Journal articles on the topic 'Homeless'

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1

Sahlin, Ingrid. "Who’s Homeless and Whose Homeless?" Social Inclusion 8, no. 3 (July 31, 2020): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i3.2818.

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What does the persistent construction of ‘the homeless’ and the revitalised term ‘our homeless’ include, imply, and exclude in Swedish political debate? And how is it politically and morally related to other houseless groups in the country? These questions are approached through an analysis of minutes from the Swedish Parliament 2015–2019. Inspired by Simmel’s (1908/1965) definition of ‘the poor’ as those who get (or would get) public assistance as poor, I claim that in Swedish political discourse, ‘(our) homeless’ comprise only those to whom the society acknowledges a responsibility to give shelter, thereby excluding the tens of thousands of people without homes that are temporarily accommodated by other authorities, private providers or individuals—or not at all. Although official definitions are housing-related, migrants without homes tend to be defined outside the ‘homeless’ concept, as well as from the municipalities’ responsibilities. I will argue that the reasons for this are institutional: regulations and their interpretation, coupled with traditions to care for only ‘our’ people which, in turn, are fortified by current nationalist sentiments.
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2

RONCARATI, JILL. "Homeless, housed, and homeless again." Journal of the American Academy of Physician Assistants 21, no. 6 (June 2008): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01720610-200806000-00090.

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3

Davidoff, Frank. "Homeless." Annals of Internal Medicine 145, no. 1 (July 4, 2006): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-145-1-200607040-00014.

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4

Crasnaru, Daniela, and Adam J. Sorkin. "Homeless." Women's Review of Books 16, no. 7 (April 1999): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4023177.

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5

Pereira, Edimilson de Almeida. "Homeless." Callaloo 30, no. 2 (2007): 449–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2007.0178.

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6

Pereira, Edimilson de Almeida, and Steven F. White. "Homeless." Callaloo 30, no. 2 (2007): 460–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2007.0185.

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7

Kelly, C. F. "Homeless." Social Thought 21, no. 2 (January 2002): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15426432.2002.9960318.

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8

Blum, Alan. "Homeless." Canadian Medical Association Journal 191, no. 22 (June 2, 2019): E624. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.190403.

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9

Quigley, John M., Steven Raphael, and Eugene Smolensky. "Homeless in America, Homeless in California." Review of Economics and Statistics 83, no. 1 (February 2001): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003465301750160027.

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10

O'Neill, Bruce. "Cast Aside: Boredom, Downward Mobility, and Homelessness in Post-Communist Bucharest." Cultural Anthropology 29, no. 1 (February 3, 2014): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca29.1.03.

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The homeless, in post-Communist Bucharest, Romania, are bored. They describe themselves as bored all of the time. Drawing upon nearly three years of ethnographic fieldwork that moves between Bucharest’s homeless shelters and squatter camps, day centers and public parks, this article approaches the homeless’s boredom as an everyday affect structured by the politics of consumption in post-communist Bucharest. At the center of this study sits not simply the inability to consume but also the feeling of being cast aside, of being downwardly mobile in a neoliberal era of supposed ascent. In an increasingly consumer-driven society, boredom, I argue, is an affective state that registers within the modality of time the newly homeless’s expulsion to the margins of the city. In this sense, boredom is a persistent form of social suffering made possible by a crisis-generated shift in the global economy, one that has forced tens of millions of people the world over to come to terms with diminished economic capacities.
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11

Phillips, John R. "Homeless Nurses and Feeling Homeless in Nursing." Nursing Science Quarterly 8, no. 2 (June 1995): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089431849500800203.

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12

Almquist, Zack W. "Large-scale spatial network models: An application to modeling information diffusion through the homeless population of San Francisco." Environment and Planning B: Urban Analytics and City Science 47, no. 3 (July 12, 2018): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399808318785375.

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To address the effects of increasing homeless populations, planners must understand the size and distribution of their homeless populations, as well as how information and resources are diffused throughout homeless communities. Currently, there is limited publicly available information on the homeless population, e.g. the estimates of the homeless, gathered annually by the US Housing & Urban Development point in time survey. While it is theorized in the literature that the networks of homeless individuals provide access to important information for planners in areas such as health (e.g. needle exchanges) or access (e.g. information diffusion about the location of new shelters), it is almost never measured, and if measured, only at a very small scale. This research addresses the question of how planners can leverage publicly available data on the homeless to better understand their own homeless networks (e.g. relations among the homeless themselves) in a cost-effective and reliable way. To this end, we provide a method for simulating realistic networks of a social relation among the homeless population and perform a diffusion analysis over the resultant homeless-to-homeless networks, and also over a simulated homeless youth Facebook network. We validate the former through novel use of historical data, while the latter is based on recent work that demonstrated that the homeless youth have similar size Facebook networks and usage. We see much stronger spatial hopping and quicker diffusion over the youth network, i.e. we expect information to pass among the youth network much faster than the homeless-to-homeless network. This finding implies that non-government organizations and public health efforts that seek to provide information, goods or services to the homeless should start with the homeless youth, given the potential for faster diffusion when homeless youth are the initial transmitters. Overall, these methods and analysis provide a unique opportunity for visualizing, characterizing and inferring information for large-scale and hard to measure social networks.
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13

Sadauskas, Justinas, and Vivian Kewoh-Vainio. "Specifics of social work with young people experiencing homelessness." SHS Web of Conferences 184 (2024): 01005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202418401005.

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There were about a 4.1million homeless people in the European Union [1]. In the European Union, 20-30 per cent of homeless people are young people between the ages of 18-29 years [2]. Homelessness is a concern for policymakers and society as a whole. Recent literature on social workers’ experiences with homeless people has mainly focused on working with the general homeless population and not specifically on social work with homeless youth. A qualitative research method was used to analyze the cause and consequences of youth homelessness, and identify skills needed for social work with young homeless people and inspiration of social workers motivation to help young homeless people. Five social workers working with young homeless people from a city in Finland participated in research. The semi-structured interview data were analysed using the content analysis method. The study revealed – causes and consequences of youth homelessness; skills needed for social work with young homeless people and social workers driving force working with homeless youths.
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14

Schinka, John A., Katherine C. Leventhal, William A. Lapcevic, and Roger Casey. "Mortality and Cause of Death in Younger Homeless Veterans." Public Health Reports 133, no. 2 (February 8, 2018): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0033354918755709.

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Objectives: Increased mortality has been documented in older homeless veterans. This retrospective study examined mortality and cause of death in a cohort of young and middle-aged homeless veterans. Methods: We examined US Department of Veterans Affairs records on homelessness and health care for 2000-2003 and identified 23 898 homeless living veterans and 65 198 non-homeless living veterans aged 30-54. We used National Death Index records to determine survival status. We compared survival rates and causes of death for the 2 groups during a 10-year follow-up period. Results: A greater percentage of homeless veterans (3905/23 898, 16.3%) than non-homeless veterans (4143/65 198, 6.1%) died during the follow-up period, with a hazard ratio for risk of death of 2.9. The mean age at death (52.3 years) for homeless veterans was approximately 1 year younger than that of non-homeless veterans (53.2 years). Most deaths among homeless veterans (3431/3905, 87.9%) and non-homeless veterans (3725/4143, 89.9%) were attributed to 7 cause-of-death categories in the International Classification of Diseases, 10th Revision (cardiovascular system; neoplasm; external cause; digestive system; respiratory system; infectious disease; and endocrine, nutritional, and metabolic diseases). Death by violence was rare but was associated with a significantly higher risk among homeless veterans than among non-homeless veterans (suicide hazard ratio = 2.7; homicide hazard ratio = 7.6). Conclusions: Younger and middle-aged homeless veterans had higher mortality rates than those of their non-homeless veteran peers. Our results indicate that homelessness substantially increases mortality risk in veterans throughout the adult age range. Health assessment would be valuable for assessing the mortality risk among homeless veterans regardless of age.
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15

Sumerlin, John R. "Discriminant Analyses of Willingness to Talk with a Counselor and Most Difficult Issues in the Experience of Unsheltered Homeless Men: Self-Actualization, Loneliness, and Depression." Psychological Reports 78, no. 2 (April 1996): 659–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1996.78.2.659.

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Stepwise discriminant analyses of willingness to talk with a counselor (Wilks Lambda = .75, p <.001) and most difficult issues (Wilks Lambda = .81, p < .001) in 145 unsheltered homeless men's experience were examined using self-actualization constructs, loneliness, depression, and history-of-being-homeless variables. For example, homeless men with higher scores on loneliness, autonomy, courage, Jonah Complex, and self-acceptance were less willing to talk with a counselor. The variable, longer intervals of having a home after a first homeless episode, was associated with personal issues rather than with homeless issues. Selected participants' responses to the items, “what have you learned from your homeless experience that you could not have learned any other way” and “what would you like for me to know about your experience of homelessness,” are posted to give perspective on a homeless person's internal frame of reference. This phenomenological approach indicated strengths as well as weaknesses of homeless men. Counseling programs should embrace all homeless persons including mentally well, nondrug-dependent homeless individuals.
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16

HECHT, LAURA, and BONITA COYLE. "Elderly Homeless." American Behavioral Scientist 45, no. 1 (September 2001): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027640121957024.

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This research report compares characteristics of older homeless adults (age 55 and older) with younger homeless and examines gender differences within each age group. Data are drawn from intake interviews of 3,132 clients presenting at a local homeless center during a 3-year period. The authors find that older and younger clients differ significantly on many important characteristics, such as access to income, the duration of the current homeless episode, patterns of alcohol and substance abuse, and a history of having been in prison. There are also significant gender differences within age groups. The data suggest that pathways to homelessness among older women may be more crisis driven than those of men, whereas older men are more vulnerable to being chronically homeless than are older women. The findings highlight the necessity of considering age differences as well as gender differences among the homeless population in designing programs to reintegrate clients into stable living situations.
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17

Periyamayan, N. "An Analysis of Socio Economic Conditions of Homeless People’s in Madurai City, Tamil Nadu." Shanlax International Journal of Economics 7, no. 2 (March 15, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/economics.v7i2.320.

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Homeless people who not able to get and keep regular, safe and sound houses, or lack of fixed usual and sufficient night-time residence. The numbers of homeless peoples are increased due to the lack of adequate housing, unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood and old age etc. They are living in open areas like pavements, railway platforms, Hume pipes, under flyovers and open places near temples are described as homeless. In India, 1.77 million people are living homeless and 35 per cent of people are still earning $1 or less a day. The objectives of the study are 1) to know the socio-economic conditions of the homeless people in Madurai city, 2) to examine the factors affecting the homeless people in Madurai city and 3) To suggest viable strategies for improving their living conditions of homeless people. The study is entirely based on primary data. It deals with socio-economic conditions of homeless people, and factors influencing homelessness of homeless people in Madurai city. In the study, 100 homeless people were interviewed by using a well-structured interview schedule. The findings of the study have been identified various factors as the causes of homelessness and deprivation. Thus, the fact emerges that the homeless dwellers in the study area are socio-economically very poor and backward.
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18

Merrill, Ray M., Rickelle Richards, and Arielle Sloan. "Prenatal Maternal Stress and Physical Abuse among Homeless Women and Infant Health Outcomes in the United States." Epidemiology Research International 2011 (May 2, 2011): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2011/467265.

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Background. This study examines whether the relationship between maternal stress or abuse situations and infant birth weight differs between homeless and non-homeless women. Methods. Analyses are based on data from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS), 2002–2007. Results. Homeless women were significantly more likely to experience stressful life events, abusive situations, and poor maternal health than non-homeless women during pregnancy. Birth weight among infants of homeless women was, on average, 17.4 grams lighter than for infants of non-homeless women, after adjusting for maternal age, race, ethnicity, region, education, and marital status. The impact of maternal health, stress, and abuse variables on pregnancy and infant birth weight significantly interacted with homeless status. For example, vaginal bleeding, nausea, kidney/bladder infection, and failure to receive early prenatal care had significantly larger negative impacts on birth weight among homeless women than non-homeless women. Infant birth weight was consistently lower among homeless women, more so when maternal stress and abuse were involved, across all classifications of their prepregnancy weight. Conclusion. Stress and abusive situations among pregnant women have a negative influence on pregnancy-related conditions and infant birth weight. However, this negative influence is even more pronounced among homeless women.
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19

Epstein, Cynthia Fuchs, and Christopher Jencks. "The Homeless." Antioch Review 53, no. 1 (1995): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4613090.

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20

Mellor, Peter. "Homeless help." Nursing Standard 3, no. 16 (January 14, 1989): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.3.16.41.s70.

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21

Hayes, Audrey E. "Homeless help." Nursing Standard 3, no. 19 (February 4, 1989): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.3.19.41.s69.

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22

Hayes, Robert M. "Homeless Children." Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 37, no. 2 (1989): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1173951.

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23

Huttman, Elizabeth, and George Thorman. "Homeless Families." Contemporary Sociology 19, no. 1 (January 1990): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073480.

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24

Garfinkel, Irv, and Christopher Jencks. "The Homeless." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 5 (September 1994): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074293.

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25

Barak, Gregg, and Christopher Jencks. "The Homeless." Social Forces 73, no. 3 (March 1995): 1178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580609.

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26

Kline, Elise Navratil, and Arlyne B. Saperstein. "HOMELESS WOMEN." Nursing Clinics of North America 27, no. 4 (December 1992): 885–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0029-6465(22)02817-1.

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27

Karr, Catherine, and Susan Kline. "Homeless Children." Pediatrics In Review 25, no. 7 (July 1, 2004): 235–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/pir.25.7.235.

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28

Craw, Heather. "Homeless Memories." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 42, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/dialjmormthou.42.4.0157.

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29

Rio, Nela, and Elizabeth Gamble Miller. "Francisca, Homeless." World Literature Today 75, no. 2 (2001): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40156534.

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30

Damon, Julien, Nicolas Herpin, and Christopher Jencks. "The Homeless." Revue Française de Sociologie 36, no. 3 (July 1995): 573. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3322174.

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31

Hovnanian, Marco. "Homeless Enlightened." Revista ARA, no. 3 (October 6, 2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2525-8354.v0i3p61-71.

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Os moradores de rua são um grupo complexo e heterogêneo de pessoas que não possuem uma habitação regular. Surpreendentemente, alguns deles formam fortes conexões e colaboram entre si, compartilhando espaço, abrigo e responsabilidades. No entanto, como um grupo invisível, suas ações tornaram-se inconscientes. O presente ensaio visa identificar os modos de vida diurnos e noturnos de um grupo selecionado de homens semteto. Combinando uma técnica de câmera fotográfica para imagens noturnas com os feixes de luz produzidos pelos postes de luz e os carros circulantes, é possível ver esses homens estranhamente iluminados na escuridão. Esta luz instável e cambiante revela o ambiente obscuro e oculto desses homens, produzindo cenas surpreendentes de atividades diárias, bem como revelando os esforços para combater a dificuldade nas ruas. No final, este trabalho revela evidências de solidariedade e dignidade
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32

Couch, Jen. "Homeless Twice." Journal of Social Distress and the Homeless 21, no. 1-2 (June 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/105307812804755581.

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33

Bassuk, Ellen L. "Homeless Families." Scientific American 265, no. 6 (December 1991): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/scientificamerican1291-66.

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34

Nunez, Ralph Da Costa, and Christopher Jencks. "The Homeless." Political Science Quarterly 109, no. 5 (1994): 913. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152543.

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35

&NA;. "The Homeless." Nursing Management (Springhouse) 24, no. 7 (July 1993): 112A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006247-199307000-00017.

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36

Sweet, Michael. "Homeless Veterans." Psychiatric Services 38, no. 1 (January 1987): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/ps.38.1.78.

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37

Rosenman, Mark, and Mary Lee Stein. "Homeless Children:." Child & Youth Services 14, no. 1 (May 15, 1990): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j024v14n01_07.

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38

Stevenson, Elizabeth, and Tamila Purpuro. "Homeless people." Nursing 48, no. 6 (June 2018): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.nurse.0000531009.47966.19.

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39

Graham, Ian. "Homeless hieroglyphs." Antiquity 62, no. 234 (March 1988): 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00073609.

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Recently, more than ever, Mesoamericanists have had reason to share in the regret felt by Egyptologists at one aspect of the history of antiquities-looting in Egypt - one clearly tinged with tragic irony. For, as Brian Fagan (1975: 11, 261) and others have pointed out, attempts to remove sculpture from ancient Egyptian sites on a large scale began only in the 1820s, and that was just the period when Champollion was achieving his basic decipherment of Egyptian hieroglyphic writing. Since the coveted basrelief sculptures usually had to be prised from their settings by using chisels and crowbars, any associated hieroglyphic inscriptions tended to end up in smithereens. Champollion himself, as he travelled through Egypt seeking and transcribing texts, became appalled at the destruction, yet more than half a century would pass before collectors and museums came to recognize the damage they were causing through their purchases.
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40

Hållander, Frida. "Homeless Practices." Journal of Modern Craft 6, no. 2 (July 2013): 205–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/174967813x13703633980894.

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41

Williams, Ruth. "Homeless health." Nursing Management 22, no. 8 (November 25, 2015): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/nm.22.8.21.s24.

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42

Anderson, Sandra C., Tome Boe, and Sharon Smith. "Homeless Women." Affilia 3, no. 2 (June 1988): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088610998800300207.

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43

Bucy, June, and Nexus Nichols. "Homeless Youth." Journal of Health & Social Policy 2, no. 4 (September 17, 1991): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j045v02n04_06.

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44

TALBOTT, JOHN A. "The Homeless." American Journal of Psychiatry 152, no. 11 (November 1995): 1687. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/ajp.152.11.1687.

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45

Abdul-Hamid, W., and C. Cooney. "The homeless." Postgraduate Medical Journal 72, no. 853 (November 1, 1996): 667–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/pgmj.72.853.667.

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46

Wright, James D. "Homeless Children." American Journal of Diseases of Children 147, no. 5 (May 1, 1993): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archpedi.1993.02160290024010.

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47

Hickey, T. J. "The homeless." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 263, no. 6 (February 9, 1990): 810a—810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.263.6.810a.

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48

Hickey, Thomas J. "The Homeless." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 263, no. 6 (February 9, 1990): 810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1990.03440060050015.

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49

Fréchette, Guillaume. "Homeless Objects." Grazer Philosophische Studien 100, no. 1-2 (May 26, 2023): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756735-00000184.

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Abstract In this article, I shed some light on Meinong’s motivations for the theory of objects. I argue that one of its basic principles, the principle of indifference, is driven by an intuition common to many Austrian philosophers, which is that something must first be somehow pre-given in order to simply address the issue of its being or non-being. Meinong’s way of spelling out this intuition, I suggest, is to show that there are homeless objects, that is, objects that are not dealt with by any of the existing sciences. Therefore, the indispensability of the theory of objects lies in the plausibility of the thesis that there are such homeless objects. I analyse and evaluate two Meinongian arguments supporting this thesis, I explain how Meinong came to believe that they support the indispensability of the theory of objects, and I stress some advantages of this account over Brentano’s intentionality thesis.
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50

Menke, Edna M., and Janet D. Wagner. "A Comparative Study of Homeless, Previously Homeless, and Never Homeless School-Aged Children's Health." Issues in Comprehensive Pediatric Nursing 20, no. 3 (January 1997): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/01460869709028260.

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