57) and Mainland China (3.41). The Journal of Clinical Nursing was the most popular journal in the three regions.Discussion:Chinese contributions to the field of nursing have significantly increased in the past ten years, particularly from Mainland China. Taiwan is the most productive region in China. Hong Kong had the highest-quality research output, according to mean journal impact factor and mean citation count.
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Overholt, William H. "Hong Kong and China." Current History 84, no. 503 (September 1, 1985): 256–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.503.256.
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Haro Navejas, Francisco Javier, and Romer Cornejo Bustamante. "China y Hong Kong." Anuario Asia Pacífico el Colegio de México, no. 19 (January 1, 2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/aap.2020.303.
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Para China, 2019 ha representado un periodo importante para repensar sus perspectivas. En el ámbito político, en la primavera de 2018, la decisión de la Asamblea Popular Nacional (APN) de hacer indefinida la reelección del presidente, así como la continuación de la lucha contra la corrupción, mantiene inquietos a algunos sectores dentro del Partido Comunista. No obstante, el presidente Xi Jinping se ha mantenido como la figura dominante de la política china y cuenta con la lealtad de la mayoría de todas las facciones del partido gobernante, el ejército y la élite empresarial. Xi ha demostrado tener una visión política clara y ha promovido ambiciosos proyectos nacionales, entre ellos, acabar con la pobreza del país en el corto plazo, además de una iniciativa internacional, como la Nueva Ruta de la Seda, que posicionaría al país como potencia mundial indiscutible en el mediano plazo, lo que a su vez ha estado acompañado de un enorme esfuerzo por mostrar una imagen benigna hacia el exterior. Quizá podamos medir la eficacia de estas medidas a través de la reacción de los Estados Unidos, que han revitalizado su campaña sobre la amenaza china, particularmente en América Latina, así como la reciente de desconfianza de los miembros de la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (OTAN).
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Lui, Terry T., and Terry L. Cooper. "Hong Kong Facing China." Administration & Society 22, no. 2 (August 1990): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009539979002200201.
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Mayer, Benoit. "Climate Change Mitigation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region." Climate Law 7, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2017): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18786561-00702001.
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Hong Kong enjoys a high degree of autonomy as a Special Administrative Region of China. Unlike China itself, Hong Kong is not a party to international climate change agreements. While China has declared that the Paris Agreement and other climate change agreements apply to Hong Kong, the implementation measures for Mainland China in fact do not apply to Hong Kong. Its unique position under the ‘one country, two systems’ principle has frequently led to Hong Kong being left out of international cooperation on climate change mitigation. Nevertheless, as this article recounts, the government of Hong Kong has shown increasing interest in promoting climate change mitigation—or at least in being seen to do so. In January 2017, Hong Kong adopted the ‘Climate Action Plan 2030+’, which is, in essence, a regionally determined contribution to mitigation. 1
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Zhang, J., T. Wang, W. L. Chameides, C. Cardelino, J. Kwok, D. R. Blake, A. Ding, and K. L. So. "Ozone production and hydrocarbon reactivity in Hong Kong, Southern China." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 7, no. 2 (January 30, 2007): 557–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acp-7-557-2007.
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Abstract. Data obtained in Hong Kong during the Hong Kong and the Pearl River Delta (PRD) Pilot Air Monitoring Study in autumn 2002 are analyzed to unravel the relationship between ground-level ozone (O3), pollution precursors, and cross-border transport. Ten ozone episodes, during which the hourly O3 concentration exceeded 100 ppbv in 9 cases and 90 ppbv in one case, are subject to detailed analysis, including one case with hourly O3 of 203 ppbv, which is the highest concentration on record to date in Hong Kong. Combined with high-resolution back trajectories, dCO/dNOy (the ratio of enhancement of CO concentration above background to that of NOy) is used to define whether O3 is locally or regionally produced. Five out of the ten Hong Kong O3-episodes studied show a "pollution signature" that is indicative of impact from Guangdong Province. Examination of speciated volatile organic compounds (VOCs) shows that the reactivity of VOCs is dominated by anthropogenic VOCs, of which the reactive aromatics dominate, in particular xylenes and toluene. Calculations using a photochemical box model indicate that between 50–100% of the O3 increase observed in Hong Kong during the O3 episodes can be explained by photochemical generation within the Hong Kong area, provided that nitrous acid (HONO) is present at the concentrations derived from this study. An Observation-Based Model (OBM) is used to calculate the sensitivity of the O3 production to changes in the concentrations of the precursor compounds. Generally the production of O3 throughout much of the Hong Kong area is limited by VOCs, while high nitric oxide (NO) concentrations suppress O3 concentration.
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Tanigaki, Mariko. "The Changing ‘China’ Elements in China Studies in the University of Hong Kong." China Report 54, no. 1 (January 9, 2018): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744406.
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This article aims to give a broad picture of the development of Chinese/China Studies at the University of Hong Kong until the 1970s. Courses on Chinese were conducted from the very beginning of the establishment of the University of Hong Kong. Chinese Studies at the University of Hong Kong started with the first two migrant scholars to Hong Kong and reflected the pre-Republican style cultivated in the imperial civil service examinations. However, the curriculum changed gradually after the establishment of the Department of Chinese. Xu Dishan and Chen Junbao took the reform further. In the post-World War II period, Frederick Seguier Drake was Professor in the Department of Chinese Studies until 1964 and consolidated the Department. Its development coincided with the basic policy of neutrality pursued by the Hong Kong government with respect to the ongoing tension between the United States and the PRC. By the 1960s, it appeared that more expatriate staff were becoming interested in the study of China and Hong Kong. This led to the establishment of the Centre of Asian Studies in 1967, the first centre where Contemporary China Studies could be pursued.
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Chu, Yiu-Wai. "Hong Kong (in China) studies: Hong Kong popular culture as example." Global Media and China 5, no. 2 (June 2020): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436420917564.
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“China has become a predicament as well as a condition for Hong Kong culture” in the age of China, especially after the signing of the Closer Economic Partnership Agreement in 2003. This has become even more acute for Hong Kong culture in the integration of the Greater Bay Area, which can be seen as incorporating Hong Kong and Macao’s development into the overall development of the country. At this particular juncture, the issue of integration with the Mainland has become a topic that is of utmost importance for any consideration of the future of Hong Kong culture and the city as a whole. In this special context, the transmission of Hong Kong popular cultures in the Mainland are related topics that need to be explored. For example, what are the implications behind the success of Hong Kong directors and producers who took the helm of immensely popular Mainland television series? After Cantopop crossed the border, to what extent did the singers and the songs that they sang in Mainland music reality shows represent Hong Kong? These would be very good case studies of Hong Kong culture in cross-border ventures, and studying their transmissions would have long-term implications for not only Hong Kong culture in particular but also Hong Kong Studies in general. This essay endeavors to use these cross-border experiences as examples to offer a prolegomenon to Hong Kong (in China) Studies, which will in turn contribute to the possibility of generating a cultural studies response to the new configuration of the Greater Bay Area.
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Cheung, Carlos K. F. "Trans-border televisual musicscape: Regionalizing reality TV I am a Singer in China and Hong Kong." Global Media and China 2, no. 1 (March 2017): 90–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436417695815.
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This article focuses on the regionalization of reality TV I am a Singer from China to Hong Kong. It explores the features of a successful flow of a reality singing contest with the concepts of mediascape, televisuality and cultural memory of pop music. The three research questions: what format structures of televisuality are being integrated in I am a Singer; how locals in China and Hong Kong interpret and appropriate I am a Singer to their experience of cultural identities and how trans-border televisual musicscape facilitates regionalization of television programme, are answered by textual analysis and in-depth interviews with 12 informants from China and Hong Kong. It is found that the focal programme is implemented with excessive performative style that holds audience’s attention, authentic music performance that resonates with post-1980s identity in China and Hong Kong, and dramatic reality contest that links to nationalism and Hong Kong people’s victimized identity. Identity politics is consumed by audience in China and Hong Kong as the dramatized excitement of the focal programme, which nurtures a group of loyal audience across China and Hong Kong.
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Sánchez César, Miriam Laura. "Hong Kong 2018." Anuario Asia Pacífico el Colegio de México, no. 18 (January 1, 2019): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/aap.2019.288.
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Desde que Hong Kong pasó a dominio colonial británico como resultado del Tratado de Nanjing de 1842, la brecha entre China continental y la isla se hizo muy amplia, política y económicamente. En primer lugar, gran parte de la población de Hong Kong estaba constituida por chinos que huían de los conflictos en continente (Segunda Guerra Mundial y Guerra Civil China) y de la inestabilidad política y económica de las primeras décadas del régimen maoísta. En segundo lugar, aunque el gobierno colonial de Hong Kong no fue de ninguna manera democrático, garantizaba un respetable nivel de libertades civiles y de derechos humanos; no se puede decir lo mismo del sistema político en China (Wong, 2017). Además, Hong Kong ha practicado una economía de mercado con un alto nivel de internacionalización comparable con el de otros países desarrollados en términos de PIB per cápita. Todas estas diferencias han contribuido a la “crisis de confianza” surgida durante el periodo de transición que se intensificó después de 1989.
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Gentle, Paul. "Some Economic Issues concerning the Loss of the Special Status Relationship between the United States and Hong Kong." SocioEconomic Challenges 6, no. 2 (2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/sec.6(2).67-82.2022.
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The demonstrations in 2019, 2020 and thereabouts for the preservation of certain civil rights in Hong Kong, led to some suppression by the Chinese National central government. As a result, some of the special trade advantages between Hong Kong and the U.S. were lost. The economics and cultural special traits helped Hong Kong thrive. Having a judicial system separate from that of Mainland China, allowed for a more commerce producing judiciary. A key requirement for Hong Kong to be treated differently than Mainland China was for Hong Kong to have some independent autonomy, sufficient for the U.S. to see Hong Kong as a separate area politically from Mainland China. In July 2020, the U.S. made the formal decision to take away Hong Kong’s special status, because a sufficiently independent Hong Kong no longer exists. This article examines the history of this phenomena and the results of having that special trade policy changed. Data from recent years show how the economy with Hong Kong and trade with Hong Kong has changed. Unfortunately, some cultural ties and exchanges between the United States and Hong Kong have also been curtailed. These changes regarding cultural ties are beyond the scope of this article. In regard to Chinese support for the United States, Ukraine and NATO, Ukraine in the war between Ukraine and Russia, this should be pointed out. China should support Ukraine, since it is in China’s best interest, and it is the right action to take.
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Lu, Xin. "Expression of Hong Kong Directors in the Chinese Main-Melody Film: The Artistic Propaganda." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 7 (August 1, 2022): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v7i7.1246.
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By analysing the main-melody film works of Hong Kong directors and the understandings and attitudes of audiences in both mainland China and Hong Kong toward these films, it is hoped that this research will contribute to a deeper understanding of the particularity of Hong Kong people’s national identity. This would provide a significant opportunity to advance the understanding of Hong Kong’s status and value in contemporary China and the world. Furthermore, this study will offer some critical insights into the distribution of Hong Kong films in mainland China.
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Ka Ming, Chan. "Trivisa or Amphetamine?" Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 13, no. 2 (September 5, 2017): 118–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2017-0008.
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Purpose Since the launch of the Mainland and Hong Kong Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) in 2003, Hong Kong cinema is believed to have confronted drastic changes. Hong Kong cinema is described to be dying, lacking creative space and losing local distinctiveness. A decade later, the rise of Hong Kong – China coproduction cinema under CEPA has been normalized and changed the once pessimism in the industry. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how Hong Kong cinema adjusted its production and creation in the first 10 years of CEPA. Design/methodology/approach Beginning with a review of the overall development, three paradigmatic cases are examined for reflecting upon what the major industrial and commercial concerns on the Hong Kong – China coproduction model are, and how such a coproduction model is not developed as smooth as what the Hong Kong filmmakers expected. Findings Collectively, this paper singles out the difficulties in operation and the limit of transnationality that occur in the Chinese context for the development of Hong Kong cinema under the Hong Kong – China coproduction model. Originality/value This is the author’s research in his five-year study of Hong Kong cinema and it contributes a lot to the field of cinema studies with relevant industrial and policy concern.
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Chan, Ray. "Police powers and accountability in China and Hong Kong: a comparative perspective." Asian Education and Development Studies 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2014-0036.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to study police powers and accountability from a comparative perspective in both China and Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach – This paper compares and contrasts police powers and accountability. Findings – The implications are many, including different political systems in which China is more authoritarian or paternalistic whereas Hong Kong is more pluralistic; checks and balances mechanisms in Hong Kong are far greater than in China; and the concept of accountability to the public is different in that Hong Kong police are accountable to members of the public but the mainland Chinese police force has a limited and top-down concept of accountability. Originality/value – An original comparative approach to policing in Hong Kong and China.
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Parkin, Andrew. "Hong Kong Tanka." English Today 16, no. 3 (July 2000): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400011731.
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Kin, Au Chi. "The Academic Role of Hong Kong in the Development of Chinese Culture, 1950s–70s." China Report 54, no. 1 (December 28, 2017): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744408.
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For many people, ‘Hong Kong is a cultural desert’. However, we find that Hong Kong plays an important academic role and acts as a cultural bridge between China and Western countries, especially when China experiences unstable political, economic, social and cultural situations. The People’s Republic of China was established in 1949. During this time, numerous scholars fled China and selected Hong Kong as a ‘shelter’. Some decided to stay for good, whereas others viewed the territory as a stepping stone. Regardless of their reasons, their academic performance has significantly influenced Hong Kong. Two of the most famous scholars in this period were Luo Xianglin (羅香林 Lo Shan Lin) and Qian Mu (錢穆). Luo taught at the Department of Chinese of the University of Hong Kong. Qian was a faculty member at the New Asia College, which was one of the founding members of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. This study will examine the following issues: (i) why these two scholars selected Hong Kong, (ii) what role they played in the development of tertiary education with regard to Chinese studies in Hong Kong, (iii) how they developed the role of Hong Kong as a haven for the protection of Chinese culture and (iv) how Qian Mu developed New Asia College as a vehicle for spreading the ‘New’ Asian culture in the 1960s.
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Boya, Zhou, and Wang Zifei. "On the “Past and Present” of Hong Kong’s Finance." Journal of Finance Research 5, no. 2 (December 2, 2021): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.26549/jfr.v5i2.8528.
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Finance is vital to a country, and Hong Kong, as a special part of the large economy of China, has unique advantages and development history. And Hong Kong’s growth from a small fishing village to a financial centre has its inevitable factors: historical, geographical and policy advantages. After nearly a century of rapid development, Hong Kong has achieved many proud accomplishments in the following fields: economy, medicine, education, etc. In the process, the cooperation between Hong Kong and the mainland has become increasingly close, and the two sides of the Strait have become excellent “partners”. In recent years, due to the COVID-19 epidemic and the rise of China as a big economy, Hong Kong is facing an unavoidable dilemma. In view of this, the authors suggest that Hong Kong can develop financial technology, enhance financial security, implement green finance, and promote corporate innovation. At the same time, Hong Kong should also strengthen the relationship with the mainland. Generally speaking, under the current circumstances, Hong Kong will continue to exist as an important financial center of China, but Hong Kong should also actively face the challenges of the times and explore new developments directions in the future.
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Trystanto, Trystanto. "Small Governing Coalition in Hong Kong and its Impact on Political Freedom." Jurnal Sentris 4, no. 1 (June 16, 2023): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v4i1.6346.46-60.
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Hong Kong has seen an upheaval in recent years. From the protests over the extradition law to the protests over the National Security Law, these protests are a response to the ever-encroaching hand of Beijing on political rights in Hong Kong. After the National Security Law was implemented, Hong Kong’s freedom was almost gone. One by one, pro-democracy protesters, opposition parliament members, and opposition media are being targeted and repressed. Despite the numerous protests and riots, the Hong Kong SAR government perseveres with little concession to the protesters. Why does the government of Hong Kong decided not to respect Hong Kong’s unique democratic system in China, arguably the system that has brought Hong Kong to one of the most prominent cities in the world for global interactions, and instead wish to turn it into another normal Chinese city? Why does the Hong Kong SAR government almost completely ignore the voice of the Hong Kong people? Using the framework developed by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith in The Dictator’s Handbook, I argue that the small size of Hong Kong’s governing coalition (i.e., the minimum amount of support required for the leader to stay in power) and the ease in which the Chief Executive of Hong Kong rewards her allies play a significant role in this democratic backsliding. Furthermore, while the Western World reacted in outrage over this undemocratic encroachment of Beijing on Hong Kong, I argue that their sanctions on Hong Kong leaders will not play a significant role as the Chief Executive of Hong Kong does not need their support. Keywords: Hong Kong; democracy; protests; governing coalition;sanctions REFERENCES Allison, Graham. Destined for War: Can America and China Escape the Thucydides’s Trap? New York: Houghton Miflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2017. 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CBS News. “Hong Kong Protesters Arrested as Trump Vows to Act ‘Powerfully’ against China.” www.cbsnews.com, May 27, 2020. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/hong-kong-protesters arrested-riot-police-china-2020-05-27/. Chen, Jiawen. “Why Economic Sanctions on North Korea Fail to Work?” China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 04 (January 2017): 513–34. https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500300. Cox, Gary. Making Votes Count: Strategic Coordination in the World’s Electoral Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Drezner, Daniel W. “The United States of Sanctions: The Use and Abuse of Economic Coercion.” Foreign Affairs 100, no. 5 (2021): 142–54. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2021-08-24/united-states-sanctions. Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office, and Export Control Joint Unit. “UK Arms Embargo on Mainland China and Hong Kong.” GOV.UK, December 31, 2020. https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/uk-arms-embargo-on-mainland-china-and-hong kong. Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. “Government Structure.” GovHK, September 2021. https://www.gov.hk/en/about/govdirectory/govstructure.htm. Grant, Charles. “Russia, China, and Global Governance.” London: Centre for European Reform, 2012. https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Grant_CER_Eng.pdf. Grundy, Tom. “‘Highly Necessary’: Beijing to Discuss Enacting National Security Law in Hong Kong Following Months of Protest.” Hong Kong Free Press, May 21, 2020. https://hongkongfp.com/2020/05/21/breaking-beijing-to-discuss-enacting-national-security law-in-hong-kong-following-months-of-protest/. Hathaway, Oona A, and Scott J Shapiro. The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World. New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2017. Kirby, Jen. “Pro-Democracy Candidates Dominate Hong Kong’s Local Elections in a Rebuke to China.” Vox, November 25, 2019. https://www.vox.com/2019/11/25/20981691/hong-kong district-council-elections-pro-democracy. Kuo, Lily, and Verna Yu. “Hong Kong Protests: Carrie Lam Denies Offering to Resign.” The Guardian, September 3, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/03/hong-kong protests-carrie-lam-denies-she-considered-resigning. Leung, Christy. “Extradition Bill Not Made to Measure for Mainland China and Won’t Be Abandoned, Hong Kong Leader Carrie Lam Says.” South China Morning Post, April 2019. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3004067/extradition-bill-not-made measure-mainland-china-and-wont. Lo, Chloe. “Hong Kong Leader’s Approval Rating Falls to Lowest since Sept.” Bloomberg, February 17, 2021. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-02-17/hong-kong-leader-s approval-rating-falls-to-lowest-since-sept. Low, Zoe. “What Sparked Hong Kong’s Biggest Mass Arrests under National Security Law?” South China Morning Post, January 6, 2021. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong kong/politics/article/3116586/hong-kong-national-security-law-35-plus-ambition-colour. Mahbubani, Kishore, and Jeffery Sng. The ASEAN Miracle: A Catalyst for Peace. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2017. Mahbubani, Kishore. Has China Won? The Chinese Challenge to American Primacy. New York: PublicAffairs, 2020. Mahtani, Shibani, Tiffany Liang, Anna Kam, and Simon Denyer. “Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Parties Sweeping Pro-Beijing Establishment aside in Local Elections.” The Washington Post, March 30,2020. https://web.archive.org/web/20200330160031/https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/Record-turnout-in-Hong-Kong-election-seen-as-a-14858897.php. Mesquita, Bruce Bueno de, and Alastair Smith. The Dictator’s Handbook : Why Bad Behavior Is Almost Always Good Politics. New York: Public Affairs, 2012. Olorunnipa, Toluse. “As Trump Puts Partisan Spin on Federal Aid for States, Republicans and Democrats Warn of Coming Financial Calamity.” Washington Post, April 27, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/as-trump-puts-partisan-spin-on-federal-aid-for states-republicans-and-democrats-warn-of-coming-financial-calamity/2020/04/27/a542f19e 889a-11ea-8ac1-bfb250876b7a_story.html. Registration and Electoral Office of the Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. “REO : Who May Register / How to Register - Functional Constituencies.” Reo.gov.hk. Accessed October 19, 2021. https://www.reo.gov.hk/en/voter/FC.htm. Reuters. “U.S. Condemns ‘Unjustified Use of Force’ in Hong Kong: Senior Official.” Reuters, November 18, 2019, sec. Emerging Markets. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong protests-usa-idUSKBN1XS06A. ———. “U.S. Condemns China’s New Security Law for Hong Kong, Threatens Further Actions.” Reuters, June 30, 2020, sec. APAC. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china hongkong-security-usa-idUSKBN2412N9. Roantree, Anne Marie, Greg Torode, and James Pomfret. “Special Report: Hong Kong Leader Says She Would ‘Quit’ If She Could, Fears Her Ability to Resolve Crisis Now ‘Very Limited.’” Reuters, September 3, 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong protests-carrielam-specialre-idUSKCN1VN1DU. Sanjaya, Trystanto. “Analyzing the ‘Democracy vs. Autocracy’ Advocacy of the Biden Administration in the Upcoming US-China Great Power Competition from the Perspective of National Interest .” Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 26, no. 4 (2023): 47–98. Subcommittee on Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The Amended Annex I and Annex II to Basic Law, LC Paper No. CB(4)703/20-21(01) § (2021). https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr20- 21/english/hc/sub_com/hs102/papers/hs10220210331cb4-703-1-e.pdf. Tong, Kurt. “Hong Kong and the Limits of Decoupling.” Foreign Affairs, July 26, 2021. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/asia/2021-07-14/hong-kong-and-limits-decoupling. United Nations Treaty Collection, Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong, Vol. 1399, (New York, 1994), 62 United States Department of the Treasury. “Treasury Sanctions Individuals for Undermining Hong Kong’s Autonomy | U.S. Department of the Treasury.” home.treasury.gov, August 7, 2020. https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm1088. Weeks, Jessica L.P. Dictators at War and Peace. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014. Xinhua. “Hong Kong Must Be Governed by Patriots.” Global TImes, November 12, 2020. https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1206580.shtml. 香港中联办. “中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法附件二香港特别行政区立法会的产生办法和表 决程序.” Hong Kong Liaison Office, March 30, 2021. https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/h6q6yzNwNXuJZ55bx98lFQ.
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Tsang, University of Warwick, UK, Michael. "English Writing as Neo-colonial Resistance: An Exchange of English Poetry in Hong Kong." Asiatic: IIUM Journal of English Language and Literature 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 36–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/asiatic.v8i2.488.
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After its handover in 1997, Hong Kong has arguably moved to a neo-colonial situation, where many of its native inhabitants are facing threats from China in their daily lives and material conditions. This has given rise to a movement of resistance against the hegemony of China. Most English writing in Hong Kong have yet to pick up this recent socio-political tension, but in 2012, an English poem written by a mainland Chinese student studying in Hong Kong came under fire for its superficial criticism of Hong Kong from a mainland Chinese persona. The poem drew angry responses from Hong Kong netizens, who then created parodies of the poem to mock China. In this article, I consider this poetic exchange one of the few instances where mainstream social sentiments in Hong Kong intersect with the much neglected English writing of the city. This poetic exchange – the original poem and the various imitations – delineates the social, cultural and political fault lines between China and Hong Kong. The literary value, I argue, lies not in the individual poems, but in how this action-reaction communication alerts us, via poetry and English writing, to be sensitive to the neo-colonial situation of Hong Kong.
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Cheng, Wei-Qi. "Protection of minority shareholders in Hong Kong and China: do culture and institutional design make any difference?" Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 61, no. 1 (March 11, 2020): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v61i1.441.
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The corporate governance system in Hong Kong and mainland China was transplanted from Western countries. However, the latest ranking in corporate governance in Asia shows that Hong Kong moved to the top of the 2007 ranking above 11 other Asian countries while China was not even included.2 How can such a huge difference be explained? This article compares and discusses the reasons for the difference in corporate governance in Hong Kong and China. In particular, it focuses on discussing local cultural influences and institutional design on the implementation of the system of protection of minority shareholders in Hong Kong and China.
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Wang, Qiyu. "The Research on the Hong Kong's Ideological Identity in Days of Being Wild." BCP Education & Psychology 8 (February 27, 2023): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v8i.4342.
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At a time when Hong Kong's ideological identity is diverging from that of mainland China, Days of Being Wild, as a film that profoundly insinuates the problem of Hong Kong's identity, lurks as a root cause and a solution to the problem of resolving the conflict between Hong Kong and mainland China. At present, the ideological research on the film is mainly focused on post-colonial studies, and the value of the film for Hong Kong identity studies is not well understood. This article uses the ideological analysis of the film in John Ford's Young Mr. Lincoln of Cahiers du Cinéma to analyze the background characters and the ideology of the film, identifying two different attitudes to identity in Hong Kong during the same period: the "Hong Kong Chinese" who accepted the handover and the "Hong Kong Chinese" who accepted the handover. The film's ideological analysis reveals two different attitudes towards identity in Hong Kong during the same period: the "Hong Kong Chinese" who accepted the handover and the immigrants who completely abandoned their "Chinese" identity. On this basis, the article proposes film-making suggestions to bridge the rift between mainland China and Hong Kong: rooting in a common cultural context and reducing the export of ideological prejudice.
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Ladwa, Russ, and Derrick Willmot. "China and Hong Kong visit." Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 92, no. 8 (September 1, 2010): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147363510x523172.
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Russ Ladwa and Professor Derrick Willmot undertook a joint visit to Hong Kong and mainland China following the invitation of the Academy of General Dental Practice (AGDP) in Hong Kong in June 2010. This groundbreaking visit was the first visit in which the deans of both faculties represented dental surgery on an overseas visit.
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Rico, Rico, Siti Fatimah, and Muzahid Akbar Hayat. "Hong Kong Public Social Communication Strategies in a Demonstration Against the Proposed Extradition Law." Journal of Sosial Science 2, no. 3 (May 28, 2021): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jsss.v2i3.93.
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Hong Kong, one of the global financial centers, was plunged into chaos for almost two months straight from June to July 2019. For eight weeks, demonstrations by the Hong Kong people have been going on and on until they become violent. The demonstration was intended to deny the proposed extradition law, which would allow Hong Kong prisoners, including foreigners, to be extradited to China. The extradition bill is also called to threaten the freedom of local people, to threaten democracy and law in the Hong Kong region. The different political systems between China and Hong Kong make the relationship both vulnerable. As a special region in China, Hong Kong needs to get the attention of the Chinese government by conceding its rights and upholding its systems so that demonstrations need not be too worried. Hong Kong people are making a variety of attempts at demonstration and even some social communication strategies are used to reject the traditional bill. The method used in this study is qualitative deskriftive with case studies of direct observation of sites and several demonstration articles in Hong Kong. As a result of this study, several unique strategies of Hong Kong's demonstrations have been carried out to maintain a message being delivered by another group that the Hong Kong government has even brought attention to the world.
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Rico, Rico, Siti Fatimah, and Muzahid Akbar Hayat. "Hong Kong Public Social Communication Strategies in a Demonstration Against the Proposed Extradition Law." Journal of Social Science 2, no. 3 (May 28, 2021): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jss.v2i3.93.
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Hong Kong, one of the global financial centers, was plunged into chaos for almost two months straight from June to July 2019. For eight weeks, demonstrations by the Hong Kong people have been going on and on until they become violent. The demonstration was intended to deny the proposed extradition law, which would allow Hong Kong prisoners, including foreigners, to be extradited to China. The extradition bill is also called to threaten the freedom of local people, to threaten democracy and law in the Hong Kong region. The different political systems between China and Hong Kong make the relationship both vulnerable. As a special region in China, Hong Kong needs to get the attention of the Chinese government by conceding its rights and upholding its systems so that demonstrations need not be too worried. Hong Kong people are making a variety of attempts at demonstration and even some social communication strategies are used to reject the traditional bill. The method used in this study is qualitative deskriftive with case studies of direct observation of sites and several demonstration articles in Hong Kong. As a result of this study, several unique strategies of Hong Kong's demonstrations have been carried out to maintain a message being delivered by another group that the Hong Kong government has even brought attention to the world.
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Yeung, Sum. "The review of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades from the perspective of social development." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 511–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-06-2017-0054.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades and examine its challenges and prospect. One country two systems is pragmatic and compromise principle and social arrangement for Hong Kong under China sovereignty. It has served to resolve some issues related to the future of Hong Kong after the end of British Colonial rule since July 1, 1997. There are lessons to be learnt as the merits and flaws of the system have been identified in the study as perceived from the perspective of social development. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on quantitative methodology. Data of public opinion polls conducted by various local universities on the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong have been employed in the study. Based on the data obtained from the relevant survey, different aspects of social development of Hong Kong under one country two systems has been examined and explored. Data are current and up-to-date to reflect the social mood of Hong Kong people toward one country two systems over the years. Findings The challenges and prospect of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades since the change of sovereignty have been identified in this paper. Hong Kong has remained the moist free market and the third financial center in the world. However, the high degree of self-autonomy as stipulated in the Basic Law has been fading way. There is social discontent of Hong Kong people on social and political grounds and there are high sense of mistrust to both Hong Kong SAR (HKSAR) government and the Central government in Beijing. This will provide a guideline to the government for improving the situation. Research limitations/implications The study is based on data obtained from various public opinion conducted by several local university on the development of one country two systems and how Hong Kong people feel about it. The data are current and up-to-date. However, there will be variation of findings as social mood and perception of Hong Kong people toward one country two systems may change due to the changes of social and political events. With these limitations, one needs to be careful while drawing the conclusion. Yet, the over trend of social development of Hong Kong can be seen. Practical implications The study will provide an overall view and assessment of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades after the change of sovereignty since July 1, 1997. The findings and discussion of social mobility, quality of life, income disparity, social and political movement and ethnic identity and its changes in recent years of people in Hong Kong are rather revealing. It will provide a reality check and yardstick for people who are concerned about Hong Kong society and its people under China sovereignty. Social implications The study and its findings will provide a useful guideline for people who are concerned about how Hong Kong people live under China sovereignty. Hong Kong to most of Hong Kong people is on longer a borrow place living under the borrowed time. The former British Colonial rule has been replaced by HKSAR government rule under China sovereignty. There is a high degree of mistrust toward both HKSAR government and the Central government in Beijing. People in Hong Kong keep fighting for democracy and high degree of self-autonomy. Hence, Hong Kong is still a free and open society under China sovereignty. Originality/value The paper contributes an original study on the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong under China sovereignty as perceived from the perspective of social development. There are important findings on social mobility, income disparity and issues of ethnic identity of Hong Kong people. The lessons of Hong Kong will provide an interesting case for people who care concerned about how people living in a former British colony has transformed the society into a thriving civil society under China sovereignty.
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Shih, C. Y. "Significance of Hong Kong’s Perspective on China." China Report 54, no. 1 (January 25, 2018): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744404.
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Hong Kong exemplifies a geo-cultural path that the literature on hybridity has not seriously considered. Hong Kong’s particular geo-cultural path is different from what the literature refers to as hybridity because Hong Kong’s identity encompasses non-synthetic, lingering Confucian, Christian, liberal, patriotic and other identities that exist parallel to each other, rather than merging into a certain hybrid identity. Because of this unique identity, the already hybrid identity of Hong Kong could disintegrate at any time because of re-imagined or re-enacted traditions. In other words, the coexisting parallel identities support a cyclical historiography rather than the celebrated postcoloniality that moves Hong Kong irrevocably away from any alleged past. Hong Kong demonstrates this constant re-appealing that takes place on the basis of solid traditions in Confucianism, Christianity and patriotism, in addition to the familiar liberalism and anti-Communism. Chineseness has become extremely difficult to define and attempts at doing so generate bitter feelings.
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Overholt, William H. "China and British Hong Kong." Current History 90, no. 557 (September 1, 1991): 270–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1991.90.557.270.
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Dwyer, Denis J. "Britain, China and Hong Kong." World Futures 26, no. 2-4 (May 1989): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604027.1989.9972117.
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Haro Navejas, Francisco Javier. "China y Hong Kong, 2017." Anuario Asia Pacífico el Colegio de México, no. 17 (January 1, 2018): 63–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/aap.2018.272.
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El número de actores chinos en escenarios internacionales es cada vez mayor y su abanico de intereses también es creciente. Durante 2017 se fortalecieron dos de sus características esenciales: primero, la mundialización, están en prácticamente todo el planeta, segundo, sus campos de acción que, alentados por sus intereses, son multidimensionales. Durante el año pasado, trataron de posicionarse como una fuerza esencial para resolver problemas. Incluso, hacen todo lo necesario para involucrarse en escenarios de dominio tradicional de los poderes surgidos en la segunda posguerra. El mejor ejemplo de ello es la propuesta de Xi Jinping, presidente de China, compuesta de cuatro puntos¹ para el conflicto entre Palestina e Israel: lograr la existencia de dos Estados basados en las fronteras de 1967 y el este de Jerusalén como capital palestina, finalizar el levantamiento de nuevos asentamientos judíos y terminar con la violencia contra los civiles, alentar la cooperación internacional para promover medidas pacíficas, promover la paz entre Israel y Palestina mediante el desarrollo y la cooperación. La propuesta, una de las primeras en materia de política exterior hechas por Xi a su llegada al poder en 2013, fue presentada el año pasado como algo bienvenido por las partes involucradas; incluso Israel aceptaría una mayor influencia de Beijing, por lo menos en la versión del enviado especial chino para la región, Gong Xiaosheng.²
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McLaren, Robin. "Britain, China and Hong Kong." Asian Affairs 27, no. 1 (March 1996): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714041295.
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Cheung, Kui Yin, and Chengze Simon Fan. "Hong Kong Investment in China and Income Distribution of Hong Kong." Journal of Economic Integration 16, no. 4 (December 15, 2001): 526–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2001.16.4.526.
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Hansen Edwards, Jette G. "Borders and bridges." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 30, no. 1-2 (June 30, 2020): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00047.han.
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Abstract This study examines the construction of linguistic identities at a time of significant political tension in Hong Kong, with a focus on Hong Kong’s three official languages: Cantonese, the most widely spoken variety of Chinese in Hong Kong; English, the longest serving official language of Hong Kong; and Putonghua, the official language of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which became an official language in Hong Kong after the 1997 Handover of Hong Kong to PRC rule. Given the current political tensions between Hong Kong and the PRC, particularly in light of grassroots political movements such as the 2014 Umbrella Movement and the ongoing 2019 civil unrest due to the proposed introduction of an extradition treaty between Hong Kong and mainland China, the status of Hong Kong’s three languages is particularly interesting. Past research has primarily focused on the perceived value of these three languages in terms of instrumentality and integrativeness. The current study expands previous research by focusing on how the participants construct a linguistic identity of the self vs. a national language identity for Hong Kong, particularly within or in contrast to a national language identity of the PRC.
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Tong, Christopher. "Hong Kong Poets and the Making of a Cosmopolitan Literary Genre." Writing Chinese: A Journal of Contemporary Sinophone Literature 2, no. 1 (December 20, 2023): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22599/wcj.44.
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Hong Kong has always existed on the margins of history. Interestingly, Hong Kong’s liminal status also made it a cosmopolitan space for transcultural exchanges between Chinese and Western worlds throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Despite its unique position vis-à-vis China and the West, however, Hong Kong has long been dismissed as lacking cultural gravitas. As such, Hong Kong culture finds itself self-consciously confronting a perennial crisis: as the People’s Republic of China gains increasing recognition in the canons of world literature, Hong Kong’s cosmopolitan culture is indirectly side-lined in the process. Meanwhile, Hong Kong literature is routinely underrepresented in the canons of modern Chinese literature. Anthologies of modern Chinese poetry and poetry research, for instance, scarcely include Hong Kong poets, if at all. Given this context, this essay seeks to rearticulate the place of Hong Kong in modern Chinese literary history. More specifically, it traces the emergence of Hong Kong poetry as a cosmopolitan literary genre in the latter half of the twentieth century. The goals are threefold: to historicise the confluence of Chinese and Western literary traditions in the city of Hong Kong; to locate specific intersections of identity, language, and politics in the production of Hong Kong poetry; and to introduce biographical and bibliographical data on notable Hong Kong poets.
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Chen, Yu-Han. "The Controversy of the Amendment of Anti-Extradition in Hong Kong-Threat to the people of Hong Kong." HOLISTICA – Journal of Business and Public Administration 10, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hjbpa-2019-0033.
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Abstract The purpose of this article was to analyze the amendment of Fugitive Offenders Ordinance & Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Ordinance, which caused widespread controversy in Hong Kong recently. This amendment stemmed from a murder case that occurred in Taiwan, which led the Hong Kong government to decide to fill the legal loopholes in the extradition law. The amendment abolished the prohibition of extradition of China and made the fundamental changes to the vetting procedure for extradition. However, based on the question to the judicial environment in China and the unequal relationship between Hong Kong and China, many Hong Kong people believed that the amendment would seriously threaten their personal safety. The amendment mattered important because people it affected were not only Hong Kong citizens, but also foreigners staying in Hong Kong. And as an important international financial center, the influence of Hong Kong couldn’t be underestimated. Therefore, the amendment had triggered a high degree of international concern. This article will analyze the contents of the amendment and the supports and the oppositions to clarify the dispute and discuss whether the amendment is good or bad.
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Niu, Jill, Kathryn Sanger, and Beatriz Segorbe. "Arbitration in Greater China: Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan." Journal of International Arbitration 24, Issue 6 (December 1, 2007): 651–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2007048.
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Arbitration has come to play an increasingly important role in Asia, particularly in the People’s Republic of China. In that context, this article discusses the role that arbitration plays in Greater China, namely Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. Experienced practitioners from Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan have each provided a practical introduction to arbitration in their own jurisdiction, detailing the legal system underpinning the arbitration regime, particular features of arbitration, the relevant arbitral institutions and enforcement of arbitration awards in that jurisdiction, including PRC awards. The section on Hong Kong also explains the special relationship that Hong Kong enjoys with Mainland China and how that impacts on the resolution of PRC-related disputes through arbitration.
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Frisch, Nicholas, Valerie Belair-Gagnon, and Colin Agur. "Media capture with Chinese characteristics: Changing patterns in Hong Kong’s news media system." Journalism 19, no. 8 (August 28, 2017): 1165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917724632.
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In the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, a former British territory in southern China returned to the People’s Republic as a semi-autonomous enclave in 1997, media capture has distinct characteristics. On one hand, Hong Kong offers a case of media capture in an uncensored media sector and open market economy similar to those of Western industrialized democracies. Yet Hong Kong’s comparatively small size, close proximity, and broad economic exposure to the authoritarian markets and politics of neighboring Mainland China, which practices strict censorship, place unique pressures on Hong Kong’s nominally free press. Building on the literature on media and politics in Hong Kong post-handover and drawing on interviews with journalists in Hong Kong, this article examines the dynamics of media capture in Hong Kong. It highlights how corporate-owned legacy media outlets are increasingly deferential to the Beijing government’s news agenda, while social media is fostering alternative spaces for more skeptical and aggressive voices. This article develops a scholarly vocabulary to describe media capture from the perspective of local journalists and from the academic literature on media and power in Hong Kong and China since 1997.
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Tong, Ruijie. "The Formation and Practical Dilemma of Hong Kong's Executive-Led System from the Perspective of British Colonial History and Policy." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 4, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 297–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/4/20220361.
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Hong Kong, as a particular administrative region of China, practices a very different system from that of mainland China, in which Hong Kong practices an executive-led approach in the distribution of government power. The formation of this system has very much to do with the more than 150 years of British colonial rule and its policies in Hong Kong. The focus of this paper is how Britain, as the suzerain state, exerted its influence on the colony and eventually made Hong Kong an executive-led system. Also, this study examines the dilemma of the executive-led system in Hong Kong today and the reasons for the hole's formation. This paper finds that Hong Kong's Executive-led system is essentially an extension of the Governor's system. It is the result of the influence of various policies during the British colonial rule in Hong Kong
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Cheung, Siu-Keung. "Reunification through Water and Food: The Other Battle for Lives and Bodies in China's Hong Kong Policy." China Quarterly 220 (October 31, 2014): 1012–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741014001106.
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AbstractThe People's Republic of China failed to win the hearts and minds of the Hong Kong Chinese people before its resumption of the city's sovereignty on 1 July 1997. This article attempts to account for this contradiction in China's pursuit of reunification. By shifting the focus to the alternative battle to control the lives and bodies of the local population, this article demonstrates how China exploited its water and food supplies to the colony in order to control Hong Kong before and after 1997. The study pinpoints the bio-political measures used by China to secure Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong. It concludes with an analysis of the current situation in Hong Kong and the implications of China's control of water and food supplies for the relations between the ruling state and the people of Hong Kong.
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Pan, Yuxiang. "Conflicts in the Negotiations Between China and Britain on the Return of Hong Kong." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 28 (April 1, 2024): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/dkfyz859.
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Hong Kong became a British colony in 1840. In the 1980s, the PRC government took the opportunity that Britain sent officials to sound out China’s attitude towards the Hong Kong issue to introduce “one country, two systems” policy. Because the British government, led by Margaret Thatcher, repeatedly made difficulties against China on treaty and sovereignty issues, the negotiation process was challenging. After three changes of attitude in negotiation, the British government gradually realized the tough position of the Chinese government and agreed to return Hong Kong’s sovereignty. However, Hong Kong has encountered the dramatically changing of world pattern over these 40 years. Anti-China movements in Hong Kong have colluded with overseas organizations, repeatedly set off riots and conflicts. Under such conflicts, the restoration of social order and economic development in Hong Kong need to re-examine the government organizations and policies within it, as well as the “one country, two systems”. This paper takes the Sino-British negotiations as the starting point, makes a detailed analysis of the game between the two sides in the negotiations. By relating them with the actual situation of Hong Kong society, especially the 2019 riots, the paper analyzes the Hong Kong problem and examines the roots of the ongoing conflicts in Hong Kong.
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CHIN, ANGELINA Y. "Diasporic Memories and Conceptual Geography in Post-colonial Hong Kong." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 6 (March 17, 2014): 1566–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000577.
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AbstractThis paper explores how the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has been trying to incorporate post-1997 Hong Kong into the framework of a Greater China. The construction of two ‘narratives’ are examined: the grand narrative of Chinese history in secondary school textbooks in Hong Kong; and the development of a new regional framework of the Pearl River Delta. The first narrative, which focuses on the past, signals the PRC government's desire to inculcate through education a deeper sense of collective identity as patriotic citizens of China amongst residents of Hong Kong. The second narrative, which represents a futuristic imagining of a regional landscape, rewrites the trajectory of Hong Kong by merging the city with the Pearl River Delta region. However, these narrative strategies have triggered ambivalent responses from people in Hong Kong, especially the generations born after 1980. In their discursive battles against merging with the mainland, activists have sought to instil a collective memory that encourages a counter-imagination of a particular kind of Hong Kong that draws from the pre-1997 past. This conflict pits activists and their supporters against officials in the local government working to move Hong Kong towards integration with greater Guangdong and China at large. But the local resistance discourses are inadequate because they are constrained by their own parochial visions and colonial nostalgia.
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Lee, Y. C., and A. Savtchenko. "Relationship between Air Pollution in Hong Kong and in the Pearl River Delta Region of South China in 2003 and 2004: An Analysis." Journal of Applied Meteorology and Climatology 45, no. 2 (February 1, 2006): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/jam2332.1.
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Abstract Air pollution in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) region of south China, which is one of the four regions in China most heavily affected by haze, is found to correlate with that of Hong Kong, indicating the regional nature of the Hong Kong problem. Of the 10 territory-wide episode days occurring in Hong Kong in 2003 and 2004, 3 of them coincide with the most polluted days of the month in the PRD. On two other episode days, the most polluted days in the PRD occurred within 2 days of the Hong Kong episodes. The air pollution trends of the PRD cities and Hong Kong are found to resemble each other more under certain meteorological conditions than others, notably when a tropical storm is positioned at the Luzon Strait between Taiwan and Luzon in the Philippines, and the entire PRD, including Hong Kong, is equally affected by it, resulting in photochemical events. During this time, Hong Kong is downwind of nearly all pollution sources in the region. At other positions of the storm, the eastern part of the PRD is often affected more significantly. In winter episodic conditions, which occur when weak anticyclones prevail over south China, local meteorological factors, namely, inversions and sea-breeze convergences, are believed to contribute to the temporal difference of the pollution peaks in Hong Kong and the rest of the PRD.
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Cheng, Andy Wui-Wing, Nikolai Sheung-Chi Chow, David Kam-Hung Chui, and Wing-Keung Wong. "The Three Musketeers Relationships between Hong Kong, Shanghai and Shenzhen Before and After Shanghai–Hong Kong Stock Connect." Sustainability 11, no. 14 (July 15, 2019): 3845. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11143845.
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This study examines the sustainability of financial integration between China (represented by Shenzhen and Shanghai) stock markets and Hong Kong stock market over the period of pre and post launch of the Stock Connect Scheme. This paper aims to fill the gap in the financial literature by providing empirical research on the dynamics of the financial integration process, and examining the sustainability of financial integration among the three Chinese stock markets. We apply cointegration and both linear and nonlinear causalities to investigate whether the Shanghai–Hong Kong Stock Connect has any impact on both market capitalizations and market indices of Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Shenzhen markets. Through cointegration tests and linear Granger causality techniques, it was found that the stock markets from mainland China are increasingly influencing the Hong Kong stock market after the introduction of the Stock Connect Scheme; however, when using nonlinear Granger causality analysis for confirming China market dominance, the result shows an reverse relationship whereby the Hong Kong stock market is still relevant to understand and predict China stock market after the introduction of the Stock Connect Scheme. Overall, our findings support the view that the Shanghai–Hong Kong Stock Connect has a significant impact on both market capitalizations and market indices of the Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Shenzhen markets, but Hong Kong stock market is still relevant to understand and predict China stock market after the introduction of the Stock Connect Scheme. The change in share premium difference between mainland China’s domestic A-share markets and Hong Kong’s H-share market could change investors’ appetites or sentiments. Further research includes examining whether there is any functional relationship including nonlinear relationship and studying the dynamic drivers of the relationships.
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Chen, Meilin, and John Flowerdew. "Discriminatory discursive strategies in online comments on YouTube videos on the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement by Mainland and Hong Kong Chinese." Discourse & Society 30, no. 6 (August 28, 2019): 549–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926519870046.
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This article examines the discriminatory discursive strategies adopted in the online interactions between different power groups from Mainland China and Hong Kong in their response to two YouTube videos about the Hong Kong Umbrella, or Occupy Central, Movement. A corpus of 4329 comments made by 2157 posters from Mainland China and Hong Kong was coded regarding commenters’ place of residence and their perceptions of the Umbrella Movement and then tagged based on Flowerdew et al.’s previous taxonomy of discriminatory discursive strategies. The results show that a wide range of discriminatory discursive strategies, used by two power groups from Hong Kong and one from the Mainland, were found in the majority of the comments, including four sub-strategies not identified by Flowerdew et al. While studies to date on the Umbrella Movement have mainly focused on Hong Kong data, our study contributes to the literature by adding the perspective from Mainland China. The findings of this study provide insights into the increasing social and political tensions between Hong Kong and its mother country as well as the current situation in the divided city.
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Wu, Chung-Tong, and Christine Inglis. "Illegal Immigration to Hong Kong." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 1, no. 3-4 (September 1992): 601–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689200100310.
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Illegal migration from China is contrasted to that from Vietnam to highlight Hong Kong's unique place in such flows. Political upheavals in China, economic recessions and labor shortages in Hong Kong have caused waves of legal and illegal Chinese migration into Hong Kong which have been effectively contained through the vigilance of border patrols, police checks for identity cards, fines on employers of illegals, and cooperation from China. The increased numbers of Vietnamese boat people from 1988 led to a hardening in government and public attitudes, resulting in the reclassification of refugees as illegal migrants. The key difference in Hong Kong's effectiveness at stemming these two illegal migrant streams has been bilateral cooperation, which has been achieved with China but lacking in the case of Vietnam.
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Hu, Xiaolin, Diyana Nawar Kasimon, and Wan Anita Wan Abas. "Hong Kong’s Media representations of China amid COVID-19: A Corpus-Assisted Critical Discourse Analysis." Studies in Media and Communication 12, no. 3 (June 10, 2024): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v12i3.6817.
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Since the COVID-19 outbreak, many scholars have noted the significant value of studying media representations of the COVID-19 pandemic everywhere. However, when observing these research results, one will find that more research results are about the Western media, and there are few reports about the Chinese media on the COVID-19 pandemic. This study employs corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis to examine what kinds of discourse Hong Kong media use to represent China in the news. The Sing Tao Daily was chosen for the study because it has been in existence for a long time and has readers all over the world. Its coverage of China COVID-19 will affect Hong Kong people's perception of their motherland. Hong Kong is unique in that it has just recently returned to China. The Hong Kong media's coverage of mainland China will affect China's national image in the minds of Hong Kong people. This study aims to examine what discourses are used by the Hong Kong news media in their coverage of China's fight against the epidemic and what kind of national image of China is presented to the Hong Kong and global audiences. The analysis reveals that China is presented as a victim, and an advantageous cooperative country. China is a responsible big country that has assumed the responsibility of helping countries in difficulty and is a united country. China's actions have had a positive impact on global humanitarian ideology. This study illustrates how the media can effectively utilize discursive strategies to promote cooperation and build a country's image in the midst of a global health crisis.