Journal articles on the topic 'Holiday colonie'

Thousands of summer colonies were created for youth in Fascist Italy (1922–1943). Most were temporary structures set up to assist children only during the daytime; dozens became the concrete symbol of the totalitarian project undertaken by Fascism to shape “new Italians” starting from childhood. Actually the colonies promoted by the organizations of the regime, state agencies and industrial companies, due to a lack of precise “models” of reference for the architects involved, present a highly varied expressive panorama, reflecting the complexity of the architectural debate in those years and the difficulties that faced any truly modern approach to architecture.

The problems of functioning of carnival traditions in the countries of Western Europe are examined in the given article. The ancient holidays of Dionysius and Saturnalia are the genetic ancestors, these were the periods when golden age seemed to be approaching the earth – the kingdom of universal equality and freedom. The carnival became a mass folk holiday with street processions, games, and theatrical performances in masks in the Middle Ages due to the development of European self-governing cities and the formation of the bourgeois class. Carnival theory is a field of active scientific discussion. While criticizing the vulnerable aspects of the carnival concept of M. Bakhtin, a representative of the international scientific community, they recognize the priority of the component structure of the public square laughter culture revealed by him. Inversion is the main idea of carnival illustrates change of the age, gender, social status of the participants of the festive event. One might receive a comprehensive knowledge of the international fund of carnival forms while analyzing its national variants. Taking this into account, the researcher might reveal the genesis and historical transformation of the most popular European carnivals, which are regularly performed in such cities as Venice, Cologne, Bensch, London. The European Carnival is the antithesis of a totalitarian holiday, which is characterized by excessive seriousness, false pathos, a stereotypical set of ideological slogans and clichйs. The experience of organizing carnival entertainment is interesting as an example of democratic festive communication, a bright artistic and aesthetic phenomenon, an example of successful self-organization of local communities.

SummaryBirth records of Hutterite colonies were examined for the presence of seasonal variation in conception rate. Month of conception was inferred by counting back 9 months from date of birth. Over 4300 births, occurring between 1758 and 1964 and spanning the years that the colonies inhabited the Ukraine and then migrated to the United States and Canada, were included in the analysis. When combined, the European and North American births showed a seasonal pattern with a general rise in conceptions from December to June followed by a decline in conceptions from July to November. The major peaks in conceptions were in April and June, with a minor peak in December. Separate examination of the European and American records revealed a secular change. The seasonality of North American conceptions was dramatically reduced when compared to the very distinct European seasonal pattern. It is assumed that both biological and cultural factors are responsible for the seasonal variation observed. The influences of light cycle, date of marriage, and work and holiday schedules on conception rates are discussed.

Four thousand miles of ocean divided the plantation colonies of the first British Empire from the English metropole, a great physical distance that was augmented by the cultural divergence that divided those slave societies from England. Colonists in Barbados, Jamaica, and South Carolina thus made the re-creation of English ritual ways central to their ordering of the colonial experience. In particular, the preservation of the English liturgical year and its ritual enactment offered opportunities to connect colonial experience to metropolitan ideal. Confronted with seasons and crops that did not square meteorologically with English experience, colonists sought the comfort of maintaining English calendrical norms as much as possible. Within parish boundaries, colonists built churches in which the parish community could gather for the carefully scheduled, well-ordered worship of the English national church. The English Sabbath was central to the passage of time in weekly units, a day set apart for the church's liturgy, rest from labor, and social gatherings. The great and minor festivals of the Christian year and the daily office offered similar opportunities for Christian teaching and social fellowship, just as the celebration of state holidays connected these distant outposts of the empire to the Protestant national narrative that held an increasingly British people together. These ways of ordering time lent meaning to days that otherwise slipped by amid the routines of agricultural, commercial, and domestic life.

The article presents an analysis of the colonial exhibition of 1931 in the context of the metamorphosis of the colonial idea in France. After the First World War, the difficulties in managing the colonies were increasingly felt in France. The French political class hoped to give new vitality to the national consciousness, which was threatened by various social-revolutionary and anti-colonial movements, through the reform of colonial policy. The colonial exhibition of 1931 became the apogee of imperial propaganda in the metropolis and a symbol of unity between the Third Republic with its colonies. Its success was associated with the extent to which the colonial idea penetrated French society and with the stabilization of the mother country's relations with her colonies between the two world wars. The colonial discourse of the 1931 exhibition was an apology for republican centrism expressed through the firm positioning of racial superiority, the demonstration of the validity of the ideals of progress inevitably brought about by colonization, and the dominance of French values. The author demonstrates that the new political situation that developed after the Great War contributed to the achievement of colonial consolidation, on the part of the majority of parties and, mainly, through the deployment of the state propaganda machine. The colonies and the colonial question marked the outlines, the brushstrokes, as it were, of a national union. This union between the national and the colonial, the nation and the empire, was twofold. Between the two world wars, national and colonial issues became logically interlinked and interdependent. The author concludes that the 1931 exhibition propagated the idea of the imperial order through the display and presentation of idealized indigenous cultures represented by a variety of artifacts, fine arts, and architecture. The 1931 exhibition became a general imperial holiday, and was intended to serve the unity between the imperial centre and the colonies. It became an important tool of imperial construction, a fairly effective means of broadcasting the official imperial ideology, and a metaphor for the colonial republic, which embodied the cultural, social, and mental characteristics of the imperial nation; its hidden meaning was directed against the growing ideas of colonial nationalism and resistance.

Beginning in 1850, colonies of recreational villas for the upper and upper-middle classes of Prague entrepreneurs and the intellectual elite began springing up in countryside outside of Prague in a radius of 30 kilometres. They were usually established in an agricultural landscape, in river and creek valleys, surrounded by forested hills. The condition was to have a direct rail commute from Prague. As a rule, the establishment of villa colonies was preceded by the stays of Prague denizens in summer flats run by the local farmers or in the local hotels and guesthouses. The actual establishment of the recreational colony was often a business venture of the locals or of Prague entrepreneurs. The recreational villa colony in Senohraby, located on the Emperor Franz Josef Railway near the confluence of Mnichovka Creek and Sázava River, was established as one of the last colonies around Prague by a group of four local as well as Prague developers and constructors in 1895. In 1918, a turn of events in the developments of elite villa colonies for the upper classes of Prague occurred when the Austro-Hungarian Empire fell, or when the independent Czechoslovak Republic was established, respectively. The forests in the proximity of the confluence of the Mnichovka and the Sázava were first overtaken by “tramps” (from the so-called tramping movement) hailing from the lower classes of Prague, and later by conformist recreation-seekers from the middle and lower classes. Despite of being conformist, many such recreation-seekers stylised their abodes-cabins to evoke the non-conformist manner typical for tramping holidays. During World War II, German occupants took over the resort in Senohraby.

On Thursday 19th of July 2012, just prior to the parliamentary summer holidays, the Deutscher Bundestag (German Parliament) passed a resolution based on a rather irritating motivation. The parliament intended to guarantee that “Jewish and Muslim religious life will be further possible in Germany.” The resolution itself consisted in only one sentence: The German Government is requested to provide until fall 2012 – in due consideration of the constitutionally protected legal positions of the well-being of the child, the right to bodily integrity, the right to religious freedom and the parental rights in education – draft legislation in order to safeguard that professionally performed male circumcision, without unnecessary pain, is generally lawful under German law. What had happened to provoke such extraordinary political action in defense of religious freedom? The resolution responds directly to a decision of the Landgericht (Court of Appeal) Cologne from 7 May 2012 which declared that male circumcision in children amounts to criminal battery, even if performed lege artis and with the consent of the parents unless there is a medical indication for the procedure. In doing so, the court followed a restrictive position within the German criminal law literature that has been advocating the criminalization of male

Modern conditions in which a person lives are characterized by thoughtless consumption of natural resources, worsening the state of the environment and human health, due to the established lifestyle, needs and behavior. In order not to make environmental mistakes, not to create situations that are dangerous for health and life, a modern person should have basic ecological knowledge and a new ecological type of thinking and have a high level of ecological culture. This can be achieved only by education. Environmental education is closely related to social education, education, enlightenment, training, self-education and is aimed at developing environmental responsibility and personal qualities such as self-control, the ability to predict the immediate and distant results of their actions in the natural environment, a critical attitude towards themselves and others. Formation of environmental values of convicts in places of detention becomes one of the areas of educational work, aimed to develop responsibility for the world, instill an interest in the knowledge of nature and its interaction with society, to realize the need to protect it. The main components of the personality’s ecological culture are: human knowledge about nature, its correlations, correlations of society and nature, ways of preserving and helping the natural environment; interest in nature and the problem of its protection; positive diverse activities aimed at the preservation and multiplication of nature, decent behavior in the human environment; motifs that determine actions of children in nature (cognitive, sanitary and hygienic, aesthetic, etc.). Formation of environmental values in convicts is possible in the process of purposefully organized, resocializing, educational activities in the classroom on natural cycle subjects in secondary school, participation in thematic evenings, interactive environmental events, watching and discussing documentaries on environmental issues, visiting virtual environmental excursions, reading books and magazines about nature, preparing for holidays and participating in them as well as growing flowers , shrubs, work in the garden. At present a positive experience has been gained in the environmental education of convicted prisoners. The article describes the experience of increasing the level of environmental development in convicted correctional colonies of the Vologda, Omsk, and Sverdlovsk regions. Inclusion of convicts in various types of environmental activities will contribute to expanding their horizons, raising the general cultural level, developing cognitive and creative abilities.

Abstract Background: Overactivation of the Cyclin-CDK-RB axis related to uncontrolled cell proliferation is one of the innate characteristics of HR+/HER2- breast cancer. CDK4/6 inhibitors combined with endocrine therapy have become the standard-of-care for patients with HR+/HER2- breast cancer. Although this regime is highly successful in clinics, the acquired resistance to CDK4/6 inhibitors has emerged. Identifying druggable resistance mechanism for CDK4/6 inhibitors is an unmet need. Aim: To study the convergent mechanisms of early adaptation of acquired resistance to CDK4/6 inhibitors, we have developed two resistant cell lines using both pulse (Holiday ‘H’) and continual selection ‘R’ methods and characterized their response to drugs as compared to parental ‘P’ cells. Results: Proliferation assays demonstrate a 50 percent reduction in proliferation at 1.5 μM ribociclib in the P cells compared to a 17 percent reduction in R cells. In cell cycle analysis, R cells have an initial decrease in the “S” phase and increase their “G1” following 1 μM ribociclib treatment, similar to P cells up to 24 hours. However, by 48 and through 72 hours, R Cells recover and cycle similarly to the control-treated cells. In contrast, the P cells demonstrate a lasting G1 increase in ribociclib treated cells, leading to apoptosis induction with ribociclib + fulvestrant treatment at 48 and 72 hours. Apoptosis data indicate that R cells treated with ribociclib and fulvestrant or in triplet combination with copanlisib (PI3K alpha/delta inhibitor) are more resistant to treatment than P cells, in which a robust increase in apoptosis is seen. 3D matrigel-based clonogenic assay was performed for 15 days in P, H, and R cells to show the ineffectiveness of ribociclib to block the growth of colonies in R as compared to P cells. Western blot analysis demonstrated RB phosphorylation was abrogated in R cells compared to P cells. The H cells have an intermediary state of resistance as compared to R cells. pMEK, pERK, and pP90RSK were significantly upregulated in R cells compared to P cells. Copanlisib was found to block the AKT and S6RP signal in all three P, H, and R cells. Conclusion: R cells bear a characteristic signature of alterations in cell signaling involving the PI3K-AKT and RAS-MAPK pathways in response to ribociclib. Compared to P cells, R cells showed significant activation of the RAS-MAPK pathway, while the PI3K-AKT pathway was not altered. Network rewiring of the adaptive resistance using these pair of cell lines will provide an opportunity to study early adaptive response to ribociclib towards understanding and evolving combating strategies in BC following the emergence of resistance to ribociclib. Sequencing genomic alterations in the resistant cell lines are being carried out, and will be presented at the conference. Citation Format: Jennifer Carlson Aske, Pradip De, Nandini Dey. Preclinical model of Ribociclib resistance in HR-positive breast cancer [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2022; 2022 Apr 8-13. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(12_Suppl):Abstract nr 2317.

The article demonstrates the peculiarities of the artistic sculpture of the Virgin Mary in the sculpture of the late XIX-first half of the XX century. The main positions of the restoration program and the course of its implementation are revealed. The plastic nature of the folds and compositional principles suggest that the sculptor worked in the mid-XIX - early XX centuries. The textural and petrographic properties of the stone are the basis for the assumption that the author worked in the village of Demnya because the complex of the church of St. Nicholas and the one analyzed in the article have many similarities. Comparing some of the sculptures of famous authors of the late Baroque and Classicism, we can identify fundamental similarities: portrait features, execution of tears, and the nature of the image of the lips, feet and hands. In the sculpture of the Mother of God from the village of Dobryany, Horodok district, the influence of the works of Peter Viitovych, Leonardo Marconi, Vuytsyk, Plishevsky and Soltys is noticeable. The works of these authors are characterized by realism, careful expression of the anatomy of the human body, true depiction of movement and clear composition. Before the restoration work began, the white stone sculpture was in poor condition. Below the figure, on a memorial plaque, it is written that masters from the village of Demnya restored it in 2000. 5 layers of whitewash were found on the sculpture. The sculpture in the village was whitewashed with lime in honour of holidays and solemn events. Initially, the figure was not covered with paint. The figure of the Virgin was divided into two parts. The lower bullet with the snake and the feet was broken off from the rest of the body. These parts were previously fastened to an anchor made of black iron and cement. Anchor slashed hard and spread the stone. As a result, the folds of the dress and previous masterpieces were peeled off at the bottom. After a thorough examination, non-professional fastening of the folded arms was revealed. There were inaccurate traces of cement additions and cracks in the places of glueing. A profiled base was also glued to the ball on a dense layer of cement. In general, due to the colonies of bio-growers and large areas of whitewash, the work lost its aesthetic appeal and symbolic content. The first stage of restoration consisted of the layer-by-layer sounding of limestone. After opening the limestone, the object was dry cleaned. Dry cleaning was done with scalpels, nylon brushes, and small brass and steel brushes, not durable places were tapped with a chisel in order not to damage the original surface of the stone. When the lime filler was poorly removed, the method of wet cleaning was used, a detergent solution dissolved the lime filler. The detergent solution was applied with a flute brush and the fluffy surface was cleaned with a nylon brush. The detergent solution is made for better penetration of surfactants into the pores - soap softens the surface of the water, which helps to dissolve the dirt in the pores of the stone. Subsequently, the stage of structural strengthening of the stone was performed. To achieve this goal, the organosilicon hardener Remmers KSE 300 was used. The solution was applied with a brush. To crystallize the organosilicon hardener a technological break was taken for two weeks, moving on to the stage of glueing parts. Bonding of elements took place with the help of epoxy glue from TENAX. Before applying the glue, the elements were coated with a 3% alcohol solution of polymer "Paraloid B72". The upper and lower parts of the sculpture were attached to epoxy resin and two stainless steel rods. The lost fragments of the folds of the Virgin's clothing were made of fibreglass reinforcement attached to the holes of the stone with epoxy glue. After completing the stage of glueing the sculpture, the addition of lost elements was performed. A mineral carbonate solution was used. After a two-week technological break, the stage of toning the supplemented parts began in order to achieve organic homogeneity of the figure. The next step is to cover the stone with a long-acting biocidal solution. At the end of the restoration, the work should be covered with lime water to even out the overall tone of the sculpture. The sculptural composition of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary from the village of Dobryany, Horodok district, is of great artistic and historical value. During the restoration of the sculpture the compatible materials were used as well as generally accepted and original restoration tools, which will allow the exhibition of the work of art in an authentic place near the chapel., After returning the work to its holders, it is recommended to exhibit it under an architectural cover to prevent the aggressive effects of precipitation and the negative changes in temperature and humidity in autumn-winter.

The El Rodadero, 5-6 km southwest of Santa Marta, was a lonely sand beach up to 1960 with dispersed fishing huts. From 1965 it developed more and more to the seasonally prefered bathing place of Colombia on the Caribbean Sea. Both, the Colombian press and the public opinion regard the Rodadero as "centro turístico de Colombia" or "la perla del Caribe"; it is compared with the international luxury beach towns in the circum-caribbean region (Acapulco, Miami etc.). - As there exist however strict arguments against this statement, a socio-economic study was carried out about he Rodadero in 1969/70. As a result the following characterization is possible: a constructionally unorganic, periodically frequented bathing-(vacation~)place (max. 3 months/ year: middle of December up to the end of January, the Easter week, 4 to 5 weeks in June/July according to the main school holidays) of national importance as well as of a certain value to the weekend holidays-traffic coming from the region of Barranquilla. Apartment houses with vacation flats belonging to rich Colombians are clearly dominating compared with hotels, motels etc. On the whole the infrastructure is not sufficient, especially the public supply (drinking-water, sewage, electricity etc.).

In the grand narrative of Honolulu as the gateway to the Land of Aloha, Honolulu metaphorically negotiates a position that mediates the contrasts between a typical socio-economic, urban reality and touristic myths of pastoral excoticism. Drawing on the critical works of postcolonial scholar Edward Said in conjunction with theories on semiotics and tourism, the article posits that two main factors contribute to reinforce and repeat the (neo)-colonial paradigm’s persistence in the grand narrative on Hawaii – namely aloha and nostalgia. Aloha functions conceptually as a unifying, pacifying force amongst the local population, while it defines the tourist gaze on Hawaii as a welcoming and politically uncomplicated holiday destination. Nostalgia, on the other hand, is the ideological interpretation of the past based on utopian desires in the present. Conjoined, aloha and nostalgia favor the tourist gaze and continue the hegemonic processes that colonize the minds of tourists and locals alike.

Статья подготовлена на основе использования нормативных правовых актов и архивных документов различных исправительно-трудовых лагерей, указанных в сносках, что позволяет судить о территориальных рамках источников. Исследуется генезис становления и развития практики стимулирования правопослушного поведения осужденных посредством норм, не изменяющих их правовое положение в период отбывания уголовного наказания в виде лишения свободы на различных этапах функционирования исправительно-трудовой (уголовно-исполнительной) системы. На основе изученных документов можно сделать вывод, что в основу дифференциации поощрительных норм, распространявшихся на осужденных, положены следующие критерии: 1) поощрения, не изменяющие условия отбывания уголовного наказания в виде лишения свободы; 2) поощрения, изменяющие условия содержания осужденных. Из ранее применявшихся мер поощрений в современном уголовно-исполнительном законодательстве используются следующие: объявление благодарности с занесением в личное дело, материальное поощрение, право на дополнительную посылку, передачу и др. Среди других мер поощрения можно выделить увеличение времени ежедневной прогулки до двух часов для осужденных, содержащихся в строгих условиях отбывания наказания в колониях и тюрьмах. Также законодатель предусмотрел возможность проводить праздничные и выходные дни за пределами учреждения для осужденных, содержащихся в колониях-поселениях.The article is prepared on the basis of the use of normative legal acts and archival documents of various correctional labor camps mentioned in the footnotes, which allows to judge the territorial scope of the sources. The Genesis of formation and development of practice of stimulation of law-abiding behavior of condemned by means of the norms which are not changing their legal position during serving of criminal punishment in the form of imprisonment at various stages of functioning of correctional labor (criminal Executive) system is investigated. On the basis of the studied documents, it can be concluded that the basis for the differentiation of incentive norms that apply to convicts are the following criteria: 1) incentives that do not change the conditions of serving a criminal sentence in the form of imprisonment; 2) incentives that change the conditions of detention of convicts. Of the previously applied measures of incentives in the modern penal legislation the following are used: the announcement of gratitude with entering in personal time, material encouragement, the right to an additional parcel, transfer, etc. Among other measures of encouragement it is possible to allocate increase in time of daily walk to two hours for condemned detainees in strict conditions of serving of punishment in colonies and prisons. Also, the legislator provided the opportunity to spend holidays and weekends outside the institution for convicts held in colonies-settlements.

Abstract Background Keratitis due to by filamentous fungi are not easy to diagnose thus causing a delay in correct therapy. There are many descriptions of keratitis due to Candida, Fusarium and Aspergillus genera. Subramaniula genus has only recently been reported to cause human infections and there are few descriptions of eye infections due to this filamentous fungus. Diagnosis of fungal keratitis is usually based on microscopic and cultural techniques of samples obtained by corneal swabbing or scraping. Considering the amount of time required to obtain culture results it is wise to use other diagnostic methods, such as molecular analyses. Therapeutic options against these fungi are limited by low tissue penetration in the eye due to ocular barriers. We describe the first case of S. asteroides human keratitis treated with isavuconazole. Case presentation We describe a rare case of fungal keratitis unresponsive to antimicrobial treatment in a 65-year-old male patient without a history of diabetes or immunological diseases. He reported that the onset of symptoms occurred during a long holiday in Cape Verde Island. Initial treatment with topical antibiotics associated to steroids were ineffective, allowing a slow clinical progression of disease to corneal perforation. On admission in our Hospital, slit-lamp examination of the left eye showed conjunctival congestion and hyperemia, a large inferior corneal ulceration with brown pigment, corneal edema, about 3 mm of hypopyon and irido-lenticular synechiae. The slow clinical progression of the disease to corneal perforation and the aspect of the ulcer were consistent with a mycotic etiology. Molecular methods used on fungal colonies isolated by Sabouraud’s dextrose agar cultures allowed the identification of Subramaniula asteroids from corneal scraping. Antimicrobial test showed a good susceptibility of this filamentous fungus to voriconazole and isavuconazole. Moreover, this fungal keratitis was successfully treated with isavuconazole, without side effects, observing a progressive clinical improvement. Conclusions Molecular methods may be useful for the identification of filamentous fungal keratitis on scraping samples thus shortening the time of diagnosis. Systemic therapy by isavuconazole could be useful to treat the filamentous fungal keratitis, reducing the possible adverse effects due to the use of voriconazole by systemic administration.

IntroductionSydney’s Garden Palace was a magnificent building with a grandeur that dominated the skyline, stretching from the site of the current State Library of New South Wales to the building that now houses the Sydney Conservatorium of Music. The Palace captivated society from its opening in 1879. This article outlines the building of one of Sydney’s early structural icons and how, despite being destroyed by fire after three short years in 1882, it had an enormous impact on the burgeoning colonial community of New South Wales, thus building a physical structure, pride and a suite of memories.Design and ConstructionIn February 1878, the Colonial Secretary’s Office announced that “it is intended to hold under the supervision of the Agricultural Society of New South Wales an international Exhibition in Sydney in August 1879” (Official Record ix). By December the same year it had become clear that the Agricultural Society lacked the resources to complete the project and control passed to the state government. Colonial Architect James Barnet was directed to prepare “plans for a building suitable for an international exhibition, proposed to be built in the Inner Domain” (Official Record xx). Within three days he had submitted a set of drawings for approval. From this point on there was a great sense of urgency to complete the building in less than 10 months for the exhibition opening the following September.The successful contractor was John Young, a highly experienced building contractor who had worked on the Crystal Palace for the 1851 London International Exhibition and locally on the General Post Office and Exhibition Building at Prince Alfred Park (Kent 6). Young was confident, procuring electric lights from London so that work could be carried out 24 hours a day, to ensure that the building was delivered on time. The structure was built, as detailed in the Colonial Record (1881), using over 1 million metres of timber, 2.5 million bricks and 220 tonnes of galvanised corrugated iron. Remarkably the building was designed as a temporary structure to house the Exhibition. At the end of the Exhibition the building was not dismantled as originally planned and was instead repurposed for government office space and served to house, among other things, records and objects of historical significance. Ultimately the provisional building materials used for the Garden Palace were more suited to a temporary structure, in contrast with those used for the more permanent structures built at the same time which are still standing today.The building was an architectural and engineering wonder set in a cathedral-like cruciform design, showcasing a stained-glass skylight in the largest dome in the southern hemisphere (64 metres high and 30 metres in diameter). The total floor space of the exhibition building was three and half hectares, and the area occupied by the Garden Palace and related buildings—including the Fine Arts Gallery, Agricultural Hall, Machinery Hall and 10 restaurants and places of refreshment—was an astounding 14 hectares (Official Record xxxvi). To put the scale of the Garden Palace into contemporary perspective it was approximately twice the size of the Queen Victoria Building that stands on Sydney’s George Street today.Several innovative features set the building apart from other Sydney structures of the day. The rainwater downpipes were enclosed in hollow columns of pine along the aisles, ventilation was provided through the floors and louvered windows (Official Record xxi) while a Whittier’s Steam Elevator enabled visitors to ascend the north tower and take in the harbour views (“Among the Machinery” 70-71). The building dominated the Sydney skyline, serving as a visual anchor point that welcomed visitors arriving in the city by boat:one of the first objects that met our view as, after 12 o’clock, we proceeded up Port Jackson, was the shell of the Exhibition Building which is so rapidly rising on the Domain, and which next September, is to dazzle the eyes of the world with its splendours. (“A ‘Bohemian’s’ Holiday Notes” 2)The DomeThe dome of the Garden Palace was directly above the intersection of the nave and transept and rested on a drum, approximately 30 metres in diameter. The drum featured 36 oval windows which flooded the space below with light. The dome was made of wood covered with corrugated galvanised iron featuring 12 large lattice ribs and 24 smaller ribs bound together with purlins of wood strengthened with iron. At the top of the dome was a lantern and stained glass skylight designed by Messrs. Lyon and Cottier. It was light blue, powdered with golden stars with wooden ribs in red, buff and gold (Notes 6). The painting and decorating of the dome commenced just one month before the exhibition was due to open. The dome was the sixth largest dome in the world at the time. During construction, contractor Mr Young allowed visitors be lifted in a cage to view the building’s progress.During the construction of the Lantern which surmounts the Dome of the Exhibition, visitors have been permitted, through the courtesy of Mr. Young, to ascend in the cage conveying materials for work. This cage is lifted by a single cable, which was constructed specially of picked Manilla hemp, for hoisting into position the heavy timbers used in the construction. The sensation whilst ascending is a most novel one, and must resemble that experienced in ballooning. To see the building sinking slowly beneath you as you successively reach the levels of the galleries, and the roofs of the transept and aisles is an experience never to be forgotten, and it seems a pity that no provision can be made for visitors, on paying a small fee, going up to the dome. (“View from the Lantern of the Dome Exhibition” 8)The ExhibitionInternational Exhibitions presented the opportunity for countries to express their national identities and demonstrate their economic and technological achievements. They allowed countries to showcase the very best examples of contemporary art, handicrafts and the latest technologies particularly in manufacturing (Pont and Proudfoot 231).The Sydney International Exhibition was the ninth International Exhibition and the colony’s first, and was responsible for bringing the world to Sydney at a time when the colony was prosperous and full of potential. The Exhibition—opening on 17 September 1879 and closing on 20 April 1880—had an enormous impact on the community, it boosted the economy and was the catalyst for improving the city’s infrastructure. It was a great source of civic pride.Image 1: The International Exhibition Sydney, 1879-1880, supplement to the Illustrated Sydney News Jan. 1880. Image credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (call no.: DL X8/3)This bird’s eye view of the Garden Palace shows how impressive the main structure was and how much of the Gardens and Domain were occupied by ancillary buildings for the Exhibition. Based on an original drawing by John Thomas Richardson, chief engraver at the Illustrated Sydney News, this lithograph features a key identifying buildings including the Art Gallery, Machinery Hall, and Agricultural Hall. Pens and sheds for livestock can also be seen. The parade ground was used throughout the Exhibition for displays of animals. The first notable display was the International Show of Sheep featuring Australian, French and English sheep; not surprisingly the shearing demonstrations proved to be particularly popular with the community.Approximately 34 countries and their colonies participated in the Exhibition, displaying the very best examples of technology, industry and art laid out in densely packed courts (Barnet n.p.). There were approximately 14,000 exhibits (Official Record c) which included displays of Bohemian glass, tapestries, fine porcelain, fabrics, pyramids of gold, metals, minerals, wood carvings, watches, ethnographic specimens, and heavy machinery. Image 2: “Meet Me under the Dome.” Illustrated Sydney News 1 Nov. 1879: 4. Official records cite that between 19,853 and 24,000 visitors attended the Exhibition on the opening day of 17 September 1879, and over 1.1 million people visited during its seven months of operation. Sizeable numbers considering the population of the colony, at the time, was just over 700,000 (New South Wales Census).The Exhibition helped to create a sense of place and community and was a popular destination for visitors. On crowded days the base of the dome became a favourite meeting place for visitors, so much so that “meet me under the dome” became a common expression in Sydney during the Exhibition (Official Record lxxxiii).Attendance was steady and continuous throughout the course of the Exhibition and, despite exceeding the predicted cost by almost four times, the Exhibition was deemed a resounding success. The Executive Commissioner Mr P.A. Jennings remarked at the closing ceremony:this great undertaking […] marks perhaps the most important epoch that has occurred in our history. In holding this exhibition we have entered into a new arena and a race of progress among the nations of the earth, and have placed ourselves in kindly competition with the most ancient States of the old and new world. (Official Record ciii)Initially the cost of admission was set at 5 shillings and later dropped to 1 shilling. Season tickets for the Exhibition were also available for £3 3s which entitled the holder to unlimited entry during all hours of general admission. Throughout the Exhibition, season ticket holders accounted for 76,278 admissions. The Exhibition boosted the economy and encouraged authorities to improve the city’s services and facilities which helped to build a sense of community as well as pride in the achievement of such a fantastic structure. A steam-powered tramway was installed to transport exhibition-goers around the city, after the Exhibition, the tramway network was expanded and by 1905–1906 the trams were converted to electric traction (Freestone 32).After the exhibition closed, the imposing Garden Palace building was used as office space and storage for various government departments.An Icon DestroyedIn the early hours of 22 September 1882 tragedy struck when the Palace was engulfed by fire (“Destruction of the Garden Palace” 7). The building – and all its contents – destroyed.Image 3: Burning of the Garden Palace from Eaglesfield, Darlinghurst, sketched at 5.55am, Sep 22/82. Image credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (call no.: SSV/137) Many accounts and illustrations of the Garden Palace fire can be found in contemporary newspapers and artworks. A rudimentary drawing by an unknown artist held by the State Library of New South Wales appears to have been created as the Palace was burning. The precise time and location is recorded on the painting, suggesting it was painted from Eaglesfield, a school on Darlinghurst Road. It purveys a sense of immediacy giving some insight into the chaos and heat of the tragedy. A French artist living in Sydney, Lucien Henry, was among those who attempted to capture the fire. His assistant, G.H. Aurousseau, described the event in the Technical Gazette in 1912:Mister Henry went out onto the balcony and watched until the Great Dome toppled in; it was then early morning; he went back to his studio procured a canvas, sat down and painted the whole scene in a most realistic manner, showing the fig trees in the Domain, the flames rising through the towers, the dome falling in and the reflected light of the flames all around. (Technical Gazette 33-35)The painting Henry produced is not the watercolour held by the State Library of New South Wales, however it is interesting to see how people were moved to document the destruction of such an iconic building in the city’s history.What Was Destroyed?The NSW Legislative Assembly debate of 26 September 1882, together with newspapers of the day, documented what was lost in the fire. The Garden Palace housed the foundation collection of the Technological and Sanitary Museum (the precursor to the Powerhouse Museum, now the Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences), due to open on 1 December 1882. This collection included significant ethnological specimens such as Australian Indigenous artefacts, many of which were acquired from the Sydney International Exhibition. The Art Society of New South Wales had hung 300 paintings in preparation for their annual art exhibition due to open on 2 October of that year, all of these paintings consumed by fire.The Records of the Crown Lands Occupation Office were lost along with the 1881 Census (though the summary survived). Numerous railway surveys were lost, as were: £7,000 worth of statues, between 20,000 and 30,000 plants and the holdings of the Linnean Society offices and museum housed on the ground floor. The Eastern Suburbs Brass Band performed the day before at the opening of the Eastern Suburbs Horticultural Society Flower show; all the instruments were stored in the Garden Palace and were destroyed. Several Government Departments also lost significant records, including the: Fisheries Office; Mining Department; Harbour and Rivers Department; and, as mentioned, the Census Department.The fire was so ferocious that the windows in the terraces along Macquarie Street cracked with the heat and sheets of corrugated iron were blown as far away as Elizabeth Bay. How Did The Fire Start?No one knows how the fire started on that fateful September morning, and despite an official enquiry no explanation was ever delivered. One theory blamed the wealthy residents of Macquarie Street, disgruntled at losing their harbour views. Another was that it was burnt to destroy records stored in the basement of the building that contained embarrassing details about the convict heritage of many distinguished families. Margaret Lyon, daughter of the Garden Palace decorator John Lyon, wrote in her diary:a gentleman who says a boy told him when he was putting out the domain lights, that he saw a man jump out of the window and immediately after observed smoke, they are advertising for the boy […]. Everyone seems to agree on his point that it has been done on purpose – Today a safe has been found with diamonds, sapphires and emeralds, there were also some papers in it but they were considerably charred. The statue of her majesty or at least what remains of it, for it is completely ruined – the census papers were also ruined, they were ready almost to be sent to the printers, the work of 30 men for 14 months. Valuable government documents, railway and other plans all gone. (MLMSS 1381/Box 1/Item 2) There are many eyewitness accounts of the fire that day. From nightwatchman Mr Frederick Kirchen and his replacement Mr John McKnight, to an emotional description by 14-year-old student Ethel Pockley. Although there were conflicting accounts as to where the fire may have started, it seems likely that the fire started in the basement with flames rising around the statue of Queen Victoria, situated directly under the dome. The coroner did not make a conclusive finding on the cause of the fire but was scathing of the lack of diligence by the authorities in housing such important items in a building that was not well-secured a was a potential fire hazard.Building a ReputationA number of safes were known to have been in the building storing valuables and records. One such safe, a fireproof safe manufactured by Milner and Son of Liverpool, was in the southern corner of the building near the southern tower. The contents of this safe were unscathed in contrast with the contents of other safes, the contents of which were destroyed. The Milner safe was a little discoloured and blistered on the outside but otherwise intact. “The contents included three ledgers, or journals, a few memoranda and a plan of the exhibition”—the glue was slightly melted—the plan was a little discoloured and a few loose papers were a little charred but overall the contents were “sound and unhurt”—what better advertising could one ask for! (“The Garden Palace Fire” 5).barrangal dyara (skin and bones): Rebuilding CommunityThe positive developments for Sydney and the colony that stemmed from the building and its exhibition, such as public transport and community spirit, grew and took new forms. Yet, in the years since 1882 the memory of the Garden Palace and its disaster faded from the consciousness of the Sydney community. The great loss felt by Indigenous communities went unresolved.Image 4: barrangal dyara (skin and bones). Image credit: Sarah Morley.In September 2016 artist Jonathan Jones presented barrangal dyara (skin and bones), a large scale sculptural installation on the site of the Garden Palace Building in Sydney’s Royal Botanic Garden. The installation was Jones’s response to the immense loss felt throughout Australia with the destruction of countless Aboriginal objects in the fire. The installation featured thousands of bleached white shields made of gypsum that were laid out to show the footprint of the Garden Palace and represent the rubble left after the fire.Based on four typical designs from Aboriginal nations of the south-east, these shields not only raise the chalky bones of the building, but speak to the thousands of shields that would have had cultural presence in this landscape over generations. (Pike 33)ConclusionSydney’s Garden Palace was a stunning addition to the skyline of colonial Sydney. A massive undertaking, the Palace opened, to great acclaim, in 1879 and its effect on the community of Sydney and indeed the colony of New South Wales was sizeable. There were brief discussions, just after the fire, about rebuilding this great structure in a more permanent fashion for the centenary Exhibition in 1888 (“[From Our Own Correspondents] New South Wales” 5). Ultimately, it was decided that this achievement of the colony of New South Wales would be recorded in history, gifting a legacy of national pride and positivity on the one hand, but on the other an example of the destructive colonial impact on Indigenous communities. For many Sydney-siders today this history is as obscured as the original foundations of the physical building. What we build—iconic structures, civic pride, a sense of community—require maintenance and remembering. References“Among the Machinery.” The Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser 10 Jan. 1880: 70-71.Aurousseau, G.H. “Lucien Henry: First Lecturer in Art at the Sydney Technical College.” Technical Gazette 2.III (1912): 33-35.Barnet, James. International Exhibition, Sydney, 1880: References to the Plans Showing the Space and Position Occupied by the Various Exhibits in the Garden Palace. Sydney: Colonial Architect’s Office, 1880.“A ‘Bohemian’s’ Holiday Notes.” The Singleton Argus and Upper Hunter General Advocate 23 Apr. 1879: 2.Census Department. New South Wales Census. 1881. 3 Mar. 2017 <http://hccda.ada.edu.au/pages/NSW-1881-census-02_vi>. “Destruction of the Garden Palace.” Sydney Morning Herald 23 Sep. 1882: 7.Freestone, Robert. “Space Society and Urban Reform.” Colonial City, Global City, Sydney’s International Exhibition 1879. Eds. Peter Proudfoot, Roslyn Maguire, and Robert Freestone. Darlinghurst, NSW: Crossing P, 2000. 15-33.“[From Our Own Correspondents] New South Wales.” The Age (Melbourne, Vic.) 30 Sep. 1882: 5.“The Garden Palace Fire.” Sydney Morning Herald 25 Sep. 1882: 5.Illustrated Sydney News and New South Wales Agriculturalist and Grazier 1 Nov. 1879: 4.“International Exhibition.” Australian Town and Country Journal 15 Feb. 1879: 11.Kent, H.C. “Reminiscences of Building Methods in the Seventies under John Young. Lecture.” Architecture: An Australian Magazine of Architecture and the Arts Nov. (1924): 5-13.Lyon, Margaret. Unpublished Manuscript Diary. MLMSS 1381/Box 1/Item 2.New South Wales, Legislative Assembly. Debates 22 Sep. 1882: 542-56.Notes on the Sydney International Exhibition of 1879. Melbourne: Government Printer, 1881.Official Record of the Sydney International Exhibition 1879. Sydney: Government Printer, 1881.Pike, Emma. “barrangal dyara (skin and bones).” Jonathan Jones: barrangal dyara (skin and bones). Eds. Ross Gibson, Jonathan Jones, and Genevieve O’Callaghan. Balmain: Kaldor Public Arts Project, 2016.Pont, Graham, and Peter Proudfoot. “The Technological Movement and the Garden Palace.” Colonial City, Global City, Sydney’s International Exhibition 1879. Eds. Peter Proudfoot, Roslyn Maguire, and Robert Freestone. Darlinghurst, NSW: Crossing Press, 2000. 239-249.“View from the Lantern of the Dome of the Exhibition.” Illustrated Sydney News and New South Wales Agriculturalist and Grazier 9 Aug. 1879: 8.

Introduction Over the past two decades the Cairns landscape has transformed from a remote tourist town beside the Great Barrier Reef to an international, tropical city with a new focus on culture and the arts. A number of important urban design projects have enabled this transformation, including key waterfront redevelopments, the addition of a large shopping mall and convention centre, a renovated museum, and now a new performing arts precinct and proposed ‘gallery precinct’ for the people of Cairns to access new art forms and events. Anderson and Law (556) depict recent developments as a kind of “mayor’s trophy collection” or set of “must have” attractions Cairns needs to stay ‘competitive’. More generally they might be interpreted as ‘entrepreneurial urbanism’ (Harvey) and the attractors for Richard Florida’s creative class, although there is now more scepticism about how these projects fuel property speculation and benefit the middle classes rather than the ‘bohemians’ Florida saw as key to urban growth and transformation (Wainwright). The renovation of Munro Martin Park discussed here is a culture infrastructure project helping transform Cairns into the ‘arts and culture capital of the north’. Here we interrogate the winners and losers of the renovation, with a specific focus on how its heritage values are preserved. The identity of Cairns as an arts and culture hub is not new or unfounded, but the debate changed in emphasis with a proposed Cairns Entertainment Precinct (CEP) in 2011/2012. The then Mayor Val Schier had secured federal and state funding for the development of a $155 million arts precinct on the waterfront near the Cairns Port, as the city had outgrown its existing facilities at the nearby Cairns Civic Theatre and the venue was unable to host large performances. The CEP was to be a key cultural infrastructure project marking a new era of arts and culture activities in Cairns. The subsequent election became a referendum on the precinct, with its location and need being questioned. Bob Manning became the new Mayor with a mandate to scrap the CEP and instead renovate the existing Civic Theatre as part of a scaled-down vision. In 2016, the Cairns Civic Theatre was demolished to make way for a new Cairns Performing Arts Centre. The original Civic Theatre was constructed in the 1970s and was one of a small handful of buildings in Cairns designed in late Brutalist architectural style: its exterior walls were made of fluted grey concrete blocks. Popular from the 1950s to the 1970s, brutalist architecture celebrated Modernism translated into raw, exposed concrete. Despite a renewed popular interest in Brutalist buildings in many western cities, many “are being demolished and new, … homogenous (often glass and composite-clad) towers [are being] erected in their place” (Mould 701). The Cairns Civic Theatre was no exception. Munro Martin Park, directly across from the Cairns Civic Theatre, was folded into the plans for the area and the two were imagined together to form a new Cairns Performing Arts Precinct (CPAC). Munro Martin Park History Munro Martin Park (originally Norman Park) was gazetted as a recreational reserve for Cairns in 1882. The park was set aside soon after European settlement and became a space for outdoor recreation. Community attachment to the park grew over time as the park became known as a meeting place for sporting events, community celebrations, parades, and political rallies. Circuses began annual visits to the park from 1891 as it was the closest large area of open ground to the inner city. These physical features also facilitated other community events, such as public holiday celebrations including May Day and ANZAC Day. Attempts to beautify the park and create shade were made in the early 1880s and again in 1892. Trees were planted with the aim of establishing a botanical reserve, although many did not survive. Those that did – mangoes, figs, and other tropical species – created shade, provided fruit for eating fresh or making chutneys and sauces, and became roosts for local flying foxes and bats. A major change of use occurred when the park was taken over by the military during WWII, and it became a space for accommodation huts and military training. An Air Raids Precautions control centre was erected (today one of the few remaining examples, and heritage listed), and a radio tower. After the war the local authority had no control over the park until it was returned from the military. The park’s war infrastructure was mostly removed, and after the war the parkland was in decline and underutilised (Grimwade 21). Most sporting clubs had moved to new grounds and community gatherings were no longer associated with sporting events (Cairns Regional Council 804). In 1954 the Cairns community saw substantial redevelopment of the park with a bequest from well-regarded local philanthropists: the Munro Martin sisters. The Cairns City Council redeveloped and beautified the park and on completion it was renamed Munro Martin Park in recognition of the sisters. It quickly renewed its status as a place for community gatherings and organised events, and as a rallying point for parades and political protests. Although the park continued to be used, it was no longer the focus of sports, with the development of purpose-built sporting fields on the southside of town. Much of the passive activity in the park began moving to the Cairns Esplanade in the early 1960s, with multi-purpose recreation areas and a large open saltwater swimming baths. This trend continued as the land along the Esplanade was reclaimed from mudflats and turned into areas for recreation and swimming (McKenzie et al. 113). By 2014 no major work had been undertaken in the park for some time, and it again became underutilised. A report by Grimwade evaluating the park’s condition found much of the infrastructure in disrepair. While it was still used by circuses, festivals, May Day celebrations and political rallies, the group most often found there were homeless Indigenous people. Plans to redevelop the park once again occurred in 2015, and these were folded into the CPAC vision. Fig. 1: Aerial image of Munro Martin Park, 1970. (Source: Cairns Historical Society image P291110.) Fig. 2: Aerial image of Munro Martin Park, 2018. (Source: Creative Life – Cairns Regional Council.) Winners and Losers After its renovation and re-opening in 2016, Munro Martin Park became a new public space with an art focus for the Cairns community. It is beautifully landscaped and entices new audiences to enjoy the arts, including families who find it a safe and secure environment for leisure. The barriers often associated with entering arts and culture venues are displaced by egalitarian outdoor seating on blankets, and programming and casting are demographically inclusive, which in turn entices a diverse audience. In this way the park is important to community life, offers health benefits and social interactions, and is a place that welcomes regardless of social standing (Slater and Koo 99). At the same time, the new space reflects neoliberal sensibilities in regard to safety and anti-social behaviour, as the park reflects a wider city branding exercise for Cairns (Mercer and Mayfield 508). The need for controlled ticketing, for example, means the park is now fenced with restricted access. Prior to its renovation the park was a safe haven and meeting and waiting place for those travelling from Indigenous communities in Cape York and the Torres Strait Islands to Cairns. It was frequented by Rosie’s, a local charity providing meals for the homeless, and many used it as a place to sleep (Dalton, Cairns Post). These communities are now locked out during performances and every night at sunset (CCTV ensures they do not remain). This is unfortunate as the park is underutilised on a day-to-day basis as performances are sporadic; this is partly because it is costly to rent and access for community events. In this way the public space of the park has become commodified as part of a new political economy of the city and displaced its use as a refuge for the alienated or excluded. In other words, the park’s renovation raises familiar questions about the ‘right to the city’ (Marcuse). The park had been a place where people could just ‘be’ or dwell, but this was inevitably associated with homelessness (Mitchell 123). It is not uncommon for different groups of people to claim the same site at different times of the day. The important thing is that the users feel a strong enough connection and that it reflects their cultural or social needs so that they are likely to use the place (Barnes et al.). In addition to the displacement of a homeless community, the park also lost significant heritage trees that had survived from the late 1800s. Local environmental activists protested by sitting in – and refusing to come down from – some of the trees as the renovation commenced (Power, Cairns Post). The trees expressed heritage value but were also home to endangered bat colonies (Queensland Department of Environment and Resource Management). Although Munro Martin Park trees are not the only flying fox habitats, their loss has contributed to their demise. On the other hand, and through the park’s addition of new trees, tropical plants and elaborate vined arbours, the park is an award-winning showcase of tropical urban greenery evoking civic pride. This revitalisation and beautification creates opportunities for new community attachments to place through new sensory perceptions (Hashemnezhad et al. 7). Community attachment to Munro Martin Park and its related social value has thus changed over time. The park’s social value, as understood by the Burra Charter, is the social quality which makes it a focus for spiritual, political, national, or other cultural sentiment. Jones (21) defines social value as encompassing “the significance of the historic environment to contemporary communities, including people's sense of identity, belonging and place, as well as forms of memory and spiritual association” (see also Johnston, 1). Fond memories of sporting days, school excursions, and the circus are held by the older community, but after 1970 these positive associations diminish as the park became known for anti-social behaviour and was avoided. The heritage value and community associations are now remembered with interpretive panels that recall political rallies, circuses and celebrations, and the military takeover – making this history more accessible to younger audiences. While the park is no longer a rally point for the start of the annual May Day march, and the circus has shifted outside the city centre, portrait panels remember the stories of people who had a connection with the park. An obelisk created in the memory of the Munro and Martin sisters has been restored, which is also a reminder of Eddie Oribin’s and Sid Barnes’s joint work as influential Cairns-based architects (who built the former neighbouring brutalist Cairns Civic Theatre). The World War Two Air Raids Precautions control room, which coordinated all the air raid wardens in the city, remains and is listed on the Queensland Heritage Register. It was reused as a Scouts shop and has a large fibreglass scout hat put on top. The redevelopment thereby acknowledges the past and makes it more accessible than it was from the 1970s to the 2000s. Old places need new uses and new uses need old places, as urban activist Jane Jacobs famously said (Chang 524). These new uses become a part of a new city narrative and imaginary, creating new community attachments as a part of an evolving story. As it the case with other parts of the city’s history, however, some histories of Cairns are silenced in urban renewal (Law), reflecting the multiple and sometimes conflicting social values at play. Fig. 3: Munro Martin Park as a WWII Command Centre, n.d. (Source: Cairns Historical Society, image P08730.) Fig. 4: WWII Command Centre as Scout Hut with hat, 2016. (Source: Cairns Historical Society, image P20692.) Conclusion The revitalisation of places through arts-led gentrification is well documented and understood. This article builds on critiques of gentrification, asking slightly different questions about memory, history, and the contested meanings of heritage in urban renewal. The social value of Munro Martin Park is situated in time and space and by different users, and community attachment has evolved over time. For older generations the park evokes memories of sports, circuses, political rallies, and the closeness of the war. These histories have been remembered and curated through new park signage reflecting a conservative middle-class past: No Sports on Sundays; Circuses and Celebrations; Rallying at the Park; Military Takeover. For younger generations, for whom the park was a place to be avoided – a dangerous place on the edge of the city centre inhabited by the homeless – the park is now a new cultural space promoting accessibility to the arts. The mangoes that were once shelter for the flying fox population have given way to a new venue, tropical vines and foliage, and new signage and programming will produce new social value over time. Whether its redevelopment will “herald a renaissance in Cairns cultural life” by delivering “fresh performing arts and botanic experiences” (Cultural Services 8) remains to be seen in the shadow of COVID-19. What we do know is that the history and social significance of the park as a space for the homeless or a stopover and waiting place for Indigenous people from the Cape and the Torres Strait Islands has been erased, and that the now dispersed homeless population is difficult to reach except for food trucks and shelters. Their use of the park, whether as shelter or meeting place, is now highly constrained to a small, unfenced corner of the park at the corner of Sheridan and Minnie Street (which is rarely used). Although the redevelopment of Munro Martin Park is part of a vision for Cairns as a hub for arts and culture activities, it is important to ask at what cost. The controlled and surveilled nature of the park no longer permits the use of the space for rough sleeping or informal community events, although its redevelopment has increased visitation and created a safe and inclusive public space for middle class residents to enjoy the arts and contemplate the city’s history. With Marcuse and Mitchell we think it is important to ask larger questions about whose right to the city, and to see the remaking of urban sites as ongoing struggles over public space. In a city with one of the highest rates of homelessness per capita in Queensland, the renovation of this site of refuge reflects neoliberal tendencies in the creative economy to remake the city without due attention to the exclusion of undesirables and growing spatial inequality. References Anderson, Allison, and Lisa Law. "Putting Carmona’s Place-Shaping Continuum to Use in Research Practice." Journal of Urban Design 20.5 (2015): 545-562. DOI: 10.1080/13574809.2015.1071656. Barnes, Leanne, et al. Places Not Spaces: Placemaking in Australia. Envirobook, 1995. Cairns Regional Council. "Planning Scheme Policy – Places of Significance." Cairns Regional Council, 2016. 801-805. Chang, T.C. "‘New Uses Need Old Buildings’: Gentrification Aesthetics and the Arts in Singapore." Urban Studies 53.3 (2016): 524-539. DOI: 10.1177/0042098014527482. Cultural Services. "Cairns Regional Council Strategy for Culture and the Arts 2022." Cairns Regional Council, 2018. Dalton, Nick. 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