Journal articles: 'Homosexuality – Political aspects – Australia'

1

Jose, Jim. "Drawing the Line: Sex Education and Homosexuality in South Australia, 1985." Australian Journal of Politics and History 45, no. 2 (June 1999): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00062.

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Effendi, Pranoto, and Jerry Courvisanos. "Political aspects of innovation: Examining renewable energy in Australia." Renewable Energy 38, no. 1 (February 2012): 245–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.renene.2011.07.039.

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Hildebrandt, Achim, Eva-Maria Trüdinger, and Dominik Wyss. "The Missing Link? Modernization, Tolerance, and Legislation on Homosexuality." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 3 (September 4, 2018): 539–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918797464.

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Research suggests that modernization is an important driver of liberalization in the field of gay and lesbian rights. Surprisingly, it has often been assumed—but not empirically examined—that a culture of tolerance mediates the relationship between socioeconomic modernization and liberal legislation. This article closes this gap by analyzing the seventy-three countries that took part in the fifth and sixth waves of the World Values Survey. As government responsiveness to public attitudes is structurally enforced by means of electoral accountability in democracies, but not in autocracies, we, in addition, distinguish between these regime types in an analysis of moderated mediation. We show that tolerant attitudes toward homosexuals do, indeed, mediate the influence of modernization on gay and lesbian rights policies in democracies, but not in autocracies. The result is confirmed by extensive robustness checks, including an instrumental variables approach to account for a potential reverse causality between tolerance and rights. The study does not only underline the relevance of cultural aspects of modernization, but also points to the crucial importance of regime type for a translation of public opinion into policy.

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Mason, Gail. "Body Maps: Envisaging Homophobia, Violence and Safety." Social & Legal Studies 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a016321.

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This article seeks to explore the implications of homophobic hostility beyond the question of individual injury. It suggests that in order to understand the cultural, or collective, implications of homophobic hostility it is necessary to position this hostility in the wider context of discursive statements of sexual visibility; that is, to consider how homophobic violence functions through the equivocal and ambiguous trope of visibility. To make this argument, the article draws upon an empirical study of sexuality, gender and homophobia, undertaken in Australia. This study suggests that the knowledge one has of homophobic hostility interacts with other factors to engender deeply embodied practices of self-surveillance that inevitably centre upon mapping the visible expressions of sexuality. Yet, the pleasure that is derived from flouting the danger of homophobia suggests that it might be helpful to consider the collective implications of homophobic violence as a question of 'management'. In light of the contested nexus between homosexuality and visibility, it is further suggested that the imperative to manage one's homosexuality as a means of negotiating safety is inevitably an imperative to manage the unmanageable.

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Wotherspoon, Garry. "'The Greatest Menace Facing Australia': Homosexuality and the State in NSW During the Cold War." Labour History, no. 56 (1989): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508924.

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Moore, Clive. "Greg Weir." Queensland Review 14, no. 2 (July 2007): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600006620.

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How do political activists begin? What is their motivation? For quiet Greg Weir, just graduated as a trainee school teacher from Kelvin Grove College of Advanced Education in 1976, it was being refused employment by the Queensland government because he was a spokesperson for a gay student support group. Minister for Education Val Bird said in Parliament that ‘student teachers who participated in homosexual and lesbian groups should not assume they would be employed by the Education Department on graduation’. With his future as a teacher destroyed, Greg became one of Queensland's best-known political activists. His cause was taken up by the Australian Union of Students and he became a catalyst in developing awareness of gay and lesbian issues all over Australia. Greg was then employed as a staff member in the office of Senator George Georges and later Senator Bryant Burns, and became a Labor Party activist, influential in the peace, anti-nuclear, education and civil liberties movements in the 1970s and 1980s. He also helped set up HIV/AIDS awareness groups in the 1980s, and went on to become one of the central organisers of the campaign for gay law reform in 1989–90, which culminated in the decriminalisation of male homosexuality in 1990. In 1991 Greg was involved in campaigns to include homosexuality as a category in new antidiscrimination legislation.

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Mo, John. "Some Aspects of the Australia-China Investment Protection Treaty." Journal of World Trade 25, Issue 3 (June 1, 1991): 43–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1991016.

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Makovskaya, M. "Economic and Legal Aspects of Natural Resources Exploiting in Australia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2000): 106–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2000-7-106-110.

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Gani, Azmat. "Some Aspects of Trade between Australia and Pacific Island Countries." World Economy 33, no. 1 (January 2010): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2009.01189.x.

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Hicks, Stephen. "‘The Christian Right and Homophobic Discourse: A Response to ‘Evidence’ that Lesbian and Gay Parenting Damages Children’." Sociological Research Online 8, no. 4 (November 2003): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.851.

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This ‘rapid response’ piece, submitted under the ‘Sexuality and the Church’ theme, examines claims by Christian writers that lesbian and gay parenting is bad for children. The author analyses aspects of what he terms a ‘Christian homophobic discourse’ in order to demonstrate the problematic claim to neutrality made by these writers. In addition, the author shows how the Christian writers’ view of research rests upon a series of positivist assumptions. Claims that research evidence shows children of lesbian or gay parents demonstrate gender or sexual identity confusion are disputed, and the author argues that the Christian writers present their own moral interpretations rather than the ‘facts of the matter’. The author argues that the Christian writers construct a version of homosexuality as highly diseased and dangerous, before concluding that it is both epistemologically and morally misguided to see ‘sexuality’ as an object or variable which influences the development of children.

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Jonge, Alice de. "Some changing aspects of Child Rights in Australia—in and out of Court." Journal of Social Welfare Law 11, no. 3 (May 1989): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09649068908415376.

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MYERS, ROBERT, and NADA SAAB. "Sufism and Shakespeare: The Poetics of Personal and Political Transformation in Sa'dallah Wannus's Tuqus al-Isharat wa-l-Tahawwulat." Theatre Research International 38, no. 2 (May 31, 2013): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883313000229.

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Tuqus al-Isharat wa-l-Tahawwulat, one of the last major plays by the Syrian Sa'dallah Wannus, published in 1994, is one of the most innovative plays from the Arab world in the twentieth century. Based on a historical incident, it dramatizes the story of the fall of the Naqib of Damascus when he is arrested with his mistress Warda. The Naqib's enemy, the Mufti, saves him from disgrace by substituting the Naqib's wife, Mu'mina, for Warda, although Mu'mina leaves the Naqib and becomes a notorious prostitute. The play also overtly treats male homosexuality. Previous analyses of Wannus's plays have focused on the influence of Brecht and the Thousand and One Nights, and criticism of this play's feminist theme. This article argues that much of the play's novelty and aesthetic power derive from aspects of Shakespeare, principally Measure for Measure, and from motifs, lexicon and ritual theatricality derived from Sufism as aesthetic form and religious practice.

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Humphrys, Elizabeth. "Simultaneously deepening corporatism and advancing neoliberalism: Australia under the Accord." Journal of Sociology 54, no. 1 (March 2018): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318760680.

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Given recent calls for a new social contract between the unions and government, it is timely to consider the relationship of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) prices and incomes Accord (1983–97) to the construction of neoliberalism in Australia. Contrary to most scholarly accounts, which posit the ALP and ACTU prices and incomes Accord and neoliberalism as exogenously related or competing processes, this article argues they were internally related aspects of economic transformation. The implementation of the Accord agreement deepened Australia’s existing corporatist arrangements while simultaneously advancing neoliberalism within a highly structured political-economic framework.

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FIELKE, SIMON J., and DOUGLAS K. BARDSLEY. "A Brief Political History of South Australian Agriculture." Rural History 26, no. 1 (March 9, 2015): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095679331400017x.

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Abstract:This paper aims to explain why South Australian agricultural land use is focused on continually increasing productivity, when the majority of produce is exported, at the long-term expense of agriculturally-based communities and the environment. A historical analysis of literature relevant to the agricultural development of South Australia is used chronologically to report aspects of the industry that continue to cause concerns in the present day. The historically dominant capitalist socio-economic system and ‘anthropocentric’ world views of farmers, politicians, and key stakeholders have resulted in detrimental social, environmental and political outcomes. Although recognition of the environmental impacts of agricultural land use has increased dramatically since the 1980s, conventional productivist, export oriented farming still dominates the South Australian landscape. A combination of market oriented initiatives and concerned producers are, however, contributing to increasing the recognition of the environmental and social outcomes of agricultural practice and it is argued here that South Australia has the opportunity to value multifunctional land use more explicitly via innovative policy.

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Radcliffe, Sarah. "Non-rational aspects of the competition state – the case of policy consultancy in Australia." Policy Studies 31, no. 1 (January 2010): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442870903387363.

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Austin, Denise A., David Perry, and Stephen Fogarty. "Politics and Pentecostalism in Australia." Pneuma 44, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10009.

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Abstract Pentecostalism and politics are, for better or worse, no strangers. In 2018, Scott Morrison became the first pentecostal prime minister in the history of Australia and, possibly, in the English-speaking world. He then led the Liberal Party to a resounding election victory in 2019. As a result, Morrison was dubbed the “Miracle Man” after his acceptance speech referred to divine intervention in the electoral results. Since then, there has been regular, negative speculation on links between Morrison’s pentecostal faith and policy positions. This article provides a counterposition that several elements of the pentecostal worldview have the potential for positive impact in politics and may explain aspects of Morrison’s electoral success. We argue that Morrison effectively leveraged his pentecostal experience and convictions to advantage through strong leadership, practical pragmatism, marketing acumen, and a narrative of hope. Here, in a morass of indecision and “policy-free” political elites, was someone who believed in something.

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Harman, Elizabeth J. "GOVERNMENT AND BUSINESS IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA, 1983–85: LEGAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OFTHE NEW HYBRID ENTERPRISES." Australian Journal of Public Administration 45, no. 3 (September 1986): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1986.tb01537.x.

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Kwak, Jeongmi. "Narcissistic Homosexuality in Seo Young-eun's Novel: Focusing on “Her Women”." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 10 (October 31, 2022): 967–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.10.44.10.967.

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The purpose of this paper is to find the meaning contained in Her Woman by analyzing the narcissistic homosexuality that has been converted into identification beyond the general homosexual tendency through the psychoanalytic aspect of the work-oriented criticism. Seo Young-eun has asked several irrational questions about the marriage system that presupposes the heterosexual incest ban in several works. Homosexuality can be said to be a part of secondary narcissism, in which the libido is directed toward the inner self rather than the external person. In “Her Woman,” homosexuality is a device that makes people frustrated by “challenging taboos” or makes extreme choices, and is just a clever trick to cover up narcissism. She thinks that she is the most beautiful in the most painful moment and freezes that beautiful moment. We need to pay attention to this novel in that it goes beyond the conventional wisdom of homosexuality.

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Henningham, Stephen. "Aspects of the History of South Asian History in Australia: Rise, Decline and Diversification." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 39, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 234–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2016.1124233.

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20

Atkinson, Joel. "Development Assistance and Geopolitics in Australia-China-Taiwan Relations." International Studies Review 16, no. 2 (October 19, 2015): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01602001.

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The development assistance programs of Australia, China and Taiwan impact each other’s geopolitical interests in the South Pacific region. This “aid triangle” has recently undergone a significant transformation. Previously, the interests of Australia and China aligned in competing against Taiwan for political influence in the region. However, since 2008, China-Taiwan relations have warmed and their aid contest in the South Pacific has been largely put on hold. This has ameliorated Taiwan’s conflict with Australia, and the two countries have increased their development assistance cooperation. However, China’s role in undermining Australia’s policy towards Fiji, and the global deterioration in China’s relations with a US coalition (including Australia), have potentially increased the competitive aspects of the Sino-Australian side of the triangle.

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Stratton, Jon. "Coronavirus, the great toilet paper panic and civilisation." Thesis Eleven 165, no. 1 (July 20, 2021): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211033167.

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Panic buying of toilet rolls in Australia began in early March 2020. This was related to the realisation that the novel coronavirus was spreading across the country. To the general population the impact of the virus was unknown. Gradually the federal government started closing the country’s borders. The panic buying of toilet rolls was not unique to Australia. It happened across all societies that used toilet paper rather than water to clean after defecation and urination. However, research suggests that the panic buying was most extreme in Australia. This article argues that the panic buying was closely linked to everyday notions of Western civilisation. Pedestal toilets and toilet paper are key aspects of civilisation and the fear of the loss of toilet paper is connected to anxiety about social breakdown, the loss of civilisation. This is the fear manifested in the perceived threat posed by the virus.

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22

Wheatland, Fiona Tito. "Medical Indemnity Reform in Australia: “First Do No Harm”." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 33, no. 3 (2005): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2005.tb00510.x.

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Medical indemnity is not usually the stuff of high political and social drama in Australia. When the biggest medical defense organization went into voluntary liquidation in 2002, this all changed. Newspapers carried stories on an almost daily basis about the actual or possible negative impact of the “crisis” on doctors, hospitals, and communities. Doctors became increasingly vocal in their criticisms and expansive in their claims. Their political organization, the Australian Medical Association, lobbied powerfully and successfully for government intervention to address the problem of dramatically escalating premiums for some doctors. This, combined with a broader public relations campaign about public liability insurance, resulted in significant changes in the law at both the federal and state level - not just in the area of medical negligence but in relation to most personal injury litigation.The genesis of and reasons for current medical indemnity problems in Australia have been the subject of much speculation and little rigorous analysis.

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23

Hundt, David. "Residency without citizenship: Korean immigration and settlement in Australia." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 28, no. 1 (March 2019): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196819832772.

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This article focuses on the changing quality of citizenship in Australia, which is the idealized end-point of the process of immigration, by drawing on the experience of Korean immigrants. In the formal ( political) dimension of citizenship, the article shows that Koreans fare comparatively poorly. They are less likely to be citizens than most other groups of immigrants, due to factors such as the lateness of Korean immigration. The article also analyzes the social dimension of citizenship among Koreans in Australia, and their disappointing socio-economic outcomes. Korean immigrants, I argue, enjoy residency without citizenship, and their experience illustrates how the promise of Australian citizenship has eroded. This is a significant finding, given the prominent role that immigration has played in shaping all aspects of contemporary Australia.

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Smolicz, Jerzy J., and Margaret J. Secombe. "Sociology as a Science of Culture: Linguistic Pluralism in Australia and Belarus." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 3 (February 7, 2003): 475–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-00203005.

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In the first part of this paper the pioneering achievements of Thomas Kuhn in natural sciences and of Florian Znaniecki in social sciences are examined and compared. Attention is focused on the fundamental impact that the ideological positions adopted by each has exerted upon our understanding of the way their respective disciplines develop and affect the study of natural and cultural phenomena as distinct aspects of reality. The paper traces elements of the commonality of their visions, as well as the way both authors have emphasized the distinct and unique characteristics of their particular fields of knowledge. In the second part, Znaniecki’s humanistic sociology is applied as a theoretical framework to the study of linguistic pluralism in two multi-ethnic societies – Australia and Belarus. Rather than making a direct comparison of the two linguistic contexts, the aim of the paper is to use that framework to gain insights into these diverse multilingual configurations from the perspective of those actively involved in them.

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Watson, Juliet, and Hernán Cuervo. "Youth homelessness: A social justice approach." Journal of Sociology 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 461–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783317705204.

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Social justice approaches that work towards eliminating youth homelessness with a sole focus on material needs overlook the significance of non-material aspects, such as the impact of social exclusion and stigma on individuals’ subjectivities. The lack of social legitimacy associated with homelessness is exacerbated under neoliberal conditions, with the shift from social to individual responsibility positioning those unable to achieve the normative transition to adulthood as social failures. We draw on interviews with young homeless women in Australia to extend the emerging sociological focus on the relational aspects of homelessness through a social justice lens. We analyse the association between subjectivity, stigma and neoliberalism, and draw on Iris Marion Young’s theory of justice to highlight how these shape experiences of homelessness. We conclude that overcoming homelessness requires policies and practices that give a greater focus to non-material aspects of homelessness through an emphasis on empowerment, self-respect and autonomy.

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Billings, Peter. "Irregular Maritime Migration and the Pacific Solution Mark II: Back to the Future for Refugee Law and Policy in Australia?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 2 (2013): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02002007.

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Following a rise in the number of irregular maritime arrivals seeking refugee protection in Australia, and two successful legal challenges to their refugee processing policies, the Labor Government has resuscitated notorious aspects of the ‘Pacific Solution’ as part of a ‘no advantage’ policy. This strategy seeks to deter ‘irregular’ asylum seekers by treating them no more favourably than refugees seeking protection from overseas awaiting entry to Australia through regular refugee/humanitarian channels. In furtherance of this ‘no advantage’ policy, extra-territorial processing on Nauru and Papua New Guinea has been re-introduced and ‘excision’ provisions are to be extended to mainland Australia placing the continent outside of its ‘migration zone’ and, therefore, asylum seekers beyond the regular laws and processes for protection seekers. This article analyses the seismic shifts in asylum seeker policy that have occurred in Australia over the recent past and the politics underpinning them.

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Ohr, Se Ok, Vicki Parker, Sarah Jeong, and Terry Joyce. "Migration of nurses in Australia: where and why?" Australian Journal of Primary Health 16, no. 1 (2010): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py09051.

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The Australian health care workforce has benefited from an increasing migration of nurses over the past decades. The nursing profession is the largest single health profession, making up over half of the Australian health care workforce. Migration of nurses into the Australian nursing workforce impacts significantly on the size of the workforce and the capacity to provide health care to the Australian multicultural community. Migration of nurses plays an important role in providing a solution to the ongoing challenges of workforce attraction and retention, hence an understanding of the factors contributing to nurse migration is important. This paper will critically analyse factors reported to impact on migration of nurses to Australia, in particular in relation to: (1) globalisation; (2) Australian society and nursing workforce; and (3) personal reasons. The current and potential implications of nurse migration are not limited to the Australian health care workforce, but also extend to political, socioeconomic and other aspects in Australia.

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Nash, Joshua. "Folk Toponymy and Offshore Fishing Ground Names on the Dudley Peninsula, Kangaroo Island, South Australia." Island Studies Journal 5, no. 1 (2010): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.239.

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This paper analyses data on two aspects of unofficial place-naming or folk toponymy on the Dudley Peninsula, the eastern peninsula of Kangaroo Island, South Australia, namely (1) local unofficial toponyms, and (2) offshore fishing ground names. These place-name categories reflect naming patterns that embody specific local events, history and land use in the island’s colourful past, and represent an important element of the collective memory of the area. It argues that a deeper analysis of various taxa of folk toponymy, especially in remote island locations with brief histories, can help toponymists and linguists understand broad principles involved in place-naming. Furthermore, it suggests island toponymy in Australia is an under-researched field, which deserves greater prominence in Australian place-name studies.

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McAllister, Ian, and Toni Makkai. "The decline and rise of class voting? From occupation to culture in Australia." Journal of Sociology 55, no. 3 (October 29, 2018): 426–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318805155.

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Conventional wisdom has long held that class is declining as an influence on voting. More recently, new conceptions of class, focusing on the ownership of economic assets and the possession of social and cultural capital, have challenged this view. This article evaluates these arguments in two ways. First, we examine trends in the impact of traditional measures of class on the vote in Australia from the 1960s to the present day. Second, using a 2015 national survey that measures different aspects of class voting, we assess for the first time the relative effects on the vote of occupation, assets, and social and cultural capital. The results show that while occupation has declined and is now unimportant, the ownership of both assets and cultural capital are major influences on the vote. We argue that the impact of class on the vote has not declined, but rather transformed itself in new and different ways, which has important long-term implications for party support.

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Arnold, Brian J., and Tim Edgar. "Selected Aspects of Capital Gains Taxation in Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 21 (October 1995): S58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551862.

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JOB, BRIAN L. "Between a Rock and a Hard Place: The Dilemmas of Middle Powers." Issues & Studies 56, no. 02 (June 2020): 2040008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400081.

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“Middle powers,” variously defined, have served relevant and significant roles in the post-WWII regional and global orders, facilitated by structural conditions of “long peace” among great powers and proactive leadership by and among creative middle powers. Within the complex Asia-Pacific security order, “middle powers” such as Australia, Canada, and South Korea have had the “space” to engage the non-like minded and advance multilateralism with security guarantees from the US. However, Beijing and Washington today are eliminating this space and its associated choices for middle-power diplomacy by increasingly characterizing their rivalry as a confrontation of “existential threats” between incompatible “civilizations” and securitizing trade and technology. China and the US are each selectively ignoring or purposely eroding key aspects of a rules-based international order. This paper highlights the dilemmas of South Korea, Australia, and Canada, middle powers who have found themselves individually and collectively “stuck” facing contradictory global and regional policy choices.

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POPE, JENNY, and WILLIAM GRACE. "SUSTAINABILITY ASSESSMENT IN CONTEXT: ISSUES OF PROCESS, POLICY AND GOVERNANCE." Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 08, no. 03 (September 2006): 373–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333206002566.

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This paper seeks to contribute to the development of principles for effective sustainability assessment. Drawing upon three sustainability assessments of project proposals conducted recently in Western Australia, three important aspects of good process are identified: the "question" that guides the assessment process; the influence of the assessment process on the development of the final proposal; and the basis for sustainability decision-making. These three aspects are closely inter-related, and also influenced by and related to the prevailing policy context and institutional arrangements guiding the assessment. Recommendations are made for more effective sustainability assessment processes in Western Australia; and the ultimate contribution that effective sustainability assessments of project proposals could make to a more sustainable society is considered. The broader Western Australian political, cultural and social context within which the assessments have been conducted is described, in order to facilitate a deeper understanding of the issues discussed and therefore to maximise the potential for others to learn from these experiences.

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Gaber, Ivor, and Rodney Tiffen. "Politics and the media in Australia and the United Kingdom: parallels and contrasts." Media International Australia 167, no. 1 (April 10, 2018): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x18766721.

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Australia and Britain share many common aspects in their democratic political and media systems, but there are also important differences. Perhaps the single most important media difference is that television has been a much more important element in the UK political communication system than it has been in Australia. The British Broadcasting Corporation is a much bigger and more central institution than the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, and commercial TV in Britain has a much stronger public service mandate. The British press has a national structure which can give it a substantive collective role, although its right-wing dominance means it has been a less-than-benign influence on public life. Both countries are facing rapid changes, with partisan political divisions in flux and the digital environment disrupting traditional media models. In this article, we seek to interrogate the commonalities and differences between the media and political systems operating in Australia and the United Kingdom. After tracing some important differences in their institutional structures, the dominant theme of our later analysis is that in both systems, and in both countries, the overarching narrative is one of disruption. And we pose the question – Will the current disruptions widen or narrow these differences?

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Vietrynskyi, I. "Historical, Socio-cultural and International Political Preconditions for the Emergence and Formation of the Australian Union." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-4.

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The article examines the prerequisites for the creation and early stages of development of the Commonwealth of Australia from the founding of the first European colonies prior to the legal formalization of the federation. Also mentioned are the variability of approaches to the development of Australia’s historiography, in particular from the positions of classical English and modern Australian views. Also, the early stages of the development of the continent that preceded the discovery of Australia by Europeans are considered. It analyzes the wide context of geopolitical processes in Europe in the era of imperialism (XVI-XIX centuries), as well as the circumstances of the formation of large colonial empires. In particular, features of the status, place and role of England in the international political processes of the XVIІ and XVIII centuries are shown, and the stages of the formation of the British colonial empire are also considered. The complex of internal socio-economic as well as foreign policy prerequisites for the beginning of the colonization of Australia by Great Britain is analyzed, in particular the attention paid to the consequences of the British Industrial Revolution XVIII. The stages of formation of the British colonies in Australia, as well as the development of the mainland from the establishment of the first settlement - New South Wales until full control of the continent are investigated. The characteristics of the economic, social, political, demographic and other aspects of the development of Australian colonies are analyzed. The article discusses the evolution of trade and administrative relations between individual colonies, as well as the stages of preparation for the creation of a federation, which was called the Commonwealth of Australia and changed the country's colonial position to the dominion status in the British Empire. Particular attention is paid to the international political processes that accompanied the development of the Australian continent, as well as the role of colonial administrations in regional geopolitical processes, in particular the colonization of New Guinea.

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Fernandes, Clinton. "Australia’s Policy Successes in Timor-Leste." Estudios de Asia y África 57, no. 3 (July 29, 2022): 453–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v57i3.2783.

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An independent Timor-Leste posed a dilemma for Australian foreign policy. On the one hand, Australia led the multinational military coalition that restored peace in 1999, and had an obvious interest in ensuring that its newest neighbour was self-reliant and stable. On the other hand, independence negated three decades of Australian diplomatic effort to control the oil and gas resources of the Timor Sea. Accordingly, Australia accepted Timor-Leste’s formal independence but tried to influence key aspects of its internal and external policies using foreign aid, espionage and other instruments of statecraft.

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White, Samuel, and Ray Kerkhove. "Indigenous Australian laws of war: Makarrata, milwerangel and junkarti." International Review of the Red Cross 102, no. 914 (August 2020): 959–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383121000497.

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AbstractStudies in Australian history have lamentably neglected the military traditions of First Australians prior to European contact. This is due largely to a combination of academic and social bigotry, and loss of Indigenous knowledge after settlement. Thankfully, the situation is beginning to change, in no small part due to the growing literature surrounding the Frontier Wars of Australia. All aspects of Indigenous customs and norms are now beginning to receive a balanced analysis. Yet, very little has ever been written on the laws, customs and norms that regulated Indigenous Australian collective armed conflicts. This paper, co-written by a military legal practitioner and an ethno-historian, uses early accounts to reconstruct ten laws of war evidently recognized across much of pre-settlement Australia. The study is a preliminary one, aiming to stimulate further research and debate in this neglected field, which has only recently been explored in international relations.

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Clarke, Patricia. "The Queensland Shearers' Strikes in Rosa Praed's Fiction." Queensland Review 9, no. 1 (May 2002): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600002750.

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Novelist Rosa Praed's portrayal of colonial Queensland in her fiction was influenced by her social position as the daughter of a squatter and conservative Cabinet Minister, Thomas Lodge Murray-Prior, and limited by the fact that she lived in Australia for much less than one-third of her life. After she left Australia in 1876, she recharged her imagination, during her long novel-writing career in England, by seeking specific information through family letters and reminiscences, copies of Hansard and newspapers. As the decades went by and she remained in England, the social and political dynamics of colonial society changed. Remarkably, she remained able to tum sparse sources into in-depth portrayals of aspects of colonial life.

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Gao, Jia. "Seeking Residency from the Courts: The Chinese Experience in the Post-White Australia Era." Journal of Chinese Overseas 7, no. 2 (2011): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325411x595404.

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Abstract In 1974 Australia officially abandoned its “White Australia” policy. Since then hundreds of thousands of Chinese have migrated to the country, first from Southeast Asian countries, then from Vietnam, Hong Kong and Taiwan before direct immigration from China resumed in the mid-1980s. Lately, Australia has placed more emphasis on admitting skilled and business migrants, but has still maintained an annual intake of tens of thousands of Chinese, making China the third largest source of overseas-born Australians. Many believe that the Chinese have come to Australia under its normal migration program, such as the skilled, business or family programs thus overlooking the fact that a high proportion of them have obtained their residency in Australia either directly or indirectly only after having gone through Court battles. This paper seeks to examine how many of the Chinese have fought for residency in the courts, and to outline the characteristics of their experience in the post-White Australia era. It aims to provide an analysis of the complex dimensions of global migration and transnational politics where certain aspects of socio-political life and politics of the immigrants’ home country have conflicted with the immigration policies and procedures of their receiving country and gradually become part of the politics of the host country.

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Fitz-Gibbon, Kate, and Wendy O'Brien. "A Child’s Capacity to Commit Crime: Examining the Operation of Doli Incapax in Victoria (Australia)." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 8, no. 1 (February 19, 2019): 18–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v8i1.1047.

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The rebuttable presumption of doli incapax is available in all Australian states and territories and provides that, where a child is unable to comprehend the distinction between actions that are ‘seriously wrong’ and those that are ‘naughty or mischievous’, they cannot be held criminally responsible for their actions. Despite the key role that doli incapax should play in diverting the youngest offenders away from the criminal justice system, its operation to date has been largely unexamined. This article seeks to directly address this gap. Drawing on the experiences of those involved in all aspects of the youth justice system, this article examines the need for, and the effectiveness of, the presumption of doli incapax in Victoria, Australia. Revealing inconsistencies in the use of the presumption, the article also examines the need for future reform of this area of law.

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Abbondanza, Gabriele. "Whither the Indo-Pacific? Middle power strategies from Australia, South Korea and Indonesia." International Affairs 98, no. 2 (March 2022): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab231.

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Abstract Against the backdrop of US–China superpower rivalry in the Indo-Pacific, this article assesses the visions and strategies of the region's middle powers, which remain under-examined at present. First, it briefly traces the boundaries of this research by reviewing the contested nature of the Indo-Pacific concept and the definitional complexities of middle power theory. Second, it provides a novel comparative framework to analyse Australia, South Korea and Indonesia as the region's major middle powers, exploring their goals and strategies. The framework consists of: 1) middle power categorization; 2) interconnectedness with the two superpowers; 3) vision for the Indo-Pacific; 4) resulting regional posture; and 5) capacity to implement the country's goals. Third, it assesses the ensuing implications of this analysis for the region's strategic landscape. It finds that Canberra is now firmly aligned with Washington in balancing against China, as epitomized by the Quad and AUKUS; Seoul is cautiously increasing cooperation with the US, though potentially only to protract its strategic ambiguity; and Jakarta is pursuing strategic autonomy for itself and ASEAN, with the ambitious but precarious goal of creating a ‘third way’ for the Indo-Pacific. Consequently, middle powers seem unlikely to provide an alternative platform for the region's direction in the near future, due to a number of internal divisions. By shedding light on such understudied aspects, this article addresses a gap in the scholarly literature and provides a novel contribution to the understanding of both the diverse roles of middle powers and the Indo-Pacific's evolving strategic landscape.

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Stevens, Christine A. "The Illusion of Social Inclusion: Cambodian Youth in South Australia." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.59.

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As a result of the turmoil in Cambodia during the 1970s, traditional Cambodian society was fundamentally altered: Cambodians were uprooted, and after the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, thousands fled to camps on the Thai-Cambodian border, where many sought and were selected for resettlement in other countries. Approximately 12,000 Cambodians were accepted for resettlement in Australia as refugees in the period 1975-85, with approximately 2,500 settling in South Australia. The emigrants to South Australia were youthful, with 51% of all arrivals in the period 1979-85 aged 19 years or less (Stevens). Since this period when refugees first arrived in Australia from Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, the social adaptation of refugee youth has been little researched. Generally, young people have been but one of the age groups included in large-scale surveys or in-depth studies, such as those by Wendy Poussard, Nancy Viviani, and others, that focused on the early stages of resettlement. The research that has focused on refugee youth has concentrated on educational achievement (Spearritt and Colman; Kelly and Bennoun; Chan; Mundy) or mental health status and adjustment (Krupinski and Burrows). At a time of ongoing debate about the size and nature of the immigrant intake, and concern that the resulting cultural diversity may foster ethnic conflicts and endanger social cohesion, this lack of research on the social aspects of the settlement process young refugees from Southeast Asia undertake is a significant omission.

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Berrada, Taïeb. "Homosexualité, Islam et désacralisation du pouvoir royal dans Le jour du Roi d'Abdellah Taïa." Dalhousie French Studies, no. 117 (March 29, 2021): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1076097ar.

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In his novel Le jour du Roi Abdellah Taïa explores the theme of alterity in its relation to two political and symbolic forces: expressing one’s self in the language of the Other and narrating homo-erotic and homosexual relationships in Morocco under the dictatorship of Hassan II. It is the translation of these two aspects that leads to the creation of a new narrative about homosexual Franco-Moroccan identity. This narrative, in turn, reveals the instability of a model of identification subjected to a normalizing sexual apparatus controlling bodies and minds in a place where homosexuality is still punishable by law. This renders the identification process for the two main characters of the novel particularly problematic as they can no longer sustain it without going back to the sources of foundational myths and more particularly to the original murder in Islam. This article argues that the killing of one character by the other goes back to the original murder of Abel by Cain, a model which becomes emancipated from the Western Oedipal complex, translating a new conception of a love relation between two male characters. By so doing, it calls for a reevaluation of the normativity imposed by the king who is using his power based on a patriarchal interpretation of religious legitimacy in view of political gain.

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Tufail, Waqas, and Scott Poynting. "A Common ‘Outlawness’: Criminalisation of Muslim Minorities in the UK and Australia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 2, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v2i3.125.

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Since mass immigration recruitments of the post-war period, ‘othered’ immigrants to both the UK and Australia have faced ‘mainstream’ cultural expectations to assimilate, and various forms of state management of their integration. Perceived failure or refusal to integrate has historically been constructed as deviant, though in certain policy phases this tendency has been mitigated by cultural pluralism and official multiculturalism. At critical times, hegemonic racialisation of immigrant minorities has entailed their criminalisation, especially that of their young men. In the UK following the ‘Rushdie Affair’ of 1989, and in both Britain and Australia following these states’ involvement in the 1990-91 Gulf War, the ‘Muslim Other’ was increasingly targeted in cycles of racialised moral panic. This has intensified dramatically since the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the ensuing ‘War on Terror’. The young men of Muslim immigrant communities in both these nations have, over the subsequent period, been the subject of heightened popular and state Islamophobia in relation to: perceived ‘ethnic gangs’; alleged deviant, predatory masculinity including so-called ‘ethnic gang rape’; and paranoia about Islamist ‘radicalisation’ and its supposed bolstering of terrorism. In this context, the earlier, more genuinely social-democratic and egalitarian, aspects of state approaches to ‘integration’ have been supplanted, briefly glossed by a rhetoric of ‘social inclusion’, by reversion to increasingly oppressive assimilationist and socially controlling forms of integrationism. This article presents some preliminary findings from fieldwork in Greater Manchester over 2012, showing how mainly British-born Muslims of immigrant background have experienced these processes.

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Siriwardana, Mahinda, and Jinmei Yang. "GTAP Model Analysis of the Economic Effects of an Australia–China FTA: Welfare and Sectoral Aspects." Global Economic Review 37, no. 3 (September 2008): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080802273315.

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Mundy, Trish, and Nan Seuffert. "Integrated domestic violence services: A case study in police/NGO co-location." Alternative Law Journal 46, no. 1 (January 27, 2021): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x20984598.

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Australia’s National Plan to Reduce Violence against Women and their Children, launched in 2010, has emphasised the need for integrated responses across government agencies, specialist domestic and family violence services and the justice system. This article presents an evaluation of an integrated, community-based domestic and family violence response service that uses a rare model of co-location in a police station, and assesses its suitability as a model service for the future. The evaluation reveals that there are many positive aspects of such co-location and the authors argue that this model should be more widely trialled in Australia.

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Bourova, Evgenia, Ian Ramsay, and Paul Ali. "‘It’s easy to say “don’t sign anything”’: Debt problems among recent migrants from a non-English-speaking background." Alternative Law Journal 44, no. 2 (January 10, 2019): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x18817875.

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Legal protections are in place to allow Australians in financial hardship to avoid negative credit ratings and bankruptcy by negotiating alternative payment arrangements with creditors. This article draws upon focus groups with consumer advocates to investigate whether these protections are meeting the needs of recent migrants from a non-English-speaking background. The authors argue that recent migrants receive inadequate support with the financial aspects of settlement in Australia, creating barriers to the resolution of debt problems. They recommend measures that could reduce the vulnerability of recent migrants in consumer transactions and assist them to resolve debt problems before they escalate.

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Fernando, Michelle. "Children’s Objections in Hague Child Abduction Convention Proceedings in Australia and the “Strength of Feeling” Requirement." International Journal of Children’s Rights 30, no. 3 (August 22, 2022): 729–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-30030010.

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Abstract The Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction creates an exception to the mandatory return of abducted children if the child objects to being returned to their country of habitual residence and has attained an age and degree of maturity at which it is appropriate to take account of their views. The Australian regulations also require that the child’s objection demonstrates a ‘strength of feeling beyond the mere expression of a preference or of ordinary wishes.’ This article examines this unique requirement and how it has been approached by the Family Court. It finds that many Australian judges treat the “strength of feeling” requirement as an additional hurdle that children must overcome before their objection can be taken into account. This approach is contrary to Australia’s international obligations under the Convention. A less restrictive approach, which some other judges follow, is recommended to ensure that the Convention’s primary objective of protecting children is met.

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Thomas, Rhiannon, Russell Deighton, Masashi Mizuno, and Sosei Yamaguchi and Chiyo Fujii. "Shame and self-conscious emotions in Japan and Australia: Evidence for a third shame logic." Culture & Psychology 26, no. 3 (June 3, 2019): 622–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x19851024.

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Few studies have examined the more nuanced experiential facets of self-conscious emotion from a cross-cultural perspective. The present study’s aim was to investigate shame and embarrassment experiences in relation to shame logics (or appraisals), shame antecedents and intensity across cultures in Australia and Japan, drawing on Fessler’s Dual Logics Model of Shame ( Fessler, 2004 ), and applying a new instrument (The Self-Conscious Emotion Questionnaire). There were 157 participants from two cultures, Japan (75) and Australia (82) who completed both paper-based and web-based questionnaires. Previous findings showing a higher experienced shame intensity found in Japan were corroborated across all shame and embarrassment logics. While the logic of ‘norm non-conformity’ was the strongest logic in both cultures, the logic of ‘status lowness’ was prominent in Japan but not Australia, and the novel logic of ‘broken positive assumptions about the self’ was prominent in both cultures. Shame in Japan appeared to be stronger with an introspective ‘eyes of self’ but explicitly described trigger, whereas in Australia, it was more publicly ‘eyes of other’ and implicitly induced counter to some expectations. Findings support the Self-Conscious Emotion Questionnaire as an instrument for exploring nuanced aspects of self-conscious emotion in cross-cultural research and lend support to a novel third logic of ‘broken positive assumptions about the self’ in both Australian and Japanese samples.

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Shanahan, Mairead. "‘An Unstoppable Force for Good’?: How Neoliberal Governance Facilitated the Growth of Australian Suburban-Based Pentecostal Megachurches." Religions 10, no. 11 (November 3, 2019): 608. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10110608.

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Hillsong Church has received significant scholarly attention, which has observed the church’s rapid local and global growth. Several other Australian-based Pentecostal churches demonstrate a similar growth trajectory to Hillsong Church, namely: C3 Church, Citipointe Church, Planetshakers, and Influencers Church. To further scholarly understanding of aspects of this rapid growth, this paper discusses the emergence of economic rationalist policies which led to the neoliberal governance context in Australia. The paper argues that the emergence of this policy context, which emphasises marketization and privatisation, provided opportunities for suburban-based Pentecostal churches to expand activities beyond conducting worship services. The paper analyses materials produced by Hillsong Church, C3 Church, Citipointe Church, Planetshakers, and Influencers Church and associated educational, charity, and financial organisations. Through this analysis, the paper finds that the emergence of a neoliberal governance context in Australia provided opportunities for these churches to expand activities beyond traditional worship ceremonies to include additional activities such as running schools, Bible colleges, community care organisations, charity ventures, and financial institutions. The paper shows how economic rationalism and neoliberalism assisted in providing a context within which Australian-based suburban Pentecostal churches were able to take opportunities to grow aspects of church organisation, which helped to develop a global megachurch status. In this way, these churches took up opportunities that changes in political circumstances in Australia provided, developing a theology of growth actualised in expanding church-branded activities around the globe.

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Stevenson, Hayley. "Creating a Climate of Convenience: Australia's Response to Global Climate Change (1996–2007)." Energy & Environment 19, no. 1 (January 2008): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/095830508783563091.

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This article discusses how issue framing and nondecision-making shaped Australia's response to global climate change between 1996 and 2007. The complex and multi-dimensional nature of global climate change enabled state and non-state actors to selectively highlight certain aspects of the issue, thereby framing it as a specific problem with corresponding solutions. The case of Australia provides an interesting example of how such conscious framing, together with underlying institutional biases, may suppress important aspects of global climate change and ensure they are kept off the political agenda. This article unravels four narratives that are evident in the former Australian Government's framing of global climate change during this period. The nondecisions which are embedded within these narratives have important normative implications which will be explored.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Homosexuality – Political aspects – Australia'

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