Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Hizbut Tahrir'

This sub-thesis examines the emergence of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) through its methods of recruitment and indoctrination. A branch of international Hizbut Tahrir (HT), in comparison to the performance of other transnational Islamist movements in Indonesia, HTI shows rapid mobilization, strong cadre building and a deep grasp of and adherence to central HT ideology. HT has been present in Indonesia since the early 1980s, initially as an underground organization, then from 2000, as a formal Islamist movement. The transition to democracy and the lifting of political restrictions at the end of the Soeharto regime in May, 1998 facilitated the rise of HTI. This study focuses on the strategies and processes of recruitment and indoctrination employed by HTI, taking as a case study its members in Makassar, South Sulawesi. It will demonstrate the importance of innovative recruitment techniques and intensive indoctrination to understanding HTI's success. It will discuss HTI perspectives on da’wa (predication) and activities for recruitment and mobilization as outlined in their publications. Furthermore, through interviews conducted in the field, it will examine the experiences of rank and file members in dealing with their acquaintance with HTI and their processes of participation and membership. Most recruitment takes place through interpersonal relations between HTI members, the hizbiyyin and existing social networks. Furthermore, hizbiyyin actively seek converts by establishing and maintaining new social relationships in order to guide others to participate in HTI activities, before leading them to further levels of commitment. This sub-thesis will also explore how indoctrination has a determining role in creating dedicated hizbiyyin. This is mainly conducted through weekly halqa, or study clubs, which serve to keep new recruits learning, moulding their minds and behaviour and maintaining unity of thought among the members. Besides discussing the social background of hizbiyyin and the psychology of youth, it will show the impact of intensive indoctrination on them by analyzing their narratives given in interviews.

Le Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia, « organisation sociale » qui tire ses origines du Moyen-Orient a pour finalité l'établissement d'un califat avec la charia comme loi unique. Parce qu'elle agit en toute légalité en Indonésie, la branche féminine du Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia, (le Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) offre par ses actions collectives et ses modes de recrutement une grande visibilité de ses activités. Cette visibilité actuelle nous a permis de conduire un terrain auprès de ses membres entre 2009 et début 2013. Ce terrain nous a ouvert l'opportunité de nous pencher sur les motivations qui poussent ces femmes à devenir activistes et à se reconstruire une nouvelle identité au sein d'une organisation telle que le MHTI. Peut-on voir, à travers ces stratégies de communication, une possibilité de se démarquer de la ligne directrice du HT élaborée par des hommes exclusivement et dont le leadership est interdit aux femmes ? Ou « au contraire », est-ce que l'espace de parole accordé aux femmes renforce-il le rôle des hommes ? Quel est le degré de dissidence toléré de la part des femmes du MHTI ? Enfin, la méthode du HT qui passe par une interaction de son discours avec la société soulève le degré de la réception de son discours auprès du public. Est-il perçu comme une forme d'oppression ou bien au contraire agit-il comme une ouverture à la discussion ? Comment un discours global s'ajuste-t-il aux réalités locales et sociales ?
The Indonesian Hizb ut -Tahrir, "Social Organization" whose origins come from the Middle East, aims to establish a caliphate with the sharia as the only law. Because it is legal in Indonesia, the Women's Branch of Hizb ut -Tahrir Indonesia (the Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) offers through its Collective Actions and Mobilization (or recruitment) Process, a high Visibility of their Activities. This current Visibility allowed us to conduct a Field among its Members between 2009 and early 2013. This Field gave us the Opportunity to try and understand the Motivation of these Women to become Activists and to build a new Identity in an Organization such as the MHTI. The MHTF Framing Structures induces a Plurality of Approaches to female Audiences. We can raise the following Question : do these Communication Strategies give MHTI's Women an Opportunity to stand out from the Leadership of HT's Line whose Leadership is forbidden for Women ? Or "on the Contrary", is the Space given to Women a Way to strengthen the role of Men? What is the Degree of Dissidence tolerated by MHTI Women ? Finally, the Method of HT which has a Form of Interaction with the Society raises the Question of its Discourse Reception among the People. Is it seen as a form of oppression or on the contrary, is it an opportunity of an opening to Discussion? How does a global Discourse adjusts to local and social Realities?

The thesis analyzes the conditions that gave rise to Hizb ut-Tahrir, a secretive international radical islamic movement, in post Soviet Uzbekistan. For this purpose, political, economic and socio-cultural conditions and the general characteristics of Hizb ut-Tahrir is examined by the help of historical background and content analysis. It is argued that the emergence of Hizb ut-Tahrir in post Soviet Uzbekistan as a result of interaction of political, economic and socio-cultural conditions in this country.

Fondé dans les villes saintes de l’Iraq suite au renversement de la monarchie hachémite en 1958, le parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya fut l’une des premières organisations islamiques chiites à voir le jour au Moyen-Orient. Il se diffusa dans tout l’Iraq, recruta des chiites mais aussi des sunnites, et se fit le porte-drapeau d’une révolution radicale visant à créer une société islamique utopique. Cette thèse démontre que si le sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr (1935-1980) est considéré comme son fondateur et son idéologue, il joua un rôle marginal dans l’histoire de ce parti. Cette thèse démontre que Muḥammad Hādī al-Subaytī (1930-1988), un intellectuel révolutionnaire issu du Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, en fut le principal théoricien et dirigeant entre 1958 et 1981. Le parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya fut une véritable version chiite du Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, dont il partage en grande partie l’idéologie et la grammaire d’action. Cette influence jugée sunnite fut contestée au sein de l’organisation par des militants souhaitant chiitiser son idéologie ; le parti fut ainsi traversé par de nombreuses rivalités idéologiques et doctrinales
Founded in the holy cities of Iraq following the overthrow of the Hashemite monarchy in 1958, the Islamic Daʿwa Party was one of the first Shīʿī Islamic organizations to emerge in the Middle East. It spread throughout Iraq, recruiting Shiites as well as Sunnis, and became the standard-bearer of a radical revolution aimed at creating a utopian Islamic society. This thesis demonstrates that while Sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr (1935–1988) is considered its founder and ideologue, he played a marginal role in the party’s history. This thesis demonstrates that Muḥammad Hādī al-Subaytī (1930–1988), a revolutionary intellectual from the Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, was its main theorist and leader between 1958 and 1981. Islamic Daʿwa Party was a true Shīʿī version of the Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, with which it largely shared its ideology and grammar of action. This influence, considered Sunni, was contested within the organization by militants wishing to Shiitize its ideology; the party was thus traversed by numerous ideological and doctrinal rivalries

The events of September 11th 2001 increased the attention of Western public towards religious activism in Germany. In fact, this country had become a shelter for radicalized Islamic activists involved in the terrorist attacks. At the same time, the growing domestic violence performed by organized right-wing activists urged the German state to increase pressure on the German right-wing movement. In part, these attacks were related to a terrorist cell called National Socialist Underground (NSU). This cell is said to be closely related to the National Democratic Party of Germany (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands, hereinafter NPD). Since then, the public debate about migration, Islam and the German society has undergone significant changes while the government of the Federal Republic has become interested in controlling and labeling each protest movement, whichever their affiliation may be, left, right or religious. In the case of the Islamist movement Hizb-ut-tahrir (Party of Liberation), this resulted in the banning of its activities from the country. The NPD, although still legal, barely survived an authority ban attempt in 2003. The dissertation’s main research question is how repression by the state affects the Protest mobilization, in particular public communication, of the Right-wing and the Islamist movements. More specifically, the goal is to see how these movements mobilize within changing conditions of the political environment, namely in the presence, or absence, of a more or less serious possibility of legal banning, which obviously would exert a significant deal of pressure on the movement. The claim-making that the Islamist and radical right-wing movement address to the public and their adherents constitutes the unit of analysis of this thesis. In order to define these claims, it is necessary to document protest claims and actions within the selected time frame, which covers the period between 2000 and 2011. The data set is mainly consisting of publications, articles and documents released by both movements.

This work focuses on the influence of terror, extremism, trafficking and corruption on the regional security of Central Asia, with a particular emphasis on Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is regarded as the most stable and financially developed state in Central Asia, yet domestic and regional stability are threatened by the rise in extremism, narcotics trafficking, institutional corruption and acts of terrorism. The challenges of trafficking and extremism within the region originated from outside of Central Asia. Foreign organizations and ideologies are significant actors in progression of regional instability. Government response to these challenges can perpetuate or stymie the aforementioned threats to regional security. Repressive regimes inadvertently contribute to the propaganda of the non-state foes. A prominent solution is the international program referred to as border management. This program aims to support border security while also promoting economic growth and ensuring the protection of human rights. Improved borders promotes regional security, economic growth can potentially undermine the growth of corruption and human rights protection can undermine a large part of extremist propaganda.
B.A.
Bachelors
Political Science
Sciences

Šiame darbe analizuojama valstybės teroro samprata akademiniame, teisiniame ir politiniame lygmenyse. Tyrimo metu atsiskleidė, jog analizuojant valstybės terorą susiduriama su trimis problemomis: a) konceptualizacijos problema - valstybė gali teisėtai naudoti jėgą, siekdama įgyvendinti priimtus sprendimus, todėl sudėtinga nubrėžti ribą tarp legalių ir neteisėtų valstybės veiksmų. b) emocinė problema – tarptautinei bendruomenei sunku suprasti arba vengia suprasti valstybės teroro idėją, t.y. pripažinti, kad moralinį autoritetą tarptautinių santykių sistemoje įgijusios šalys gali būti susijusios su valstybės terorizmu; c) informacijos trūkumas - informacija apie vidinės represijas yra slapta arba sunaikinama, o išorinių asmenų vykdomi tyrimai traktuojami kaip kišimasis į šalies vidaus reikalus Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad valstybės teroras iki šiol nėra aiškiai apibrėžtas nei viename iš minėtų diskursų, konstruojamas konceptualus valstybės teroro apibrėžimas. Magistro darbe teigiama, jog dėl nepakankamo teisinio valstybės teroro konceptualizavimo trūksta mechanizmų neutralizuoti valstybės terorą, todėl kovos su terorizmu kontekste valstybės teroro legitimizacija tampa itin lanksti. Valstybės teroro teisinio apibrėžimo problema nėra išspręsta ne tik kad nacionaliniu, bet ir tarptautiniu lygmeniu: teisiškai neapibrėžta, kas yra valstybės teroras, kas turi su juo kovoti, kaip ir kokiomis priemonėmis kovoti ir t.t. Valstybės teroro atvejais kyla pagrindiniai klausimai: kodėl... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
In the times of global war on terror there are no paid considerable attention for a state terror, even if this term is used more and more in political discourse defying a single states as being terroristic. Therefore the main research question is why in the era of global war on terror the international community are not fighting with a state terror, which undermines the same human lifes, rights and values as „terrorism“ does? In this study, titled “State Terror in the Context of Global War on Terror: Case Study of US relations with Egypt and Uzbekistan”, the author analyses the concept of state terror in academic, political and juridical level. The main goal of this study is to analyze, why in the context of global war on terror the states are divided into separate categories: some states become enemies, others avoid criticism, even if they can be treated as state terror systems.. In order to carry out the tasks set, the study has been divided into six chapters: In the first chapter there was determined a problem of state terror conceptualization. It was concluded that there are three main reasons: conceptualization, emotional and lack of information or data about state terror. The second chapter analyzed a juridical definition of state terror. The analysis of UN conventions and other counter terrorism law data proved that there is no legal definition of state terror and therefore any preventive instruments of fighting against it become neutralized. The study has thus... [to full text]

This thesis investigates the emergence and growth of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI; Party of Liberation). HTI is a branch of the international movement, Hizb ut-Tahrir. The party has been very successful at utilising political space to recruit and mobilize activists, build loyaI cadres with a deep grasp of its ideology, and most importantly, create a common identity among members. Its ability to forge a collective identity within the movement has led to a high rate of membership retention. Drawing on extensive interviews conducted in the field, the thesis describes the journey a person undergoes before becoming a member of HTI. The interviews will focus on the processes of 'culturing' and socialization to which prospective recruits are subject, which result in behavioural, cognitive and affective changes. It is this transformation that produces a distinctive Hizb ut-Tahrir identity. This study notes that while collective identity is the most important factor in HTI's growth, it is by no means the only one. Other factors have also contributed to its growth. The open political system that followed the collapse of the authoritarian New Order govemment enabled the party to emerge publicly after some two decades of underground activity, and begin overtly recruiting members and launching collective actions. I examine the party's resource mobilization strategies and examine how these strategies have resulted in its successful membership recruitment, raising of funds and expansion of its organizational structure. Consideration is also given to how the party's anti-systemic rationalistic ideology has led to potential members choosing HTI over other Islamist movements in Indonesia. This thesis employs a structural-cognitive approach to understanding the growth of HTI. The political opportunity structure and resource mobilization variant of the social movement theory will be utilized to understand the structural factors that impacted HTI. The cognitive factors will be explained by using the theories of ideology and identity. This theoretical approach allows for a more comprehensive understanding of HTI's growth.

(in English): This master's thesis is based on analysis of the essential sources of the international organization Ḥizb al-taḥrīr providing focus on its concept of the caliphate which is compared to other international Islamist organizations that struggle for the restoration of the abolished caliphate.

Founded in 1952 by the Palestinian jurist Taqi al-Din al-Nabhani (1909-1977), Hizb ut-Tahrir’s (HT) raison d’être is the re-establishment of the Caliphate. HT currently has a presence in over forty countries, an estimated membership of a million people, and some millions of supporters across the world. My dissertation examines how HT’s formulation of the caliphate—particularly as it expresses itself in Britain—functions as a site of “Muslim modernity.” It is my contention, in other words, that HT’s ideas of the caliphate are inseparable from, and are thought through—consciously and unconsciously—modern western notions of being and thinking which permeate “the unconscious of knowledge” for people around the world, for the crucial reason that colonialism fundamentally reconfigured knowledge systems across the world, not least the Muslim world. I argue, in other words, that contemporary modes of being Muslim—whether religiously, politically, culturally, ethically—are necessarily inflected by modern western notions of being, as they form the backdrop to our global sense of being in the world. As such, HT’s modern Islamic political project—or any Islamic project, for that matter—is not so much an alien mode of thinking about politics—or ethics, or culture, or religion, or what have you—vis-à-vis western modes of being and thinking, but rather is part and parcel of modern western life writ large.

Após o 11 de setembro de 2001 e, no caso particular da Europa, após os ataques terroristas jihadistas de Madrid (11 de março de 2004) e de Londres (7 de julho de 2005), tornou-se premente para os Estados a necessidade em identificar e colaborar com grupos moderados dentro das diferentes comunidades de crentes islâmicos. Todavia, diversas organizações islamitas, apesar de prosseguirem uma agenda contrária a princípios do Estado de Direito, pelo simples facto de condenarem o terrorismo, foram escolhidas (e financiadas) no combate ao terrorismo jhadista. Deste modo importa responder à seguinte pergunta: a ideologia do Islamismo Radical na sua vertente não violenta é incompatível com a democracia liberal, ou será uma tentativa de acomodação, tendo como pano de fundo o Hizb ut Tahrir, na Grã-Bretanha (1986-2015)? No capítulo 1, será necessário delimitar e definir o objeto da tese, isto é a definição de Islamismo Radical na sua vertente não violenta, assim como alguns conceitos operativos essenciais para o desenvolvimento da tese de doutoramento. No capítulo 2, será analisado os objetivos e a estratégia da vertente não violenta desta ideologia, que representam ameaças à democracia liberal. No capítulo 3, importa analisar porque é que estas ameaças surgiram e porque é tão difícil as combater — derivado do desconhecimento e a legitimação do Islamismo Radical não violento por parte de decisores políticos. No capítulo 4, importa analisar o processo de radicalização no extremismo islâmico assim como o seu combate.No capítulo 5, numa análise micro, será analisado o Hizb ut Tahrir, grupo islamita não violento, na Grã-Bretanha (1986-2015). No capítulo 6, após percorrer estas etapas, está-se em condições para testar o quadro concetual, composto por dois princípios de Estado de Direito, para os decisores políticos lidarem com grupos islamitas não violentos. Posteriormente serão gizadas as conclusões da tese de doutoramento.
After 9/11 of 2001, and regarding Europe, the Madrid (4/11 of 2004) and London (7/7 of 2005) terrorist attacks, it became apparent to most States the need to identify and collaborate with moderates inside the Muslim community. However, several Islamic organizations, despite of pursuing an agenda contrary to certain principles of the rule of law, just because their condemnation of terrorism, they were chosen (and financed) regarding jihadism terrorist fighting. So, for that matter we have to answer the following question: Islamic Radicalism Ideology, using non-violence is incompatible with liberal democracy or is an accommodation effort, bearing in mind the example of Hizb ut Tahrir in Great Britain (1986-2015)? On chapter one, it will be necessary to define the thesis object, which is the definition of radical Islamism, using non-violence, and also some operative concepts, considered essential for the PHD thesis development. On chapter two, it will be analyzed the objective and strategy of Islamic Radicalism by non-violence, which represents threats to liberal democracy by the individuals and groups that supports that ideology. On chapter three, it will be analyzed why these threats emerged and how they are so difficult to combat — because the lack of knowledge and legitimization of Islamic radicalism using non-violence by political advisors. On chapter 4, it will be analyzed the radicalization process on Islamic extremism and its combat. On chapter 5, it will be analyzed Hizb Ut Tahrir, an Islamic group that supports the ideology of Radical Islamism through nonviolence, on Great Britain from 1986 to 2015. On chapter 6, it will be tested the two principles of the rule of law required for political advisors to engage with nonviolent Islamic groups. Finally, it will be drawn the doctoral thesis conclusions.